Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

The second body, being Hessians, are to march this day for Stade, and the third on the 14th of next month; these are for Boston. Lord Cornwallis, with six regiments, to sail immediately from Cork for Virginia, where General Clinton is to take the command. They have certain assurances of being joined by the Scotch in Virginia, and those on the borders of North Carolina under the command of one M’Donald. In the mean time, they have been directed to protect themselves under a treaty of neutrality. Besides this land force, Lord Howe is to have a fleet of seventytwo sail to block up the coast. For this purpose large ships are to be stationed at the mouths of the great rivers, and the rest are to cruise at some distance from the coast three deep, but not in file, so as to render it more difficult to cross them. They are to get possession of New York and Hudson’s river, so as to cut off all south and north communications, and they have some idea of attacking Canada too, by Montreal. Halifax is to be their naval magazine.

The Germans are commanded by two Lieutenant Generals, of whom the eldest is named De Heister, who has some military character. This is the favorable review of their plan. On the contrary, the whole army, native and foreign, is averse to the service, so that it is much apprehended, that if the provincials are dexterous in throwing among them advantageous propositions, and faithful in performing them, the desertion will be immense. The British troops have not one in five that is a soldier, the rest are boys and debilitated manufacturers, just recruited, at the reduced standard of five feet four inches. A vast number of the best subaltern officers have quitted the service. It is thought they will make Howe commander in chief, which must disgust the German generals, who are much older. The expense will be immense, the difficulty of providing magazines immense, and another campaign hardly possible. Lord George Sackville is the minister, with absolute and hated authority even in the Cabinet.

Great expectations too are entertained from treachery in the provincials. Dr Church was in league with others, particularly Flemming the printer.[4] This I have from ministerial authority, which may be depended on. They will also endeavor to depreciate the Congress paper, by throwing in forged notes. A general of the first rank and abilities would go over, if the Congress would authorise any one to promise him a proper reception. This I had from Mr Lee, agent for Massachusetts, but it must be secret with you, as I was not to mention it.

[4] See an account of Dr Church, in Washington’s Official Letters, vol. i. p. 36.

TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.

April 15th, 1776.

Dear Sir,

On the 7th ult. the Snow, Dickinson, Captain Meston, consigned to Messrs Montandouine & Frere at Nantes, was brought into Bristol by her crew, and delivered up with all her papers. From these the ministry are apprized of all the ships, which have been sent to the different ports of France, and cruisers are despatched into the Bay of Biscay to watch them. John Sands, mate of the Dickinson, had made memorandums long before he left Philadelphia of every material transaction, which shows a premeditated plan of treachery. The proceedings of the ministry, relative to this proof of the French interposition, have not yet transpired, but France does not seem to be settled or spirited enough to enter into a war, should England resent this business.

On the 5th of this month, a fleet sailed with 2000 Brunswick troops and General Burgoyne; it is therefore understood that they are gone to succor Quebec. Six regiments, about 4000 effective men, made up with German recruits, are now ready for sailing orders at Cork. It is probable that they are destined to Quebec. The first divisions of the Hessians are not yet arrived, so that it is not likely the whole of them will sail till the latter end of May. They are, by stipulation, to serve altogether, and therefore, will go to Boston or Long Island. It is supposed the provincials will possess the strong posts on Elizabeth River, which, if in the enemy’s hands, will give them the command of Jersey, Staten Island, &c. If the provincials always have redoubts in the front and flanks of their army, it is the opinion of the ablest in the profession, that they will be better than entrenchments or lines, and will foil the regulars by breaking their line, or forcing them to sacrifice a number of men, which they cannot afford.

People here begin to feel the matter as very serious, since the publications of Dr Price and Lord Stair have convinced them, that new taxes must be imposed for supporting this armament, which it is certain will cost upwards of twelve millions. The ships sent out are exceedingly ill manned, and there is such a disposition to desertion among the German troops, that if proper offers are made to them, the ministerial people are much afraid they will desert in great numbers. They have hopes, however, that divisions will take place among the provinces, and in the Congress, as they are satisfied that firmness and unanimity will force their own terms.

The city of London has addressed the throne for an avowal of the conditions on which peace is to be restored. The answer was in effect unconditional submission. You may reckon that in July the troops will be arrived, so as to enable General Howe to take the field. Lord Howe, though he has accepted the command, is not yet sailed; he goes in the Eagle, of sixtyfour guns. He is a brave man, but has a very confused head, and is therefore very unfit for an extensive command. As there will not be above two line of battle ships, if the Congress could procure five line of battle ships from the French and Spaniards, they might destroy or drive the whole British fleet from their coasts. Adieu.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.[5]

June 3d, 1776.

