Chapter M: Gerard to Arthur Lee (1)

Translation.

Versailles, April 1st, 1778.

Sir,

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me, as also the packets you send by me. I shall carry them with a great deal of pleasure, and am much flattered with your confidence. I must inform you, Sir, that notwithstanding the public nature of my mission, I do not avow it, and the confidence I place in you in this respect will, I hope, be considered by you as a proof of the regard, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GERARD.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Chaillot, April 2d, 1778.

Sir,

It was with the utmost surprise, I learnt yesterday, that M. Gerard was to set out in the evening for America, in a public character; and that Mr Deane was to accompany him, without either you or Mr Deane having condescended to answer my letter of the preceding day.

That a measure of such moment as M. Gerard’s mission should have been taken without any communication with the Commissioners, is hardly credible. That if it was communicated, you should do such violence to the authority which constituted us, together with so great an injury and injustice to me as to conceal it from me, and act or advise without me, is equally astonishing. If success to the mission and unanimity on the subject were your wish, with what propriety could you make it a party business, and not unite all the Commissioners in advising and approving a measure, in which you wished their friends and constituents might be unanimous?

I do not live ten minutes distance from you. Within these few days, as usual, I have seen you frequently; particularly on Monday I was with you at your house for some time. I asked you about the sailing of the ships at Nantes, expressing my desire to know when we should have an opportunity of writing. You said you did not know when they sailed. I asked if there were no letters, none but one from M. Dumas having been shown to me for some time. You answered no. I had at a former meeting asked you whether it was not proper for us to send an express to give intelligence of such consequential events, as our being acknowledged here, and the treaty avowed. You told me it would be sufficient to write by the ship at Nantes, (for it was afterwards you mentioned there were two,) as the news being public would find its way fast enough.

Upon Mr Amiel, who came to my house from yours, having mentioned on Tuesday, that Mr Deane was to go away in a few days, I wrote to you and him to repeat what I have so often requested, that the public accounts might be settled, for which Mr Deane had taken possession of all the vouchers, and that the public papers might be delivered to us before his departure. You made me no answer. I sent my secretary again yesterday to desire an answer; you sent me a verbal one, that you would settle accounts with me any day after tomorrow. Your reason for not doing it before was, that it was not your business. _Now_ it seemed your business only, and Mr Deane has no concern with it. The delivery of the public papers, which are the property of all, not of any one of the Commissioners, though you and Mr Deane have constantly taken them to yourselves, was too immaterial for you to answer.

During all this time, and with these circumstances, you have been totally silent to me about the present opportunity of writing to Congress concerning the important public measure in agitation, and about Mr Deane’s departure. Nay more, what you have said, and the manner in which you have acted, tended to mislead me from imagining that you knew of any such thing. Had you studied to deceive the most distrusted and dangerous enemy of the public, you could not have done it more effectually.

I trust, Sir, you will think with me, that I have a right to know your reasons for treating me thus. If you have any thing to accuse me of, avow it, and I will answer you. If you have not, why do you act so inconsistent with your duty to the public, and injurious to me? Is the present state of Europe of so little moment to our constituents, as not to require our joint consideration and information to them? Is the character of the Court here, and the person sent to negotiate with our constituents of no consequence for them to be apprized of? Is this the example you in your superior wisdom think proper to set of order, decorum, confidence, and justice?

I trust, Sir, you will not treat this letter, as you have done many others, with the indignity of not answering it. Though I have been silent I have not felt the less the many affronts of this kind, which you have thought proper to offer me.[30]

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, April 2d, 1778.

Gentlemen,

The conclusion of the treaties here has ended the powers of our commission. Whatever character it may please Congress to give to their representatives in future must be specified by new powers, and letters of credence to the Sovereign, with whom they are to act. The first example of this kind will be material, in determining the future rank of the United States of America among other sovereign nations. Since the treaty of Munster, Venice and the United Provinces have had their rank as crowned sovereigns. I presume the United States of America will not think a lower rank competent to their dignity, and to the importance they must command in the balance of European power. For I am satisfied, that in a few years that balance must be in their hands. Whatever orders Congress are pleased to give on this subject, their Ministers must support with firmness and inflexibility, _at first_, to prevent any disagreeable disputes for the future.

