Chapter IV: Front Matter (4)

It is my intention, when I have leisure, to write the history of this civil contention. The share you have had in it will form an interesting and important part. It will be in your power to preserve a variety of most material papers and anecdotes for such a work. May I venture to hope, that you will think me so far worthy of your confidence, and fit for such a work, as to preserve them for me? Dubious parts of history can be cleared by such documents only.

The resources of our enemy are almost annihilated in Germany; and their last resort is to the Roman Catholics of Ireland. They have already experienced their unwillingness to go, every man of a regiment raised there last year having obliged them to ship him off tied and bound. And most certainly, they will desert more than any other troops whatsoever. They themselves rely upon the present campaign, so that if it should not produce something very decisive in their favor; which God forbid, we may depend upon their efforts being in the wane.

With the most ardent wishes for your success, safety, and happiness, I am, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Berlin, June 18th, 1777.

Sir,

After having duly examined the propositions, which you have been
so kind as to address to me, respecting the establishment of a
direct commerce between his Majesty’s States and the English
Colonies of America, I am of opinion with you, Sir, that it
is very probable, that even with paying the highest premium
of insurance, the scarcity and dearness of our merchandise
in America, added to the abundance and low price of your
productions, which can be advantageously sold in Europe, would
render this commerce very profitable to the two nations. Nothing
remains, therefore, but to make the essay; but a difficulty
almost insurmountable presents itself, which is, that never
having gone as far as your country, we want vessels as well as
captains, pilots, and sailors, who could or would go to such
distant seas. Besides, the vessels we have are necessary for the
interior commerce between his Majesty’s different provinces,
and for that which we carry on with France, England, and Spain.
We can only therefore try and see if there are any proprietors
of vessels in Holland or Hamburg, that in consideration of a
suitable freight, will load with and carry our merchandise; and
in the second place, if insurance can be effected.

We will endeavor to obtain information on these two points, and
if it is possible to succeed by these means, after having removed
some other difficulties of less consequence, we may be able to
derive some benefit from the information, which you have been so
kind as to furnish me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

Berlin, June 20th, 1777.

Sir,

I had the honor of receiving your Excellency’s letter of the 18th this day. Upon trial, I hope the difficulties will not be found so great as your Excellency seems to imagine.

When I had the honor of conversing with your Excellency, I mentioned, that the admission of our cruisers into his Majesty’s ports to supply themselves with necessaries, careen, and sell their prizes in a secret manner, would be attended with great advantages. It is the only method of establishing a commerce, at present, from America hither, in the commodities and vessels of the States; for the privateers take in a light cargo from America, which they bring to the ports where they are permitted; this they exchange for necessary supplies, and then make a cruise, by the profits of which they are enabled to purchase a cargo of such manufactures as are wanted in America, with which they return.

If I had his Majesty’s permission to signify, that our cruisers would be received in his ports upon this footing, as they are in the south, I can have no doubt but that this species of commerce would soon take place; and most assuredly, the advantages of it to those ports, and consequently to his Majesty’s kingdom, would be very considerable. Without such permission, our cruisers will be obliged to send the prizes they make in the northern seas to the south, or directly to America, and will have no means of commerce or communication with his Majesty’s dominions.

In about two days I purpose quitting Berlin on my return, before which I hope to hear from your Excellency on this important subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Berlin, June 26th, 1777.

Sir,

After having testified to you, in my letter of the 18th instant, the inclination we have to establish a direct commerce with the Colonies of North America, provided we can succeed in surmounting the difficulties which are in the way, it only remains for me to answer you respecting the free admission of your privateers into our ports, of which you wrote me in your letter of the 20th. I can assure you, Sir, that the king is very much disposed to please your constituents; but, on the other hand, his Majesty in the present circumstances, as you well know, cannot embroil himself with the Court of London. Moreover, our ports have ever hitherto received only merchant vessels, and no ships of war nor privateers have ever entered there, so that the officers established in our ports would be embarrassed how to conduct themselves on such an occasion, the usages customarily observed in this respect being totally unknown to them.

We must therefore inform ourselves, in what manner the Courts of France and Spain act, and of the formalities they observe towards your privateers, and how they grant free admission to the latter, consistent with the connexions of friendship, which they at the same time support with Great Britain. The result of this information will decide whether, and on what conditions, the desired permission can be granted, and it will afford me pleasure, Sir, to inform you as soon as possible of the measures his Majesty shall think proper to adopt.

I have the honor of being, &c.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.

Berlin, June 28th, 1777.

Dear Sirs,

I have not yet received a line from you. It is not easy to divine the reason for so long a silence.

There are for sale here, and deliverable in any port in France, fourteen thousand weight of brass cannon, at six guineas the quintal, and six thousand to be melted down at five guineas and a half. They are six, twelve, and twentyfour pounders. The expense of freight and insurance to Nantes or elsewhere will be added to this price.