Gentlemen,

The desire of the Court of France to assist may be depended on; but they are yet timid and the ministry unsettled. Turgot, lately removed, was the most averse to a rupture with England; his removal is of consequence. The contention for the lead now is between Count de Vergennes and the Duke de Choiseul; both are friends to you and for vigorous measures. The disposition in France may for these reasons be relied on. Spain is more reserved, but surely when France moves Spain will co-operate. The clear revenue from the farm of tobacco is twentyfour millions of livres to France. It has been hinted to me, that she is likely to tell Great Britain, that if England cannot furnish it, she will send for it herself. You may judge, therefore, what an important instrument that is in your hands. A Scotch banker, Sir Robert Herries, proposed to the Farmers in France to supply them at the home price here, that is, with the duty, to which they agreed. He then applied to this government for leave to import it upon paying the duties, which was refused.

In the last debate, Lord George Germain, who is undoubtedly minister, affirmed that no treaty would be held with you till you had laid down your arms. My opinion is, that independency is essential to your dignity, essential to your present safety, and essential to your future prosperity and peace. Some of the Congress correspond with Mr Jackson, of the Board of Trade, and with Mr Molleson, a Scotch merchant; the intelligence they give goes directly to the minister.

The young gentleman who will deliver this is of great worthiness, and deserves much of his country for his fidelity and zeal. Six thousand of the Hessian troops sailed last month, the remainder is not yet arrived here, so that it may be September before they reach you. In the mean time, it may be Howe’s plan to amuse you with a negotiation, which may also furnish an opportunity of feeling some pulses among you, as to the efficacy of money and promises. Beware of Joseph Reed[6] of Philadelphia. One Brooke Watson, who was permitted to travel last year from New York to Quebec, gave in a plan to the ministry for attacking Canada, and is with the invaders.

[5] There are only two fragments of the original of this letter remaining, but there is in the office a copy of the whole, endorsed as follows.

“Copy of A. Lee’s letter to the Committee of Secret Correspondence, dated June 3d, 1776, and taken from the original in the cover of a Dictionary, which was delivered to the Secretary of Congress, by Robert Morris, on the 4th of September, 1778, and to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, 7th December following.”

This copy, as well as the endorsement, is written in Mr Lovell’s hand, and attested, _James Lovell_.

[6] This suspicion was ill founded, as events proved. No man gave more substantial testimonies of his patriotism, and ardent zeal in the cause of his country, than Joseph Reed. The suspicion grew out of the circumstance, that Mr Reed had corresponded with Lord Dartmouth a year or two before, respecting the state of the Colonies.

_Record of the Committee of Secret Correspondence._[7]

Philadelphia, October 1st, 1776.

Mr Thomas Story, (who had been sent by the Committee of Secret Correspondence, December 13th, 1775, to France, Holland, and England) reported verbally as follows. “On my leaving London, Arthur Lee requested me to inform the Committee of Correspondence, that he had several conferences with the French ambassador, who had communicated the same to the French Court; that, in consequence thereof, the Duke de Vergennes had sent a gentleman to Arthur Lee, who informed him, that the French Court could not think of entering into a war with England; but that they would assist America, by sending from Holland this fall two hundred thousand pounds sterling worth of arms and ammunition to St Eustatia, Martinique, or Cape François; that application was to be made to the governors or commandants of those places, by inquiring for _Monsieur Hortalez_, and that, on persons properly authorised applying, the above articles would be delivered to them.”

The above intelligence was communicated to the subscribers this day, being the only two members of the Committee of Secret Correspondence now in this city; and on our considering the nature and importance of it, we agree in opinion, that it is our indispensable duty to keep it a secret, even from Congress, for the following reasons.

First. Should it get to the ears of our enemies at New York, they would undoubtedly take measures to intercept the supplies, and thereby deprive us, not only of these succors, but of others expected by the same route.

Secondly. As the Court of France have taken measures to negotiate this loan and succor in the most cautious and most secret manner, should we divulge it immediately, we may not only lose the present benefit, but also render that Court cautious of any further connexion with such unguarded people, and prevent their granting other loans and assistance that we stand in need of, and have directed Mr Deane to ask of them; for it appears from all our intelligence that they are not disposed to enter into an immediate war with Great Britain, though disposed to support us in our contest with them; we, therefore, think it our duty to cultivate their favorable disposition towards us, and draw from them all the support we can; and in the end their private aid must assist us to establish peace, or inevitably draw them in as parties to the war.

Thirdly. We find, by fatal experience, that the Congress consists of too many members to keep secrets, as none could be more strongly enjoined than the present embassy to France, notwithstanding which, Mr Morris was this day asked by Mr Reese Meredith, whether Dr Franklin and others were really going ambassadors to France; which plainly proves, that this Committee ought to keep this secret, if secrecy is required.

Fourthly. We are of opinion, that it is unnecessary to inform Congress of this intelligence at present, because Mr Morris belongs to all the committees that can properly be employed in receiving and importing the expected supplies from Martinique, and will influence the necessary measures for that purpose; indeed, we have already authorised William Bingham to apply at Martinique and St Eustatia for what comes there, and remit part by the armed sloop Independence, Captain Young, promising to send others for the rest.