By the enclosed copies of letters, I hope to give you a distinct view of what passed in Spain and Prussia. I have never been able to learn, to what was owing the sudden change in the favorable disposition of the Spanish Court during my absence in Germany. Whether it arose from the proceedings at Dunkirk, &c. which produced such rigor on the part of France, they will not inform me. But it is clear from Baron de Schulenburg’s letter, that the conduct of France, in consequence of the Dunkirk business, prevented Prussia from adopting what I proposed.

I have written to Messrs Gardoquis about their charging five per cent commission, which appears to be exorbitant, because I remit them the money before they lay it out.

My brother William Lee is gone to Germany in pursuance of the commands of Congress. The war, that is kindling between the two Powers to whom he is destined, makes it hardly possible to hope that he can succeed with both. If one is disposed to form an alliance with us, the other will probably, for that reason, refuse it. I observe it was the desire of Congress that we should keep an account of our expenses. I have done so as minutely as the nature of things would admit; and they have not exceeded, including my two journies, the sum allotted by Congress. I shall endeavor to continue within those bounds, though the being acknowledged will necessarily augment the expense.

The Messrs Gardoquis have transmitted to me regularly the accounts of what they shipped on the public account; copies of which I have in the same manner sent to you. This I conceived to be the usual course of business, and necessary for the due information of all concerned. For this reason it was my wish, that the same might be done with regard to the public money expended here. My colleagues have not thought proper to concur with me. The Committee and Congress will order, if they think it proper, what I have not only requested in vain, but to my utter astonishment, have given very great offence in requesting.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[30] The reason why the sailing of the French fleet, and the Mission of M. Gerard, were not made known to Mr Lee by Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, seems to have been, that they had not the permission of the French Court to communicate the intelligence to him. It does not appear, that Dr Franklin answered the above letter.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, April 5th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Having pressed the matter of supplies from Spain, I received an answer yesterday, that endeavors would be used to send you succors through the Havanna. The present critical situation of that Court renders them averse to being more particular, or to have applications made to them, but I think they will not long remain under this embarrassment.

Dr Franklin and I are now settling the accounts as well as we can, from the papers Mr Deane thought proper to leave in Dr Franklin’s hands. How orderly and adequate they are, you will judge yourselves from the list, which I shall take care to transmit to you. I am obliged to say, that this gentleman took to himself the entire management of the business, in which I could obtain no share without a quarrel; that my advice and assistance were always rejected, and he never would settle accounts. Whether he has conducted it well, you will have the means of determining by what you have received, compared with the sums expended, which I shall make it my duty to transmit to you.

I cannot venture to detail to you the plans of this Court relative to the conduct of the war in your quarter. You will probably see the commencement of them before this reaches you. I enclose some additional, and as I conceive necessary articles, which I shall endeavor to obtain if Congress approve of them. I also send an accurate list of the actual and intended force of Great Britain.

With my utmost duty and respect to Congress, I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ Being obliged to send this by post, the articles must be deferred as being too voluminous.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, April 8th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Whether there were any public despatches for you by the opportunity that carries Mr Deane, the late Commissioner, I do not know, because my colleagues concealed his departure from me. I trust you will think it proper to desire the reason of such conduct, the tendency of which is too plain and too pernicious not to require censure, if it cannot, as I conceive it cannot, be justified by stronger reasons of utility.[31]

Great Britain has not yet thought proper to declare war in form against France, but the vessels and sailors of each nation are reciprocally seized in their ports, and a French frigate has lately made prize of an English privateer. Both are preparing with all possible despatch, and both waiting for your decisive declaration with an anxiety proportioned to their conviction of that declaration deciding the fate of the war.

As far as I can venture to judge of Courts and Ministers, those of this country seem cordially disposed to co-operate with you in driving the English entirely out of America. But from what I could observe during the conference on the treaty, they seem to have some wishes relative to the islands of the fishery, which are not altogether compatible with the system laid down by Congress.

The war between the Emperor and the King of Prussia seems inevitable. It will be a war of giants and must engage all Germany. Three hundred thousand men, the best disciplined and the best led that ever made war, are ready to dispute the question on each side. Russia is sufficiently occupied by her own situation in regard to the Porte. The North is therefore no longer a subject for your apprehension. The whole house of Bourbon will certainly join in the war against England. Holland, therefore, seems the principal object of negotiation now; because, if the enemy should be deprived of her amity, they soon must be reduced to a _carte blanche_.