Two days ago, while I was at dinner, my bureau was broken open, and some papers stolen out, which were in my _porte-feuille_. The English Ambassador happened to be in the hotel where I lodge, when I discovered the robbery. Upon being informed that I was gone to the Governor, and that the suspicion fell upon one of his servants, he went away in great confusion, and in half an hour the _porte-feuille_ with all the papers were laid down at the door, and the person ran off undiscovered. The examinations that have been taken charge his servant with having repeatedly told the servants of the hotel, that his master would give two thousand ducats for my papers. The landlord, who charged his servant with it before him, deposes, that he said he would send the servant to answer for himself, but the servant never appeared. Prince Colberg, who was also present, deposes, that he immediately quitted the room in the greatest confusion. The whole is before the king. The return of the papers, (those which he particularly wanted not having been left in the bureau,) disappointed him of his object, while the whole odium rests upon him.

I shall leave this on Thursday next, and expect to be at Strasburg in twelve days from thence, so that a letter will meet me there by return of post.

I am, with the greatest esteem, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

Translation.

Berlin, June 29th, 1777.

Sire,

The singular wisdom, by which your Majesty has raised your kingdom to so flourishing a state, the wise measures, which have carried the prosperity of your dominions to a truly astonishing degree, do not prevent me from being so bold, as to say to your Majesty, that there are yet means of increasing the number and the wealth of your subjects.

Nothing is more true, than that the wealth of kings depends upon the number of their subjects. Ancient and modern history will show, without an exception, that commerce is the mother of population. There is no need of citing proofs of this to the most learned king that ever lived. Such is the fact, and the reason is plain. It is then reasonable to say, that the king, who is desirous of increasing as much as is possible the number of his subjects, should establish and encourage commerce in his dominions.

Your Majesty’s dominions are admirably situated for commerce. Three large rivers, which run through them, must furnish the greatest facilities for it. What then is wanting? Merely an object sufficiently distant to form sailors, and sufficiently extensive to establish and support trade. Such an object is America; and the unexpected events, which have made the trade of that country free, afford inducements for it. The monopoly of this trade, which, in the opinion of that great and wise man, Mr Pitt, supported the power of England, no longer exists, and, without a miracle, will never exist again. The nations that shall endeavor to obtain a part of it for themselves, by furnishing to a young and grateful people the means of resisting their oppressors, will be very successful. But those, who wish to await in tranquillity the event of this war, ought not to expect to turn trade from the course, in which custom and gratitude, before that time, will have fixed it. The present, therefore, is the proper time for those to begin, who wish to enjoy for the future the commerce of America.

But there are obstacles to this trade; for, in the first place, you have no vessels of war to cause your flag to be respected. But, Sire, you have the best regiments in the world; and Great Britain, destitute as she is of wise counsels, is not, however, so foolish as to incur the risk of compelling your Majesty to join your formidable forces to those of her rival. Besides, such is the present weakness of England, so pressed and exhausted is she by the war with America, that she is obliged to blind herself to still harder things, which are carried on immediately before her eyes.

Secondly. It is not practicable to have at the same time an army so numerous as that of your Majesty, and a respectable fleet, since the latter would require too many men, and destroy the country. This reasoning would be sound, if population were diminished by commerce. But the contrary is the fact. In place of diminishing, it increases it. Thus the most commercial countries are always the most populous. Population is always proportioned to the means of living. Commerce, by increasing these means, increases the population. Instead therefore of increasing the consequences of a numerous army, commerce is their most certain remedy.

Thirdly. Sailors are wanting for the enterprise. It is the enterprise itself that must form sailors. A handful of experienced sailors are enough to encourage others; and the matter once put in a good train will go on successfully by itself. If your Majesty’s ports were open for the entrance of our armed vessels, if they could there deliver their cargo, refit, and sell their prizes secretly, then the instructions and the encouragement, which they would give to your sailors, and particularly if some of them were allowed to make a voyage in our vessels, would in a short time form sailors of your own subjects, and would draw a number of them from other countries into your ports, by the desire of going on a cruise to America.

But it may be said, this would be taking an active part in the affair, and deciding for the independence of America.

Not more than it is already decided by the fact, nor more than is authorised by the laws of nations, founded on the just interests and the wants of a State. The fact is, that we have the sword in our hand and that we are making war openly. Are there more convincing proofs of actual independence? We are in the possession of the country, the articles of commerce are the produce of our labors, and belong to us. They are ours by right and in fact, and it belongs to us alone to dispose of them. Is it necessary then, that other nations should wait and suffer the most pressing want, while the English are using their utmost exertions to ruin us, and to wrest from us our property in order to sell it to them? Or can they not go there, buy the commodities of which they are in want, and with which the English can no longer furnish them, without violating the character of neutral nations? It is not difficult to say which is most agreeable to reason, and consequently to the rights of nations. Neutral nations, in carrying on this trade, decide as to the fact, and not as to the right. This is the distinction which the laws of England make; since the English are allowed to obey the actual, or _de facto_ power, although it should not be so by right, or _de jure_. Besides, the English acknowledged the Duke of Braganza as king of Portugal, and received his Ambassadors, in the year 1641, for this reason, that he had been called to the crown by the unanimous consent of the people. Congress is established on the same foundation. The assemblies of the States choose the members of Congress, and empower them annually; and these assemblies are chosen by the whole people. Can there be a consent more unanimous, or more maturely given? Will your Majesty allow me here to adduce some authorities on this subject?