Mr Morris will apply to the Marine Committee to send other armed vessels after her, and also to Cape François, (without communicating this advice), in consequence of private intelligence lately received, that arms, ammunition, and clothing can now be procured at those places.

But should any unexampled misfortune befall the States of America, so as to depress the spirits of Congress, it is our opinion, that, on any event of that kind, Mr Morris (if Dr Franklin should be absent) should communicate this important matter to Congress, otherwise keep it until part or the whole supplies arrive, unless other events happen, to render the communication of it more proper than it appears to be at present.

B. FRANKLIN,
ROBERT MORRIS.

[7] This record was entered at the time on the Journal of the Committee, but was not made public.

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO ARTHUR LEE.

Philadelphia, October 23d, 1776.

Sir,

By this conveyance we transmit to Silas Deane, a resolve of the Honorable the Continental Congress of Delegates from the thirteen United States of America, whereby you are appointed one of their Commissioners for negotiating a treaty of alliance, amity, and commerce with the Court of France, and also for negotiating treaties with other nations, agreeably to certain plans and instructions of Congress, which we have transmitted by various conveyances to Mr Deane, another of the Commissioners. We flatter ourselves, from the assurances of your friends here, that you will cheerfully undertake this important business, and that our country will greatly benefit of those abilities and that attachment, which you have already manifested in sundry important services, which at a proper period shall be made known to those you would wish.

ROBERT MORRIS,
B. FRANKLIN.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

Paris, December 23d, 1776.

My Lord,

A very few hours after my last letter to your Lordship, brought me the desire of my country to serve her in a public character. Your Lordship, I hope, thinks too well of me to suppose I could hesitate a moment. In fact, almost the same minute saw me bid adieu, perhaps forever, to a country where from choice I had fixed my fortunes, and to a people whom I most respected and could have loved. But the first object of my life is my country; the first wish of my heart is public liberty. I must see, therefore, the liberties of my country established or perish in her last struggle.

In truth, I have long despaired even of a struggle for liberty in England; I will not insult Scotland with the idea. It is not the subtle Weddeburne, poisoning the fountain of public security, nor the ruthless Thurloe, deliberately butchering the liberties of his country, that make me despair; but yet, perhaps, the people are only not virtuous, and America may yet, with a sort of filial piety, reanimate her expiring constitution.

Our _Pater Patriae_, with whom and Mr Deane I am joined in power, is in good health and spirits. If fate will have it, that America, as she has reared her temples and her altars to liberty, must furnish her victims too, I know not where she can find a sacrifice more respectable.

Should the event of this measure be found fatal to England, it is the perfidy of her Ministers which compels it, and to which the consequences are justly imputable.

I beg your Lordship to remember me as one, who can never cease to have the most perfect esteem for you. I have communicated to the Abbé Raynal all the facts I could collect, in answer to his questions. He will write to you soon.

May I beg to be remembered to our friends in the college and to those out of it, who I hope will always do me the honor of remembering me; Colonel Barré, Mr Dunning, Dr Priestly, Dr Price, &c.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, January 3d, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of receiving your favor, announcing to me my appointment as one of the Commissioners from the Congress of the United States of America.

I cannot express how greatly I am obliged to that most respectable body, for giving me an opportunity of showing how much I prefer the service of my country, and of her present cause, to every other pursuit and situation in life.

I had the happiness of joining Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, the day after the arrival of the former at this place.

We have employed every moment in preparing the way for fulfilling the purposes of our mission. It is impossible to say yet, in what degree we shall be able to accomplish our instructions and our wishes.

The politics of this Court are in a kind of trembling hesitation. It is in consequence of this, that the promises, which were made to me by the French agent in London, and which I stated to you by Mr Story and others, have not been entirely fulfilled. The changing of the mode of conveying what they promised was settled with Mr Deane, whom Mons. Hortalez, or Beaumarchais, found here upon his return from London, and with whom therefore all the arrangements were afterwards made.

I hope you will have received some of the supplies long before this reaches you; infinitely short as they are of what was promised in quantity, quality, and time, I trust they will be of very material service in the operations of the next campaign. It is that, to use the words of our arch enemy, to which we must look forward, and no exertions in preparing for it can be too great, because the events of it must be very decisive.

I have the honor of being, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

FROM THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, January 5th, 1777.

Sir,

The Congress, the better to defend their coasts, protect their trade, and drive off the enemy, have instructed us to apply to France for eight ships of the line, completely manned, the expense of which they will undertake to pay. As other princes of Europe are lending or hiring their troops to Britain against America, it is apprehended, that France may if she thinks fit afford our Independent States the same kind of aid, without giving England any first cause of complaint. But if England should on that account declare war, we conceive, that by the united force of France, Spain, and America, she will lose all her possessions in the West Indies, much the greatest part of that commerce, which has rendered her so opulent, and be reduced to that state of weakness and humiliation which she has, by her perfidy, her insolence, and her cruelty, both in the east and the west, so justly merited.