This is the present situation of Europe. I enclose you a Memorial,[32] which I wrote last year, and have now sent to Holland to promote the disposition we are informed they entertain at present in our favor. In the additional articles I sent for your consideration, there are some not very materially different, but as they are expressed in a different manner, I thought it might be of use to submit the choice to you.

The enclosed report[33] is what I received from the Court of Spain, in answer to an application in behalf of the people, who have involved themselves in this unfortunate situation.

It is proper to inform you, that the department of Spain, to which it has pleased Congress to destine me, is the most expensive of any, because the Court pass different parts of the year at four different places, at which every public Minister is obliged to reside, and consequently to have a house, which augments very much his expense. As I wish to avoid all occasion of blame, I mention this circumstance that I may not appear to be extravagant, should my expense increase on going thither.

You will greatly oblige me by presenting my duty to Congress, and believing me to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[31] The reason was, as previously stated, that Franklin and Deane were not authorised by the French Court to make known to any person the sailing of the fleet.

[32] This Memorial was printed and circulated in Holland by the friends of the American cause.

[33] Missing.

MEMORIAL FOR HOLLAND.

When the ancestors of the present inhabitants of the United States of America first settled in that country, they did it entirely at their own expense. The public of England never granted one shilling to aid in their establishment. Had any such grants existed, they must have been upon record. The state of England, therefore, could not justly claim the benefit of an acquisition which it never made.

Upon this principle the first settlers conceived they had _a right to exchange and sell the produce of their labor to all nations without control_. This right they actually enjoyed unquestioned till the year 1652; then it was that the English, in violation of every principle of justice, usurped and established a monopoly of the American commerce, which they maintained till the rigor of their domination compelled the Americans to reclaim their ancient unalienable rights, by declaring themselves free and independent States. In consequence of this, all nations are restored to the participation of that commerce, from which the monopolising spirit of the English had unjustly excluded them.

No nation is more interested in this event than the Dutch, because it was against them that the establishment of the monopoly was chiefly intended. The great object of commercial policy with the States of Holland was and is the _carrying trade_. In consequence of this, when the commerce of America was free, the Dutch vessels in the American ports outnumbered those of England. But in the year 1651, a quarrel arose between the States of Holland and the then republic of England. The English, jealous of their naval power, resolved to destroy their American commerce, which contributed so much to its support. To effect this, the Council of State projected and passed on the 1st of December, 1651, the navigation ordinance, by which the carriage of American produce was prohibited except in English bottoms. The Dutch foresaw the intention, and felt the effects of this measure. Their resentment of it added fuel to the war, that raged from that time to the year 1654 with so much fury.

Their success, however, was not sufficient to re-establish what had been thus violently wrested from them. In negotiating the peace that concluded that war, De Witt labored with his usual abilities to obtain an abolition of the act, but all his efforts were ineffectual. Cromwell, who was not his inferior in acuteness, maintained the usurpation, and under Charles the Second it received the form and sanction of an act of Parliament. Thus in despite of all their efforts, this valuable branch of commerce was wrested from the Dutch, and monopolised by the English.

But what neither the uncommon talents of De Witt, nor the struggles of an obstinate and bloody war could effect, the course of human events has produced. The wealth and power arising from this very monopoly so intoxicated Great Britain, as to make her think there were no bounds to the exercise of the control she had usurped. Not content, therefore, with thus restraining the Americans for her own emolument in the mode of acquiring money, she arrogated to herself the right of taking that which was obtained under those restraints. The natural consequence of thus urging her domination, and adding a new usurpation to the former, was the abolition of the whole. America has, in form, renounced her connexion with Great Britain, and is maintaining her rights by arms.

The consequence of her success will be the re-establishment of commerce upon its ancient, free and general footing; all nations are interested in this success, but none so much as the Dutch. From them, therefore, America _in a most special manner looks for support_. _Resentment of an ancient injury, the policy of their ancestors, their present interest_, unite in calling upon them for a spirited avowal and support of the independence of America. They will not forget the blood, that was spilt in endeavoring to vindicate their right when it was first invaded. They will not forget the insolence and injustice with which Great Britain harassed their trade during the late war, by means of that very naval strength which she derived from her usurped monopoly. They cannot but feel at this moment the insult and indignity from the British Court, in presuming to forbid them that free participation of commerce which America offers.