Charles, Duke of Sudermania, having been crowned king of Sweden at the commencement of the 17th century, sent James Vandyck into France, and offered to Henry the Great the renewal of the treaties and alliances, which had before been made between these two powers. Vandyck showed, that the advantages which France would derive from the commerce of Sweden would be so considerable, that the king listened to the proposals of this Minister, and was desirous to conclude a treaty with him. There was nothing to prevent him from doing it, except that the action of Charles, who had usurped the crown from Sigismond, his nephew, after the latter had been chosen king of Poland, was the more odious, as the pretext of religion was the cause of the revolution. It was also taken into consideration in France, that the king of Denmark, who was no friend to Charles, might form an alliance against him with his brother in law the king of England. But notwithstanding all this, M. de Villeroy, in writing to Jeannin, April 8th, 1608, speaks plainly, and says; “All these reasons and considerations would not prevent the king from making a treaty with Charles, if he should find it for his interest, and that of his kingdom to do so.”--_Wickfort_, p. 26. The example of Henry the Great is worthy of a prince, who has no less claim to this title.

Vatel, in examining the same question, says; “Foreign powers conform in this case to the possession, if the advantage of their own affairs incites them to do so. There is no rule more certain, more conformable to the right of the people, and to the independence of nations. Since foreigners have no right to concern themselves with the domestic affairs of a people, they are not obliged to examine and to search into their conduct in these same affairs, in order to determine the justice or injustice; of it; they can, if they think proper, suppose that the right is annexed to the possession.”

The advantages, which your Majesty’s dominions would derive from the commerce of America, cannot but be very great. It would be a new market, and one always increasing with the rapid increase of population in America, for woollen and linen cloths, porcelain, and all sorts of manufactures in iron. The returns would be in tobacco, indigo, linseed, cotton, and peltry.

It is true, that these advantages will be very much diminished by the ravages of the English and their mercenaries, if we are to contend alone against their whole force, with the immense difficulty of obtaining from Europe arms and ammunition, after a thousand evasions, great risk, and loss of time. It is for your Majesty, in conjunction with some other European powers, to put a stop to these ravages by a commercial alliance with the United States.

There is no name so highly respected among us as that of your Majesty. Hence there is no king, the declaration of whose friendship would inspire our people with so much courage, and add so much force to our cause.

I rely on your Majesty’s goodness to pardon me for entering into this long detail, and for suggesting thoughts so unworthy of your attention, and so badly expressed in a language which I have but cursorily learnt.[18] But I prefer writing incorrectly, to communicating to any one what I have the honor of offering to the consideration of your Majesty.

I have the honor to be, Sire, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[18] This letter was drawn up and communicated in the French language.

TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

Berlin, July 1st, 1777.

Sire,

Having been robbed in your city of Berlin, in a most extraordinary manner, I have thus far relied on the common police. But as it seemed very probable, that the individual who committed this robbery cannot be prosecuted by the common police, I am obliged to disturb your Majesty’s quiet, and to request that an audience may be granted to me, in order to make my complaint, and to say some things thereupon, which it is impossible to commit to paper, or to confide to any one but your Majesty.

I am, Sire, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

THE KING OF PRUSSIA TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Potsdam, July 2d, 1777.

The King having received Mr Lee’s letter, dated Berlin, 1st July, and his complaint of the robbery that has been committed, is pleased to return him for answer, that his Majesty has just ordered his Minister of State, Baron de Schulenburg, to hear what he has further to offer on the subject; that for this purpose Mr Lee may communicate to the said Minister without reserve every thing he may wish to inform his Majesty of, who assures him through the present letter, that an inviolable secrecy and profound silence shall be observed, respecting the overtures he may think proper to make through this channel.

FREDERIC.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.

Berlin, July 6th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I informed you in my last of the 28th, of my having been robbed of my papers and having retrieved them in a few hours. Whether they were read I cannot ascertain, but I think they would never have returned them had they known their contents. My journal book, which was among them, contains all our transactions in France and Spain. You will therefore judge whether it be proper to guard those Courts against any complaints from England. As they have returned the evidence of what they will allege, it may well be treated as a forgery.