We are also instructed to solicit the Court of France for an immediate supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a large quantity of ammunition and brass field pieces, to be sent under convoy. The United States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery, and ammunition, and to defray the expense of the convoy. This application has now become the more necessary, as the private purchase made by Mr Deane of those articles is rendered ineffectual, by an order forbidding their exportation.

We also beg it may be particularly considered, that while the English are masters of the American seas, and can without fear of interruption, transport with such ease their army from one part of our extensive coast to another, and we can only meet them by land marches, we may possibly, unless some powerful aid is given us, or some strong diversion be made in our favor, be so harassed and be put to such immense distress, as that finally our people will find themselves reduced to the necessity of ending the war by an accommodation.

The Courts of France and Spain may rely, with the fullest confidence, that whatever stipulations are made by us, in case of granting such aid, will be ratified and punctually fulfilled by the Congress, who are determined to found their future character with regard to justice and fidelity on a full and perfect performance of all their present engagements.

North America now offers to France and Spain her amity and commerce. She is also ready to guaranty in the firmest manner to those nations all her present possessions in the West Indies, as well as those they shall acquire from the enemy, in a war that may be consequential of such assistance as she requests. The interests of the three nations are the same. The opportunity of cementing them and of securing all the advantages of that commerce, which in time will be immense, now presents itself. If neglected, it may never again return. And we cannot help suggesting, that a considerable delay may be attended with fatal consequences.[8]

[8] There is no reply to this letter on record. It is probable, that a verbal message was communicated in reply by M. Gerard, as may be judged from the letter directed to him, which immediately follows.

B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.

THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. GERARD.

Paris, January 14th, 1777.

We thank M. Gerard for the polite and explicit manner in which he has communicated his Majesty’s message.

We beg to return our most grateful sense of the gracious intentions, which his Majesty has had the goodness to signify to our States, and to assure his Majesty that we shall ever retain the warmest gratitude for the substantial proofs he has given us of his regard, and that we will endeavor in due time to impress our constituents with the same sentiments.

We feel the strength of the reasons his Majesty has been pleased to assign for the conduct he means to hold; and the magnanimity of his motives. We beg leave to assure his Majesty, that we shall at all times and in all things endeavor to conform ourselves to the views he has opened for us, as nothing is further from our intentions than to precipitate his Majesty into any measures, which his royal wisdom and justice may disapprove. And if in anything we should contravene those purposes, we shall always be happy and ready to amend it according to the advice and direction of government.

B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.

THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, February 1st, 1777.

Messrs Franklin, Deane, and Lee, Ministers from the Congress of the United States, beg leave to represent to his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, that besides the general alarming accounts of the success of the English against their country, they have just received authentic intelligence from England that eight thousand men, chiefly Germans, under the command of General Burgoyne, are to be sent early in the spring to America, and to be employed, with some ships of war, in the invasion of Virginia and Maryland.

That if not by some means diverted from their design, it will be in their power to destroy a great part of those States, as the houses and estates of the principal inhabitants are situated on the navigable waters, and so separated from each other as to be incapable of being defended from armed vessels conveying troops, the place of whose landing cannot be foreseen, and consequently force cannot be assembled in all places sufficient to oppose them.

That great danger is also to be apprehended from the blacks of those States, who, being excited and armed by the British, may greatly strengthen the invaders, at the same time that the fear of their insurrection will prevent the white inhabitants from leaving their places of residence and assembling in such numbers for their own defence against the English, as otherwise they might do.

That the greatest part of the tobacco of those States is probably collected as usual in the warehouses of the inspectors, which are also situated on navigable waters, and will be liable to be taken and destroyed by the invaders; that the destruction of these two States probably may make a great impression on the people in the rest, who, seeing no prospect of assistance from any European power, may be more inclined to listen to terms of accommodation.

That the supplies of arms and ammunition of war, which they have been made to expect from France, having been by various means delayed and retarded, are not likely to arrive before the commencement of the next campaign, and may perhaps be despaired of, especially if those supplies are to be carried first to the French islands.

That notwithstanding the measures taken to convince the Court of Britain that France does not countenance the Americans, that Court, according to our information, believes firmly the contrary; and it is submitted to the consideration of your Excellency, whether, if the English make a conquest of the American States, they will not take the first opportunity of showing their resentment, by beginning themselves the war that would otherwise be avoided; and perhaps beginning it as they did the last, without any previous declaration.

That upon the whole, we cannot on this occasion omit expressing our apprehensions, that if Britain is now suffered to recover the Colonies, and annex again their great growing strength and commerce to her own, she will become in a few years the most formidable power, by sea and land, that Europe has yet seen, and assuredly, from the natural pride and insolence of that people, a power to all the other States the most pernicious and intolerable.