The extraordinary remittances, which the people of America have made to the merchants of Great Britain, since the commencement of this dispute, is a proof of their honor and good faith; so much more safe and advantageous is it to trust money with a young, industrious, thriving people, than with an old nation overwhelmed with debt, abandoned to extravagance and immersed in luxury. By maintaining the independence of America, a new avenue will be opened for the employment of money where landed property, as yet untouched by mortgage or other incumbrances, will answer for the principal, and the industry of a young and uninvolved people would insure the regular payment of interest. The money holder would in that case be relieved from the continual fears and apprehensions, which every agitation of the English stocks perpetually excites. He might count his profits without anxiety, and plan his monied transactions with certainty.

_These_ are the _substantial objects_ of advantage, which America holds up to the people of Holland; and _this_ the moment of embracing them.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Chaillot, April 24th, 1778.

Sir,

Since I had the honor of seeing your Excellency, I have learnt that Mr Hartley in conversing with French people, whose opinions he thinks may have weight, insinuates to them, that engaging in a war in our favor is very impolitic, since you can expect nothing from us but ingratitude and ill faith, with which we have repaid Great Britain. To us he says, the French have done nothing for you, they can never be trusted, no cordial connexion can be formed with them, therefore you had better return back to your former connexions, which may be upon your own terms if you will renounce France. This gentleman and the wise men who sent him, have so high an opinion of our understandings, that they flatter themselves these insinuations will succeed.

I have also been informed, that besides their commissioners, the ministry have despatched two persons to America to work privately as Mr Hartley is doing. One of them is an American. I know them, and both the size of their understandings and the degree of their influence. There is nothing to apprehend from either. These are the little projects of little spirits, and will be attended with proportional success. They show the imbecility and distress of our enemies, and will only change the detestation of America into utter contempt.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, April 24th, 1778.

Sir,

I am obliged to you for your attention in communicating Mr Hartley’s insinuations, as well to yourself as to such other persons as he may suppose he can influence in this country. I doubt that he finds easier access to you, than he will surely find with us; and I can assure you, that he will not find us accessible to the prejudices he may wish to inspire us with.

I conclude, being obliged to attend the Council, requesting you to accept of the assurances of the perfect respect, with which I have the honor, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, May 9th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

No declaration of war in Germany or England. All things are preparing for it. Count d’Estaing had not passed Gibraltar the 27th of last month, contrary winds having prevented his passing the Straits. About thirty sail of the line are assembled at Spithead, under Admiral Keppel, but are not yet in a state for action. They are arraying their militia, and the chief object of their attention now seems to be their own defence. As far as I can judge, the King and his Ministers are not now sincere in their propositions, even such as they are, of peace and accommodation.

I have not yet obtained any light on Folger’s affairs. The enclosed copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes will show you the train in which I have put the inquiry. But I have reason to apprehend, that persons are concerned, who will have address enough to frustrate it. The blank paper substituted for the letters taken should be preserved, and compared with the paper of all the letters received by the same vessel. Some discovery may be pointed out by that. Mr Deane and Mr Carmichael should be examined, and their accounts transmitted here to be compared with those of others.

Spain and the German powers are yet undecided with regard to us. I do not think our enemies will succeed with Holland. We shall endeavor to establish a fund for the purposes you desire.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ By the banker’s accounts it appears, that the following sums were paid from December, 1776, to March, 1778, to the private disposition of the Commissioners.

Livres.
To Dr Franklin, 65,956 3 13
To Silas Deane, 113,004 12 13
To Arthur Lee, 68,846 2 16

In my sum is included the additional expense of my journies to Spain and Germany.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.

York, May 14th, 1778.

Sir,

Your several favors of October 6th, November 27th, and December 8th, were delivered to us on the 2d instant, the despatches by Mr Deane and those by Captain Young arriving on the same day. We had before received your short letter of the 1st of June, but are yet without that of the 29th of July, in which you had informed us “at large of your proceedings in Prussia.” Its contents would have proved highly agreeable to us in these months, when we were quite uninformed of the proceedings and prospects of your colleagues at Paris. Impressed with the sense of the value of the King of Prussia’s “warmest wishes for our success,” we give assurances of equal wishes in Congress for that monarch’s prosperity. We have little doubt of open testimonies of his Majesty’s friendship in consequence of the late decision of the king of France.