I have just learnt, that the Envoy has despatched his Secretary to London, but whether to guard against the storm, which he expects his indiscretion will excite from hence, or to give the intelligence he obtained, or both, I know not. I have thought it prudent to wait here some days, to see whether the ill humor he has excited will furnish a favorable opportunity of obtaining something, but I shall leave this place next week, unless something from you should stop me; hitherto I have not been favored with a single line. I see in the English papers, that cruisers are sent to the Baltic, which I am afraid are against Wickes. Perhaps you will think it proper to change the name of Boux’s ship, to embarrass their complaints to the States, should they make any. I enclose you the price of several articles we want, and which seem to be cheaper here than in France. Adieu.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, July 29th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of informing the Committee of my proceedings at Berlin, in a letter from thence dated 11th of the last month. On my first interview with his Excellency, the Baron de Schulenburg, he informed me that upon receiving information of my intending to come to Berlin, he had written to signify the king’s resolution not to receive me as a public Minister, but that he should be glad to receive any information relative to the proposal of carrying on trade with us. I urged the example of civil wars both in England and Holland, during which public Ministers were received from them by neutral powers, without its being deemed as an infringement of their neutrality, with many other similar instances of great authority. He answered, that his Majesty had pledged his honor to the king of Great Britain, not to interfere in this dispute; he therefore wished I would confine myself entirely to the subject of trade, as he could not hear any further propositions.

As I had not been expressly commissioned by Congress to the Court of Berlin, I thought it not prudent to insist upon this point; I therefore gave him what lights I could touching the proper articles of commerce, the best ports in America, and the safest means of conducting the trade. I trusted, that I should find an opening for going further upon better acquaintance and opportunity; accordingly I ventured in a little time to propose the opening of their ports to our cruisers, and allowing the sale of prizes. I was assured in answer to this proposition, that they would inquire upon what footing this was done in France and Spain, and inform me whether the same would be admitted in their ports.

Whilst I was at dinner one day, some person contrived to get into my chamber, which was locked, and break open my desk, from whence he took all my papers. I soon discovered the robbery, and alarmed the police. The English Envoy, who happened to be on a visit in the hotel when the alarm was given, immediately went home, and in a few minutes the papers were all returned, apparently unopened. The Envoy went to the king next day to excuse himself, but was not admitted. It appeared upon examination, that his servant had frequently offered a large sum to the servants of the house if they would steal my papers; but as I never went out of my room, upon the most trifling occasion, without locking them up, they were obliged to have recourse to violence. The resentment of every one at so outrageous an act was soon lost in contempt of the Envoy’s folly, for returning what he had incurred so much odium in acquiring. The Minister of State told me, they could do nothing more than to insist upon his recall, which he imagined the Envoy, considering the unfavorable light in which this action had placed him, would do himself.

I thought this a favorable opportunity of pressing for aid from the King, in artillery, arms, and money, of which I was well informed he had a considerable sum in his treasury; but I could obtain nothing but assurances of his desire to serve us if it were in his power. Upon taking leave, the Baron de Schulenburg delivered me a message from his Majesty, desiring me to assure my constituents that nothing would give him more pleasure, than to hear of their success, and that he wished whatever good news I received might be communicated to him. I did not omit to press his interposition relative to German and Russian auxiliaries. In answer to this, the Minister assured me, that we had no reason to apprehend any thing either from one or the other in future. What I have collected from various sources upon the subject is this. The German princes who have hired their troops, besides having rendered themselves exceedingly odious, have suffered greatly, and are still suffering, by the emigrations of their subjects, for fear of being forced into this service, which is excessively unpopular and odious through all Germany; under these circumstances, those princes are neither much inclined nor at all able to furnish new supplies; the troops already sent were their utmost exertions, and in all probability will be their last.

The situation of the Empress of Russia is not more favorable; she is under a constant alarm for the internal quiet of her kingdom, in which there are every where the seeds of great and dangerous discontent. A considerable force is required to preserve the acquisitions she has made in Poland. The peace with the Porte is an armed truce, which threatens to break out into action every moment. The first and most sacred principle of the Mahometan religion is the union of all Mussulmans; the dividing the Crimea from them is for this reason a mortal wound to their religious principles, and renders the late peace universally odious. Perpetual obstacles are therefore raised to the execution of it; and the Turks are openly preparing to avenge their late defeats. So circumstanced, it is certain the Empress is herself in great need of assistance, instead of being in a condition to give it; which, were she able, it is conceived she would never stoop to do as a _subsidiary_ of Great Britain in such a contest, and in such company as the little German princes. What is further security against their future efforts, is the deficiency of funds on the part of our enemies. I found their credit in Germany had been at no time lower than it is now. We have good intelligence from Holland of its falling there apace. In England men ruminate every day more deeply on the dark and ruinous prospect before them, and most assuredly their credit there is already stretched to its utmost. All this may be well conceived, from the light in which the contest has been always viewed. In England it was regarded as _unwise_; in every part of Europe as _unwise and unjust_. Nothing but the most brilliant and immediate success could have prevented the consequence of these opinions. That has not happened, and therefore they now begin to experience the bitter effects of their folly and injustice. Every day confirms me more and more in the opinion, that our enemies cannot continue the war another campaign with any effect, and that the acknowledgment of your independency will be a serious subject of deliberation among the powers of Europe the ensuing winter.