We would therefore with all deference submit it to the wisdom of his Majesty and his Ministers, whether, if the independence of the United States of America, with the consequent diminution of British power, and the freedom of commerce with them, be an object of importance to all Europe, and to France in particular, this is not the proper time for effectual exertions in their favor; and for commencing that war, which can scarcely be much longer avoided, and which will be sanctified by this best of justifications, that a much injured and innocent people will thereby be protected and delivered from cruel oppression, and secured in the enjoyment of their just rights; than which, nothing can contribute more to the glory of his Majesty and of this nation.

B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Nantes, February 11th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

I received the enclosed despatches at this place on my way to Spain. By the information I have from London, which I think may be depended upon, the plan of operations is for Howe and his recruited army to act against New England, while Carleton makes his way over the lakes to keep the middle Colonies in awe; and Burgoyne, with an armament from England of ten thousand, if it can be procured, invades the South, probably Virginia and Maryland.[9]

The intelligence from England is, that ten thousand Germans are actually engaged; while the French Minister and the Spanish Ambassador both assure us, that it is with very great difficulty the enemy can procure the recruits necessary to keep up the number formerly stipulated. That the force of their different armaments will fall greatly short of what they intend, I believe, but it seems to me almost certain that the three attacks will be made.

That their utmost efforts will be made this campaign is infallible, because nothing is more certain, than that the present state of Europe forbids every expectation of their being long unemployed nearer home. If, therefore, they do not succeed this year against us, there is an end of their prospects of ravage and revenge. Even at this moment, they have put every thing at hazard; England, Ireland, and Hanover being left almost defenceless by their efforts against us. I should submit whether it is not fit that it should be made known to the army, that the forces to be sent this year, both from England and Germany, are new raised, and therefore totally undisciplined. Because the attacking such troops on their first arrival, would be taking them in their weakest state, and they ought not to carry with them the terror of disciplined troops, which, in fact, they are not, and of which it would encourage their opponents to be apprized.

The French Minister told me when I took leave, that the king of Great Britain had endeavored in vain to get troops in Germany to supply the place in Hanover of those whom he sent to garrison Gibraltar. All these things concur to show, that they are pressed on every side to make the last effort against our liberties, which I trust will be met with proportionable exertions on our part, and under the providence of Heaven defeated.

The losses, which the enemy’s West India trade has suffered by captures this year, have determined the government to make provision against it in future, by sending a number of armed cutters, which will take the small cruisers which have hitherto been so successful against their West Indiamen. These too are to be armed as in time of war; I therefore submit to your consideration the propriety of marking out another line of cruising for the small privateers, and sending such only into the Gulf as are of force to drive off the cutters, and make prize of the armed West Indiamen.

Whatever orders you have for me will be forwarded from the ports of Spain, and I must beg a few blank commissions for privateers, as it will be one part of my endeavors to excite merchants in Spain to cruise against our enemies.

We have been so repeatedly warned of bad arms being sent from hence, that I cannot help mentioning the necessity of having the muskets proved wherever it can be done before they are paid for. This too suggests the propriety of not advancing money for goods, since though the very capital merchants in France are men of honor, and will not impose, yet the middle and lower orders of them are often directly the reverse.

Bewick & Co. at Cadiz will not pay the proceeds of the Sally to Mr Schweighauser, upon a pretence of not having any order so to do; but it seems their real design is to keep the money in their hands for what they pretend is due to them from Messrs Willing, Morris & Co. I shall endeavor to have them compelled to do justice in this business, and you will determine how far they are to be trusted for the future. A large cargo of woollens, linen, cordage, and sailcloth, will be despatched from hence in three weeks, which I hope will reach their destination in time.

I could have wished that my present destination had been specifically ordered by you, with regard to the Court, as that would have imported a respect and consideration for them, which might have greatly facilitated my object, which I apprehend will meet with some obstacle in the umbrage, that the want of such attention, and the apparent preference given where it is perhaps less deserved, may possibly occasion. Perhaps that may yet be remedied by some such power, if it should seem proper to you.[10]

The Corporation here have lowered the city duty on tobacco, brought from America into this port, in order to encourage a commerce with us, for which I have thought it my duty to return them thanks.

Upon examination, I find your commercial connexions here greatly deranged. It appears to have been the first plan of the Committee to place Mons. Schweighauser as a check over Mons. Penet. The established character and credit of the former were to control the confidence reposed in the latter, who, the Committee say, “had not such recommendations as they could wish.” For this purpose the consignments were to be made to Mons. Schweighauser, out of which he was to pay Mons. Penet for such goods as were shipped on your account, after being inspected and approved by the former. This was certainly a wise plan and a necessary precaution. In my humble judgment, it still continues to be absolutely necessary; but instead of the consignments having been made to Mr Schweighauser, they have been chiefly addressed directly to Penet; in consequence of this, the latter has not submitted the goods sent to the inspection of the former, and Mr Schweighauser has reason to complain of his being neglected, after an express promise given him of your consignments, without his being able to conceive in what he has offended. These are facts which I think it my duty to state to you. Mons. Montanduine and Mons. Schweighauser are certainly the first in rank and reputation here. It is of much more consequence, that merchants of this description should be your correspondents here, than it is in England, because they have an influence with government which those of an inferior order have not. Of this order is Mr Gruel, and still lower M. Penet; but the credit and character of the former are exceedingly well established.