Your information in regard to our connexion with the fictitious house of _Roderique Hortalez_ & _Co._ is more explicit, than any we had before received, but we further expect that all mystery should be removed. Surely there cannot now be occasion for any, if there ever was for half of the past. Our commercial transactions will very speedily be put under the direction of a Board consisting of persons not members of Congress, it being impracticable for the same men to conduct the deliberative and executive business of the Continent now in its great increase. It has been next to impossible to make remittances for many months from the staple Colonies, their coasts having been constantly infested by numerous and strong cruisers of the enemy. We hope the alliance of maritime powers with us will remove our embarrassments, and give us opportunity to carry into effect our hearty wishes to maintain the fairest commercial reputation.

There will be great impropriety in our making a different settlement for the supplies received from Spain, from that which we make in regard to those received from France. We are greatly obliged to the friends, who have exerted themselves for our relief, and we wish you to signify our gratitude upon every proper opportunity. But having promised to make remittances to the house of _Hortalez_ & _Co._ for the prime cost, charges, interest and usual mercantile commission upon whatever is _justly_ due to that house, we must keep the same line with Messrs Gardoqui. On the one hand, we would not willingly give disgust by slighting princely generosity, nor on the other submit to unnecessary obligations.

The unanimity with which Congress has ratified the treaties with France, and the general glad acceptance of the alliance by the people of these States, must shock Great Britain, who seems to have thought no cruelty from her would destroy our former great partiality in her favor. What plan she will adopt in consequence of her disappointment, time only can discover. But we shall aim to be in a posture, either to negotiate honorable peace, or continue this just war.

We stand in need of the advice and assistance of all our friends in the matter of finance, as the quantity of our paper currency necessarily emitted has produced a depreciation, which will be ruinous if not speedily checked. We have encouraging accounts of the temper of the Hollanders of late, and expect that we may find relief from that quarter among others.

A few weeks, if not a few days, must produce fruitful subject for another letter, when we shall, in our line of duty, renew our assurances of being, with great regard,

Sir, your affectionate humble servants,

RICHARD H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL,
ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, May 23d, 1778.

Gentlemen,

In consequence of your despatches by my colleague, Mr Adams, I lost no moment to press the renewal of the order for the supplying you with such stores as you want, and as that country affords, from the Court of Spain. I have the satisfaction to inform you that such orders are given, and I am assured will be carried into execution as speedily as possible.

We mean to apply for the loan desired to the monied men of Holland, and in my particular department, I shall endeavor to take the favorable opportunity of the arrival of the flotilla to urge the same in Spain.

War is not begun in Germany or Great Britain; but it seems to be inevitable.

I have sent orders to all the ports in France and Spain to communicate the account of the sailing of a fleet of thirteen ships from England against America, to all the captains who sail for the United States or the French islands. This I conceived would be the most certain means of communicating the alarm, and preventing surprise.

The ministry here are also to convey a letter from us, by every opportunity, to the same purpose.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, June 1st, 1778.

Gentlemen,

The hurry in which the last despatches went away, prevented me from being so particular about them as I wished. Nos. 7, 8 and 9 were omitted, being newspapers, and too voluminous for the conveyance. M. Monthieu’s papers were sent to show you the demands that are made upon us, and the grounds of them. You will see that they are accounts, which Mr Deane ought to have settled. It is this sort of neglect, and a studied confusion, that have prevented Mr Adams and myself, after a tedious examination of the papers left with Dr Franklin, from getting any satisfaction as to the expenditure of the public money. All that we can find is, that millions have been expended, and almost everything remains to be paid for. Bargains have been made of the most extravagant kind with this Mr Monthieu and others. For example, the uniforms that are agreed for at thirtyseven livres might have been had here for thirtytwo livres each, and equally good, which, being five livres in every suit too much, comes to a large sum upon thousands.