Yours, &c. ARTHUR LEE.

TO M. GERARD, SECRETARY TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, August 1st, 1777.

Sir,

Understanding that his Excellency Count de Vergennes was in Paris, I took that opportunity of endeavoring to pay my respects to him, without the parade of coming to Versailles, which, in the present state of things, may be troublesome. But if his Excellency has any desire to know what I transacted at Berlin, I shall receive his commands to attend him at Versailles with pleasure. My instructions having been to do nothing there, that might be disagreeable to this Court, I have endeavored to follow them precisely.

I beg, Sir, you will accept personally my respects, and I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.

Philadelphia, August 8th, 1777.

Sir,

We have to acknowledge yours of March 18th from Vitoria in Spain, and another of May 13th from Paris. The first falls particularly under the notice of the Committee of Commerce to whom it has been referred.

You could not, at the time of writing it, have been certified of the arrival of some interesting despatches from Congress to your colleagues in France on the 10th of that month, which might have occasioned a very considerable alteration in the politics of the Court of Versailles, which would consequently influence those of the Court of Madrid.

The intelligence contained in your last is a most pleasing confirmation of the hopes, which you had given us of pecuniary aid from Spain. Whatever tends to establish the value of our paper currency is most highly important to us. Congress will immediately go into a consideration of the several hints for this purpose given by you and Messrs Franklin and Deane. The unpleasing events in the northern department have so far engaged the attention of all public bodies, that it has been impossible for Congress to decide upon the subjects mentioned to them by you, early enough for us to forward their determinations by the present opportunity.

By our several letters despatched in the armed sloop Independence from hence, or by duplicates and gazettes sent by Mr M’Creary from Baltimore, you will know by way of Paris the history of our military affairs in a regular detail. We are at this time altogether uncertain as to Mr Howe’s destination, his fleet not having been seen since the 1st of this month. Indeed, we shall leave you for the most part to get information of our operations from the gentlemen at Paris, to whom we shall have the most direct opportunities of conveyance.

We wish you success on the embassy you are now engaged in; and we are pleased that you are so agreeably connected with Mr Sayre, whose attachment to the cause of liberty and this country has been manifested.

We are, with much regard, Sir, your friends and humble servants,

BENJAMIN HARRISON,
ROBERT MORRIS,
JAMES LOVELL.

TO THE BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

Paris, August 13th, 1777.

Sir,

Upon inquiry I find the plan for establishing assurance companies at Rouen, Nantes, and Bordeaux is not yet carried into execution, and that it respects French subjects only. At Cadiz they confine themselves to forty thousand livres in one bottom.

I am satisfied, Sir, upon the maturest reflection and consultation with my brother Commissioners, that the opening of your ports to our cruisers is the only way of commencing a commerce with effect.

Some management, which this Court thinks necessary to use with that of England, has thrown a temporary difficulty on the admission of our cruisers and prizes into the ports of France. The great profit made by privateering is an irresistible temptation to seamen, which, together with the greater demand for our navy, will render it impossible for merchant vessels to find hands to navigate them.

We have received no direct intelligence from America for two months. The English Court conceal what they receive. This however is certain, that General Howe, unable to make his way to Philadelphia through the Jerseys, has embarked his troops for some other expedition. As far, therefore, as we can judge, the campaign is not likely to be quite so brilliant as was expected.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO JAMES GARDOQUI, AT MADRID.

Paris, August 18th, 1777.

Sir,

My return from Berlin gives me an opportunity of renewing our correspondence. By what I learn from Dr Franklin, our affairs with you have taken a sudden turn, for which I am at a loss to account. If the reason be not a secret of State, that may not be communicated, you will oblige me much by letting me know it. Perhaps it may be founded on some misapprehension, which on being made known may be removed.

I was in great hopes of succeeding in my endeavors to procure the admission of our armed vessels into some northern ports, but the late manœuvres of this Court I am apprehensive will prevent it. We should by that means have relieved our southern friends from part of the burthen, which has hitherto rested on them alone, and turned both the observation and the complaints of Great Britain into another channel.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO MR GRAND.

Translation.

August 21st, 1777.

Sir,

Your idea has been thought a just one, but as it cannot as yet operate effectually, it is conceived best to reserve the execution of it until such time as will produce more desirable sensations.