The rigor of the season, the badness of the roads, and the slowness of conveyance in Spain will protract my journey miserably, but you may depend upon my using every diligence to reach my destination in time to make the best advantage of the present critical situation of affairs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

[9] This intelligence, which was entirely erroneous, was probably sent into France by design, with a view of creating there a false impression as to the real plans of the British Government.

[10] The following extract of a letter from the Commissioners to the Committee of Secret Correspondence, will show the origin of Mr Lee’s journey to Spain.

_Paris, February 6th, 1777._--“Finding that our residence here together is nearly as expensive as if we were separate, and having reason to believe that one of us might be useful in Madrid, and another in Holland and some Courts further northward, we have agreed that Mr Lee go to Spain, and either Mr Deane or myself (Dr Franklin) to the Hague. Mr Lee sets out tomorrow, having obtained passports, and a letter from the Spanish Ambassador here, to the Minister there. The journey to Holland will not take place so soon. The particular purposes of these journies we cannot prudently now explain.”

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Nantes, February 14th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

The enclosed book is esteemed a work of genius, and as such I have thought it proper to be sent to you. We were acquainted with the author in Paris, who is a man of very high character and so strongly our friend, that I have no doubt if the want of his second volume, which is not yet published, should render any explanation necessary, he will give it with pleasure.

Since I had the honor of writing yesterday, Mr Thomas Morris has informed me of the agreement, which he has just concluded with the Farmers-General for all the tobacco that shall arrive here on your account, at seventy livres a hundred. It was probably in contemplation of this, that they refused to sign the treaty with us, after they had pledged their word for it. Our object was to interest government here through them in our commerce, so much as to secure their utmost protection of it; to insure the exports of our produce, which we apprehended the scarcity of shipping and sailors would render impracticable in our own bottoms, and to command a considerable advance of ready money for a full supply of arms, ammunition, rigging, &c. which we might convey with more certainty under their protection. To compass these objects we were induced to offer them such tempting terms. The price they have now agreed to give is certainly a good one, but I fear it will not retrieve us from our difficulties, as there is no advance stipulated, and the difficulty of exportation seems to increase daily.

Our latest intelligence from England informs us, that a bill is now passing for granting letters of marque against you, or rather for repealing so much of their former act, as confined it to the navy. The press there still continues very violent, but not equally productive; that, together with the great preparations of France and Spain, seems to render the continuance of peace for many months impossible. From every thing that I can learn, their armaments against you will be very late, if the situation of Europe will suffer them at all; but it is best to prepare for their plan, as if it would be executed in its fullest extent, for it is impossible to have such reliance upon the politics of Europe, as would justify the hazarding much upon their issue.

I believe you have not yet been apprized of what it may be material for you to know, which is, that the British government offered to deliver the prisoners, taken on Long Island, to the East India Company to be sent to their settlements, if the Company would send for them to Gibraltar. This proposition is upon record in the Company’s books, a general court having been held expressly upon it.

I have the honor of being, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

FROM JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.

Madrid, February 17th, 1777.

Sir,

My person and house, in the commercial way, are well known in the American Colonies, not only on account of our long standing correspondence of thirty to forty years, but also on that of the true affection with which we have endeavored to serve them. I am lately arrived at Madrid on some particular affairs, which have occasioned my treating with the ministers of State, who have honored me with their especial favors and trust, and of course this has led me into the bottom of the principal affairs of Europe, among which I have talked about your coming from Paris to Spain, undoubtedly with the design of treating on the subject of the Colonies, as I judge they have already done, and continue doing at Paris. But I have heard that in such a small place as Madrid it would be absolutely impossible to remain incog, either by your own or any other name, and you would of course be spied by the gentlemen here who have a real interest therein, and consequently you could not treat with the ministers without hurting the Colonies in the highest degree by your own doings; and, besides, you would set this Court at variance without success. I judge you will improve the opportunity which offers by chance, and I think is an excellent one, and have therefore no objections to hint it to you; being fully assured that it will cause no displeasure here.

The Marquis of Grimaldi intends to set out soon for Biscay, and I propose to do the same for my house at Bilboa, all which we shall so manage as to meet one and the other at Vitoria, where we shall tarry under some good disguise until our mutual arrival; and as this noble minister has had to this day the entire direction of all affairs, and is of course fully acquainted with his Majesty’s intentions, I believe he is the most proper person with whom you may treat either in said place, or some country house that might be picked up for the purpose, and thereby avoid the inconveniences which must inevitably follow by your coming to Madrid. By the aforesaid belief I have given you a further proof of my attachment to the Colonies, and I must also add with all truth, that the principal persons here are of the same opinion, although the present state of affairs obliges them to make no show thereof. In short, Sir, I hope you will approve of my proposed method being the safest and most natural to carry on the views of both parties, I beg you will give me an answer through the same hands, as will deliver the present to you, not doubting that you will tarry at Vitoria until we get there, and you will also observe that you will be at full liberty to proceed to Madrid if you should judge proper, after you have talked over the matter with the said nobleman.