Of the 100,000 livres advanced to Mr Hodge, there appears no account. I have been told that Cunningham’s vessel cost but three thousand pounds sterling; for what purpose the overplus was given to Mr Hodge, how the public came to pay for her refitting, and at length the vessel and her prize money made over to Mr Ross and Mr Hodge, without a farthing being brought to public account, it rests with Mr Deane or Mr Hodge to explain. I have enclosed you all the receipts found among those papers, the sending of which has been neglected. Of the triplicates and duplicates an original is sent, and copies of those that are single. You will see that my name is not to the contracts. In fact they were concealed from me with the utmost care, as was every other means of my knowing how these affairs were conducted; and as both my colleagues concurred in this concealment, and in refusing my repeated requests to make up accounts and transmit them to Congress, it was not in my power to know with accuracy, much less to prevent, this system of profusion. I was told that Mr Williams, to whom I knew the public money was largely intrusted, was to furnish his accounts monthly, but they were never shown me, and it now appears, that for the expenditure of a million of livres he has given no account as yet, nor can we learn how far what he has shipped is on the public, how far on private account. We are in the same situation with regard to Mr Ross. This indulgence to Mr Williams,[34] and favoring M. Chaumont, a particular friend of Dr Franklin, is the only reason I can conceive for the latter having countenanced and concurred in all this system. You will see a specimen of the manner of it in the enclosed copy of a letter from Dr Franklin to his nephew, which the latter sent me as an authority for his doing what the commercial agent conceived to be encroaching on his province. I have done my utmost to discharge my duty to the public, in preventing the progress of this disorder and dissipation in the conduct of its affairs. If it should be found that my colleagues have done the same, I shall most cordially forgive them the offence and injury so repeatedly offered me in the manner of it. I do not wish to accuse them, but excuse myself; and I should have felt as much happiness in preventing, as I have regret in complaining of this abuse.[35]

The appearance of things between this country and Great Britain, and the Emperor and the King of Prussia, has been so long hostile, without an open rupture, that it is not easy to say when either war will begin. The King of Prussia has found it so necessary to cultivate the aid of Hanover, Hesse, Brunswick, &c. that he has declined receiving your deputy, or following the example of France as he promised. It remains therefore to try the Empress, who, independent of the present crisis, was much less inclined to our cause. It seems to be the settled system of northern politics, that if a war should happen, the Empress of Russia will assist the King of Prussia, as far as the Porte will permit her.

In this country, the appointment of Marechal de Broglio commander of the army on the sea coast, and the Duc de Chartres, son to the Duc d’Orleans and Prince of the blood, going on board the fleet at Brest, announce designs of some dignity and magnitude.

I am of opinion, with our colleague Mr Adams, that it would be better for the public, that the appointment of your public ministers were fixed, instead of being left at large, and their expenses indefinite. From experience I find the expense of living in that character cannot well be less than three thousand pounds sterling a year, which I believe too is as little as is allowed to any public minister above the rank of a consul. If left at liberty, I conceive that most persons will exceed this sum. Neither do I perceive any adequate advantage to be expected from having more than one person at each Court. When things take a more settled form, there will be little need of that check, which is the chief utility of it at present.

The mixing powers too, and vesting them in several persons at the same time, give ground for disputes, which are disgraceful as well as detrimental to the public. This has been much experienced in the case of the commercial agents, and the agent of the Commissioners, who have been clashing and contesting till the public business was almost entirely at a stand. For the present, however, we have settled this matter, by directing all commercial business to be put into the hands of those appointed by the commercial agent, till the pleasure of Congress is known.

Two more ships have been lately sent to Newfoundland, and two to the Mediterranean, which, with thirteen detached under Admiral Byron to reinforce Lord Howe, leave seventeen of the line and eight frigates for Admiral Keppel, and these very ill manned. I have exceeding good information, that their plan of operations for America is as follows.

General Howe is to evacuate Philadelphia, sending five thousand of his troops and two ships of war to Quebec; the rest of the troops with the fleet are to return to Halifax, where the latter being joined by Admiral Byron will, it is presumed, maintain a superiority in those seas over the allied fleet.

I wrote you before, that the lowest estimate given to the English Ministry for the defence of Canada was eight thousand men, and that their actual force there was about four thousand; the five thousand added will, in their opinion, be sufficient, with their superiority at sea, for its protection. I cannot learn that any but some German recruits are to be sent out this year, and from the situation of things they are more likely to recall a great part of their troops, than to reinforce them.

Our friends in Spain have promised to remit me 150,000 livres more, which I shall continue to vest in supplies that may be useful to you.