The news from Holland, that certain persons of distinction are sent to America, is not confirmed from any quarter. The news from London made no mention of it. There is no doubt but that England is desirous of peace. The Minister himself wishes it, but I do not imagine that it is upon the same conditions as America. Your friends are neither just nor reasonable, if they complain of the bounds that it is necessary to set to the enterprises of their privateers. They have been informed of what can be granted to them, they have been entreated to conform to our obligations. We have exerted a patience, which they had no right to expect; but when matters are carried to excess, it is necessary to convince them that we are not insensible of it. We cannot allow the privateers of any nation whatever to come in and go out of our ports as they would their own. This is a duty imposed on us by treaties. Neither can we permit the sale of prizes. In every other respect we have shown the greatest compliance; we have even gone further than was reasonably to be expected.

It has been with the greatest regret, that some severity has been shown in a few instances, although the occasions have been many. Moreover, if I am written to on the subject, and in a suitable manner, I will give an answer; but as to what you say respecting the disposition of your friends, I perceive that sentiments of friendship have not made a deep impression on them. M. de Chaumont has informed us of their intention of selling their privateers here. Should they prefer to go away with them, let them explain themselves. I will willingly endeavor to obtain immediate permission for them, on positive condition that they will not return again. With regard to Hodge, you well know what he promised; I know not whether such tricks are allowed in America, but in France and Europe it is a very serious fault to tell the king a falsehood, which he did when he affirmed and gave security, that the vessel which sailed from Dunkirk was not designed as a privateer.

DE VERGENNES.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, September 9th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I have not heard from Berlin, relative to their determination about opening their ports to our cruisers.

The Abbé Raynal, who is just returned from a tour in England, tells me that nothing disgusts the English nation so much with the continuance of the war, as the seeing their ports filled with French ships, to carry on their commerce with other nations. Their merchants are obliged to have recourse to this expedient to screen their merchandise. I say screen, because they cannot expect, that according to the law of nations, it will be a protection when discovered. They have been driven to this necessity by the number and success of your cruisers in and about the Channel; which has raised insurance so high, that their manufactures are in danger of being augmented thereby in their price too much for the European markets.

I thought it would be useful to inform you of these facts, to show the utility of continuing and encouraging cruisers in these seas, as they may perhaps be so discouraged with the late measures in this country, which I trust will not be of long continuance, as to confine their course to the American seas.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

Paris, September 21st, 1777.

Sir,

I have the honor of enclosing to you some reasons drawn up by Doctor Franklin, for our conceiving that loans to us are more eligible on the part of the lender, than to our enemies.

Your Excellency’s determination, relative to the admittance of our armed vessels into your ports, has been waited for with great anxiety; for the most favorable season for commencing such a commerce comes on so fast, that there will be danger of its passing away unemployed, should the determination be longer delayed.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO JAMES GARDOQUI AT MADRID.

Paris, September 25th, 1777.

Sir,

I have now before me your favors of May 5th and 29th, together with the last, of the 4th of this month.

By this time I expect you have been apprized, or upon applying to those who gave you the orders you will be informed, that with regard to what has been remitted, both in money and effects, no return is expected, agreeably to what you know passed at Vitoria, and of which I informed both your Minister and my constituents in the letters, which I had the honor of reading to you at that place. It gives me great satisfaction, that every thing is thus arranged and settled; and I am relieved from the embarrassment of appearing to have understood so ill what passed, or so greatly to have misrepresented it.

We are now to begin on a new footing, and I shall take care that my constituents be duly informed, that for all the aids they receive hereafter from your quarter; they are to make returns in tobacco, pitch, tar, &c. to your house, agreeably to your letter. I beg to know by your next, whether the same arrangement is to take place for the future with regard to the deposits at the Havanna and New Orleans, or whether nothing further is to be transmitted through those channels, that if so, the trouble of sending thither and the disappointment may be prevented.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, October 6th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

From Berlin, on the 11th of June, and from this place, 29th of July, I had the honor of informing you at large of my proceedings in Prussia. Not having received an answer from that Court, relative to the reception of our privateers and their prizes in Prussian ports, I have written lately to press for one, which I hope will be favorable, as I left so friendly a disposition there, that I was desired to communicate his Majesty’s warmest wishes for our success. I mentioned too the improbability of our enemy’s receiving assistance from Russia for the next campaign, and how much their resources were exhausted in Germany.