I have the honor to subscribe myself, &c.

JAMES GARDOQUI.

_P. S._ Having considered upon the properest place for our meeting, we have settled it on that of Burgos instead of Vitoria, which pray note accordingly, and I hope to meet you there.

[In a letter dated at Burgos, 28th February, 1777, Mr Lee replied to the above as follows. “I have the honor of yours of the 17th, and agreeable to your request will wait for you at this place.”]

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Bordeaux, February 18th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

On my arrival here, on my way to Madrid, I found a letter dated February 2d, from a confidential correspondent, which contains the following passages. “Ten thousand Germans are already engaged, and ships sent to convey them; the number of British cannot exceed three thousand, and those very indifferent; but much is expected from their being sent early. Boston is certainly to be attacked in the spring. Burgoyne will command. Howe will probably attack Philadelphia. The government expect great advantage from dissensions in Pennsylvania.”

Finding that our commerce here labors under great difficulties from the heavy duties laid on fish, oil, wax, &c., I have directed an account of it to be transmitted to your Commissioners at Paris, together with an estimate of the imports and exports during the last year from the United States, that they may be better enabled to negotiate an alleviation or removal of the duties, which were originally intended to discourage the British commerce.

I had the honor of stating to you a year ago, that tobacco was the most weighty political engine we could employ with the French Court. It is absolutely necessary to the Farmers-General, and the Farmers as absolutely necessary to government.

Mr Delap informs me that there are several more cargoes belonging to the Congress, in the hands of merchants in Spain, the proceeds of which cannot be obtained. I have written to Mr Morris, at Nantes, begging the favor of him to send me a proper account of them, that I may complain of those merchants at the Court of Spain. There is a ship at Nantes, totally deserted by her crew, which has been lying there many months unregarded, at an expense to the Congress of one hundred dollars per month. I have advised Mr Schweighauser to consult with Mr. Morris about selling her, which ought to have been done as soon as her crew quitted her.

The ship too, which was intrusted to Mr Myrkle, is lying here at a considerable charge, and no appearance of her return.

I enclose you Captain Cleveland’s account of Mr Myrkle’s conduct, which he wishes may be offered in his justification. I have referred him to Dr Franklin for advice.

I have the honor of being your obedient servant,

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.

Vitoria, February 26th, 1777.

Dear Sirs,

I am thus far safe on my journey, which by the spur of six pistoles more I am to finish two days sooner than was at first agreed. Therefore, if no accident happens, I shall reach my destination the 6th of next month. In the Committee’s letter of the 23d of October to me, it is said, “we are to negotiate with other nations agreeable to certain plans and instructions transmitted to Mr Deane.” I have none with me, nor do I remember to have seen any, but those which relate expressly to France, and that plan has already been transmitted where I am going. Nothing is more likely than my being asked what I have to propose, particularly relative to this meridian. This question was put to us on our first visit to ____ ____.[11] But the same answer will not serve here. I must entreat you, therefore, to favor me with your ideas upon this particular. What alteration would you think proper in that plan, when applied to this country? It is best to be prepared for every favorable moment that may offer. This must plead my pardon for urging as speedy an answer as possible. It would grieve me to be put to the alternative of letting a favorable opportunity pass unembraced, or of hazarding a measure of so much moment to the public, upon my weak judgment and very limited information.

With my best wishes for your health and success, and begging to be remembered kindly to our friends, I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, dear Sirs, your obedient servant,

ARTHUR LEE.

[11] This blank should probably be filled up with the name of Count d’Aranda, the Spanish Ambassador in France.

MEMORIAL,

_Delivered by Arthur Lee to the Marquis de Grimaldi_.

Burgos, March 5th, 1777.

Upon maturely weighing what his Excellency the Marquis de Grimaldi had the goodness to communicate from his Majesty, Mr Lee feels himself obliged (notwithstanding his earnest wish to coincide with his Majesty’s views, and conciliate his amity to the United States) to beg his attention to the following considerations.

1st. Were it the question now, whether Mr Lee being at Paris should come to Madrid, he might do it or not without any material consequences, but it being known, that he was deputed upon that business, and upon his way, his return without going to Madrid will beget an opinion, that Spain has renounced the States of America, in refusing to receive their deputy. For the fact of his return being notorious, and the reasons for it necessarily secret, it will make the same impression as if no such reasons existed.

This opinion will very materially injure the credit of the States in France and Holland, and it may have a very unfavorable effect in America. For it must be considered, that the fact will reach America by a thousand channels, while the reasons for it can pass through one only, and that too from the situation of things in obscure hints.