I hope, in consequence of what I formerly wrote, to have the express order of Congress relative to the line they would choose to fix between the territories of the United States, and those of the crown of Spain. The privileges to be enjoyed by the subjects of the United States, settling for the purposes of commerce, and the regulation of port duties, remain yet to be settled in both nations. But I foresee that if they are left unregulated, they will be the source of complaints and disagreements.

The flotilla is not yet in port, which retards the operations in Europe. I could have wished that the great object of having a superior naval force in America, had not been left to the uncertain issue on which it was placed by other advice than mine. Had the Brest and Toulon fleets, which were equally ready, been ordered to sail at the same time, that which met immediately with favorable winds to go on, and the other to return, one of them would probably have been upon your coast before this time, that is, before the English fleet could possibly have sailed to reinforce and save Lord Howe; and as having a superior force in America was the great object, together with that of taking the Howes by surprise, they should have made as sure of this aim as possible. And indeed, had it been executed with address, the war would have been ended.

M. Penet has proposed to me the collecting and carrying over a number of workmen to establish a foundery of cannon, and a manufactory of small arms. It is to be at his expense, under the protection of Congress. As this seems to me much more likely to answer your purposes than our sending them, I have ventured to give him my opinion, that it will be acceptable to Congress. We have found such a universal disposition here to deceive us in their recommendations, that it is ten to one, if workmen chosen by us in such a circumstance were skilful.

The disposition in Holland seems to be favorable to us, but I apprehend it is not warm enough to produce any decided proof of it, till they see Great Britain more enfeebled. M. Dumas has published a Memoir I sent him on the subject, which he thinks will have some effect.

With my humble duty to Congress, I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[34] The insinuation here, that Dr Franklin was disposed to favor Mr Williams, because he was his nephew, seems to have been made without just grounds. The contrary indeed would appear from the following extract of a letter, written by Dr Franklin to Mr William Lee, March 6th, 1778, when Mr Lee proposed to him that the Commissioners should appoint Mr Williams as a commercial agent at Nantes.

“Your proposition,” says Dr Franklin, “about appointing agents in the ports, shall be laid before the Commissioners when they meet. In the mean time, I can only say, that as to my nephew, Mr Williams, though I have from long knowledge and experience of him a high opinion of his abilities, activity, and integrity, will have no hand in his appointment, or in approving it, not being desirous of his being in any way concerned in that business.

“I am obliged to you for your good opinion of my nephew, manifested in your intention of nominating him as above, and I beg you to accept my thanks, though for particular reasons, which you know, I do not wish him to accept the employment.”

[35] For a full explanation of all the charges contained in this letter, see Silas Deane’s Correspondence in the present work, Vol. I, p. 139, under the date of October 12th, 1778,--also, p. 148 of the same volume. And for a further notice of Mr Williams’s accounts, see p. 172.

TO M. DUMAS.

Chaillot, June 4th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

It gave me great pleasure to receive the key to the treasure you sent us before in Dutch, my unacquaintance with which having prevented me from knowing how much I was obliged to you, for the improvement made in the little essay I had the honor of sending to you. _Felix faustumque sit._ May it open the eyes of your people to their own interests, before a universal bankruptcy in England, and a compelled frugality in America, have deprived them of the golden opportunity of extricating themselves from bad debtors, and connecting themselves with good ones.

So fair an opportunity of sharing in the most valuable commerce on the globe, will never again present itself; and, indeed, they are greatly obliged to the noble and disinterested principles of the Court of France, which prevented this country from attempting to possess itself of the monopoly, which Great Britain had forfeited. In truth, they were great and wise principles, and the connexion formed upon them will be durable. France, and the rest of Europe, can never pay too large a tribute of praise to the wisdom of The Most Christian King, and his Ministers, in this transaction.

You are happy in having the esteem and counsel of the Grand Facteur, who seems to have equal good sense and good intentions. Our enemies seem embarrassed in their operations. As far as we can learn, their fleet has not yet sailed for America to save the Howes from the fate that hangs over them. We have no intelligence on which we can rely.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, June 9th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

My last of the 1st, informed you of Admiral Byron, with thirteen sail, being ordered against you, of which we sent notice by every way most likely to warn the States of their danger.