By Captain Young I received the commands of Congress, in their commission for me to the Court of Spain. As Dr Franklin had announced his appointment, with an assurance of his readiness to repair to Madrid, as soon as that Court thought proper to receive him, it seemed unnecessary to apprize them immediately of the new appointment. During my absence in Germany, a letter was received from Monsieur Gardoqui at Bilboa, intimating an expectation of returns from you, for what was transmitted to you through their house. But upon application to his Court I am again authorised to assure you, that for the supplies already sent no return was expected, but in future, that remittances of American produce were expected for supplies through the house of Gardoqui. It is impracticable to bring them to such an explanation, as to know with certainty whether they mean this in earnest, or only as a cover, should the transaction transpire; I am inclined to think the latter; however, I wrote to M. Gardoqui in consequence, as follows. “We are now to begin on a new footing, and I shall take care that my constituents be informed, that for all the aids they receive hereafter from your quarter, they are to make returns in tobacco, pitch, tar, &c. to your house. I beg to know by your next, whether the same arrangement is to take place for the future with regard to the deposits at the Havanna and New Orleans, or whether nothing further is to be transmitted through those channels; that if so, the trouble of sending thither and the disappointment may be prevented. As the winter campaign is approaching fast, in which blankets are of the greatest utility, I wish you to send as many of them as possible.”

Upon this subject of returns, I think it my duty to state to you some facts relative to the demands of this kind from Hortalez. The gentleman, who uses this name,[19] came to me about a year and a half ago in London, as an agent from this Court, and wishing to communicate something to Congress. At our first interview he informed me, that the Court of France wished to send an aid to America of £200,000 sterling in specie, arms, and ammunition, and that all they wanted was to know through which island it was best to make the remittance, and that Congress should be apprized of it. We settled the Cape as the place, and he urged me by no means to omit giving the earliest intelligence of it, with information, that it would be remitted in the name of Hortalez. At our next meeting he desired me to request, that a small quantity of tobacco, or some other production, might be sent to the Cape, to give it the air of a mercantile transaction, repeating over and over again, that it was for a cover only, and not for payment, as the remittance was gratuitous. Of all this I informed Dr Franklin, Chairman of the Committee, by sundry opportunities. At the same time, I stated to Monsieur Hortalez, that if his Court would despatch eight or ten ships of the line to our aid, it would enable us to destroy all the British fleet, and decide the question at one stroke. I repeated this to him in a letter after his return to Paris, to which the answer was, that there was not spirit enough in his Court for such an exertion, but that he was hastening the promised succors. Upon Mr Deane’s arrival the business went into his hands, and the aids were at length embarked in the Amphitrite, Mercure, and Seine. The Minister has repeatedly assured us, and that in the most explicit terms, that no return is expected for these subsidies.[20]

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[19] Caron de Beaumarchais.

[20] In another part of his correspondence, Mr Lee speaks as follows on this subject.

“Three months before Mr Deane’s arrival, (in Paris) M. Beaumarchais settled with me in London the sending these supplies of money and munitions of war, by the Cape, under the firm of Hortalez & Co., and that I should apprize Congress of it, which I did by Mr Story and other opportunities, as the gentlemen of the Secret Committee know. Upon M. de Beaumarchais’ return to Paris, he wrote me several times concerning these supplies, mentioning the difficulties which arose in the execution, from the timidity of the Court, but that he was putting it into the mercantile train, which would soon overcome all difficulties. I did not fail to press the despatch of them, and proposed too the sending some ships of war to protect our coast, exactly similar to what we were afterwards instructed by Congress to obtain.

“I do not state this to assume any merit to myself for these supplies. I had none. M. de Beaumarchais sought me out in London. He found me by means of Mr Wilkes, and communicated to me what I was to convey to Congress; that the sum of two hundred thousand louis d’ors from this Court were ready for our support. It was therefore no address of mine, that procured this aid. I was only the instrument of conveying this intelligence. As far as I know, the merit is due to M. de Beaumarchais. I never refused it to him. But I objected to his making demands directly contrary to what he had repeatedly assured me, and not only desired but urged me to report to Congress.”

On the 16th of September, 1778, Count de Vergennes wrote as follows to M. Gerard, at that time French Minister in the United States.

“Mr Franklin and his colleagues wish to know what articles have been furnished to them by the King, and what M. de Beaumarchais has furnished on his own account; and they have insinuated to me, that Congress is in the belief, that all the articles which have been sent, of at least a great part of them, were on his Majesty’s account. I have just answered them, that the King has furnished nothing; that he has simply permitted M. de Beaumarchais to be provided with articles from his arsenals, upon condition of replacing them.”

BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Berlin, October 8th, 1777.

Sir,

I should not have deferred thus long answering the two letters, which you did me the honor to write me the 13th of August and 21st of September last, if I could have announced anything favorable to your wishes. But the King, notwithstanding his good inclinations towards your nation, not judging it suitable to grant to your privateers a free commerce with his ports, at a time when even France, notwithstanding the considerable benefits she begins to derive from the trade with America, has thought proper to pay a deference to the representations of the English Ministers, I imagined, that you would have inferred from my silence, Sir, that what I had to say would not correspond with your views. We must wait for more favorable circumstances to begin a commercial connexion between the two people, which his Majesty will receive great pleasure in seeing increase, whenever it will not engage him in measures contrary to his principles. In the mean time, Sir, I shall always be very happy in receiving any information from you concerning the situation of your affairs.