Mr Lee therefore hopes, that his Majesty will weigh these reasons before he determines finally upon a measure, which may be deemed ungracious to the Congress, and highly detrimental to their interests.

2dly. Mr Lee cannot conceive on what pretence of reason, right, or law, the English Ambassador, or his Court, can take exception to his Majesty’s receiving a deputy from the United States, since the right of a neutral Court so to do is clearly established by the unquestioned practice of all times, and recognised by the best writers on the laws of nations. Neither has the English Ambassador at Paris, or his Court, taken any exception to it there.

3dly. That it will be so far from preventing the execution of any gracious intentions his Majesty may have of assisting the States, that the best and safest channel of conveying that aid is from one from which Mr Lee’s being at Madrid will rather divert than direct the attention of England. Next to an immediate declaration, a supply of money to support the credit of the States, and pay for what is necessary, is the most effectual aid. The support of this contest calls upon the Congress for considerable funds. The means of establishing them by the export of their produce are slow and uncertain. This obliges them to have recourse for assistance to the powers that are friendly to their cause; among whom they have the greatest reliance upon his Majesty the king of Spain. This purpose will be answered by his Majesty’s ordering his Ambassador at the Hague, to authorise Sir George Grand of Amsterdam to pay the sum destined to this use to the order of B. Franklin, Silas Deane, or Arthur Lee. Sir George Grand is fixed upon as one, who has been already trusted by the Court of France in this business, and on whose attachment they can depend.

Mr Lee must beg leave to wait his Majesty’s pleasure at Burgos, or Vitoria, not at Bayonne, because he is persuaded, upon reflection, that he should incur the highest displeasure of his constituents, if he were to leave Spain without a definitive answer to the object of his mission.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Burgos, March 8th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

A person of high rank having been sent to confer with me here, I am authorised to assure you, that supplies for the army will be sent to you by every opportunity from Bilboa. I can say with certainty, that a merchant there has orders for that purpose; he is now here with me to have a list from me, and to contract for blankets, which are manufactured in this part of the country. I am also desired to inform you of ammunition and clothing being deposited at New Orleans and the Havanna, with directions to _lend_ them to such American vessels as may call there for that purpose.

I am trying to get a sum of money put into our hands immediately, that we may the more assuredly answer your bills, should you find it necessary to draw, and may pay for some ships of war in Europe. It will also be my endeavor to procure some able veteran officers from the Irish brigades in this service.

From the best authority here I am told, that the German agreement is for seven thousand recruits, and eight hundred Hessian Chasseurs. They are to sail from some German port towards the end of this month.

News is just arrived here of the death of the king of Portugal. Considerable bodies of troops have been for some time marching from Madrid towards the frontiers of that kingdom.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

MEMORIAL,

_Presented to the Court of Spain_.

Burgos, March 8th, 1777.

The present state of the dispute between America and Great Britain does not seem to be so fully understood, as to render a clear representation of it unnecessary.

America has declared herself independent, and has defeated all the efforts of Great Britain to reduce her during two campaigns. In this resistance she has hitherto stood alone and almost unassisted. Her infant and unprepared state has been compensated by her ardor, her indignation, her enthusiasm.

Great Britain, however, is determined to redouble her efforts to make this campaign decisive of the fate of America. In this situation, America offers her commerce and her friendship, which she has withdrawn from Great Britain, to Spain and France. This offer ought to be deemed of double value, because it takes from their rival and foe, what it gives to _them_. It is, therefore, taken for granted, that this is an object of the first magnitude, and worthy of the highest attention of both these Courts. It is also taken for granted, that Spain and France do not wish Great Britain should prevail in the contest, or regain America by conquest or conciliation. There remains, therefore, but this single question; whether it be more politic for the two powers to declare immediately, or to wait the event of the next campaign?

To judge of this, it will be necessary to consider what will be the probable event of the next campaign. As Great Britain is resolved to put forth her utmost strength, it is probable that the event will be, either the total reduction of America, or an accommodation founded upon a mutual conviction of each other’s strength; and this accommodation must be hastened by America being left destitute of any material assistance from Europe.

It is manifest, that the neutrality of Spain and France leaves the field open to the operations of the British force, and to the production of one of those events, either of which must be highly prejudicial to both nations and advantageous to their enemy. If Great Britain should be victorious, America will become a powerful instrument in her hands, to be wielded at her will against these countries; and that it will not remain long unemployed, no one will doubt, who knows that the Court of Great Britain is well informed of the countenance, at least, given to what they call a most dangerous rebellion, and that the head of that Court is of a temper that never forgives or forgets.

If an accommodation should produce a reunion, the same advantages will be lost, and almost all the same consequences are to be feared. The end of the campaign cannot, therefore, promise so favorable a moment for the interposition of Spain and France as the present; and in all human probability it will be then fruitless.