I am under many obligations to you, Sir, for the Memorial which you were so kind as to send me. I find it very well written, and it will no doubt make a proper impression in those countries, where it is an object of speculation to put out money with foreign nations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

Paris, October 23d, 1777.

Sir,

I had the honor of receiving your favor of the 8th a few days since. I cannot express my regret at not having been able to form a connexion between those, whom I represent, and a monarch whom I know my countrymen respect as the first in Europe, for wisdom and valor. Any instance of friendship and approbation from a prince so respected, would have added lustre even to the illustrious cause in which we are contending.

On a subject of such dignity, I should have been happy to see his Majesty give, not receive, an example from the rest of Europe. It is not fit that the timid should lead the brave, or the weak direct the wise. Satisfied, as I am, of his Majesty’s good disposition towards the United States, I trust the motives which oppose a declaration of it will not outlast a conviction, that our enemies cannot with all their exertions wrest from us the sword, the possession of which is the most substantial proof of independency.

In the meantime, I cannot help so far presuming upon his Majesty’s graciousness, and your Excellency’s goodness, as to hope that you will enable me to inform my constituents, if there is any likelihood of our enemies drawing recruits or reinforcements from Germany, Russia, or Denmark for the next campaign. It is to that we must now look, the present not promising anything decisive, and the malignity of our enemies urging them to continue injuring us, though at the hazard of their own ruin. If your Excellency, therefore, will have the goodness to inform me whether we have anything, and what, to fear from those quarters, it will be remembered with the greatest gratitude. At the same time, give me leave to hope, that his Majesty will use his influence to prevent the success of their applications on this subject.

With respect to France having yielded to the representations of the English Ambassador, the fact is, that she adheres to her treaties with England, which admit not our armed vessels to stay in her ports, except in case of necessity, where reparations are requisite and indispensable. And as it is both the interest and inclination of our cruisers to keep the sea as long as they are able, the acting consistent with their treaties is sufficient for us. We meant to ask no more of his Prussian Majesty; nor that the sale of prizes should be openly practised, so as to give just cause of complaint.

Two packets have arrived here without their despatches, having been obliged to throw them overboard by being closely pursued. We are, therefore, without any late authentic intelligence; the immediate communication of any such as reaches us your Excellency may rely upon.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

Paris, November 13th, 1777.

Sir,

Since I had the honor of answering your Excellency’s favor of the 8th of October, a commission has been received, appointing William Lee Commissioner of Congress to the Court of Berlin, with powers to negotiate a treaty of amity and commerce with the king of Prussia. The great knowledge of this gentleman in commerce will enable him to throw far more light on that object, than I was able to communicate.

I am persuaded, Sir, that with the assistance he can give, a happy foundation at least may be laid for effectuating his Majesty’s wishes on that subject. At the same time, he will be better able to show the value and importance of that commerce to the subjects of his Majesty, and to the prosperity of his kingdom.

Your Excellency will have the goodness to communicate to us his Majesty’s pleasure relative to this Commissioner’s coming to Berlin, in which he will entirely conform himself to the King’s sentiments.

The entire discomfiture of General Burgoyne, and the northern expedition, as well as the untruth of what was circulated about General Howe’s success, with the sole view of diverting the public attention from the ill success of the Canadian armament, is now universally acknowledged in England. We have received no despatches on the subject. But from the place he is in, we are satisfied General Howe will meet with a manly opposition.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO MESSRS GARDOQUI AND SONS AT BILBOA.

Paris, November 15th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I have learnt from America, that there was a difficulty on the arrival of the supplies sent to America through your house, in knowing whether they were for Congress, or for Mr Gerry, to whom they were consigned. Possibly you explained that to Mr Gerry, and his absence might have occasioned the doubt. At all events, you will have the goodness in future to write so clearly as to prevent any mistake of that kind.

When any prize, made by any continental armed vessel in the service of the United States, is sent into Bilboa or the adjacent port, you have my authority to sell her to the best advantage, reserving half the proceeds for the Congress at my disposal, as their representative in Spain. The other half is the property of the captain and the crew.

I beg you will inform me, by return of post, what interest you give for money put into your hands. They give here at the rate of six per cent, on condition that it be not drawn out of their hands under one month’s notice. If your terms are as good, I should prefer depositing what I have with you.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, November 27th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

Since writing the enclosed, I received a letter from the king of Prussia’s minister, informing me that his Majesty cannot at present open his ports to American armed vessels and the sale of their prizes, as he finds it is not permitted in France. I have apprized the minister of the late appointment by Congress to his Court, and do not think it improbable but that the king will in a little time be prevailed upon to wink at the above measure being executed, though he will not openly approve of it till an arrangement is made for acknowledging your independency. This will probably come under serious consideration before the winter ends, if General Howe should not be successful.

The last letter I received from the Prussian Minister contains the following paragraph.