We have now certain advice, that this fleet having put into Plymouth is there stopped, their remaining fleet being found too weak to protect them at home. I enclose you a late account of their force and the disposal of it; and nothing seems more certain, than that the naval and land force now employed against you will be diminished, not augmented. However, I have now settled such means of intelligence, that you will be apprized if any alteration should happen.

All our intelligence announces the utmost confusion in Great Britain and Ireland; such as will infallibly find them employment at home, independent of France and Spain. Their councils are so fluctuating in consequence of the variety of their distress, that advices of them cannot be given with certainty; that is, without being frequently subject to appear premature.

The British Ministry have agreed to an exchange of prisoners with us, by which we shall immediately release upwards of 200.

War is not commenced in Germany, but is talked of as inevitable. The deputy of Congress for Vienna is at his destination to feel the disposition of that Court. But I understand, that their attention is so engaged with the approaching war, that other propositions proceed slowly. As the King of Prussia contends against the Empress and the House of Austria, in maintenance of the treaty of Westphalia, which is the great bulwark of German rights, it is therefore necessary, that he should league himself with the German Princes, among whom the King of Great Britain, as elector of Hanover, bears so much sway, that he could not hazard the turning his influence against him by entering into an alliance with us. To cultivate and encourage the favorable disposition towards us in Holland, we have sent them the treaty concluded here, and we shall follow it by proposals for a loan, as soon as Dr Franklin (to whom the digesting of the plan, and having the proposed bills printed, is left) has prepared the business for execution.

Mr Williams has at length given in his accounts, from which it appears, that upwards of forty thousand suits of the soldiers’ clothes ordered, and twenty thousand fusils, have been sent from Nantes and Bordeaux; and the present exhausted state of our finances will not permit us to fulfil them further. The ships of war sent hither are an enormous expense to us; hardly any of them less than 100,000 livres, and things have been hitherto so managed, that their prizes produce us little or nothing. This seems to have arisen from the variety of agents employed, the confusion of their provinces, and the loose manner in which the public accounts have been kept. To remedy this, we have to simplify the business of expenditure, by directing the whole to be discharged by the two deputy commercial agents appointed by my brother, in the interval of his negotiation in Germany. By this we expect to avoid the infinite impositions arising from a connexion with a multiplicity of merchants, many of whom, supposing us to know no better, will endeavor to deceive us. They, as merchants, know how to check the others, and are themselves ultimately responsible to us.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Chaillot, June 14th, 1778.

Sir,

It was with great pleasure I heard the explanation, which your Excellency did me the honor to give me yesterday relative to the 12th article of the Commercial Treaty; that it was meant to comprehend only provisions, and not the whole of our exports to his Majesty’s Islands, and that _denrées_, the word employed, signifies eatables, not merchandise. It relieved the apprehensions I had entertained, that the having set in that article the whole of our produce against one of your productions would seem unequal, would therefore give uneasiness in Congress, and prevent that unanimity in their approbation of the treaty, which the wise and liberal principles on which it is planned deserve; and which I most sincerely wished it might receive.

Upon referring, however, to the words of the treaty, I find they are _denrées et marchandise_, so that the words appear, by I know not what accident, to have been different from, and to mean more than you intended. I lament extremely that nothing of this explanation passed in our conference and correspondence with M. Gerard on this and the preceding article. Yet I am not without hope, that Congress will rather trust to the equity of your Court for reducing the article to its intended equality, than gratify our enemies by an appearance of dissension in ratifying the treaties.

Reciprocity and equality being the principles of the treaties, and duration the object, your Excellency will, in my judgment, have an opportunity of strengthening the confidence and ties between us, by offering to remove words of a latitude not intended, and of an inequality, which must be seen and create dissatisfaction.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Versailles, June 15th, 1778.

Sir,

I received with pleasure the letter you did me the honor of writing to me yesterday. We shall not be long probably before we receive news from your constituents, and their judgment of the act which you signed here in conjunction with your colleagues. Should they demand any eclaircissements, we shall not refuse to make them. You know our principles, and I think we have given proofs of our disinterestedness.

I see with pleasure, Sir, that you are satisfied with the proofs of the Prince de Montbaray’s zeal in procuring you the articles you requested from him.[36] You will always find us disposed to do everything, that may concern the welfare of the United States of America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

[36] This relates to military articles for the State of Virginia, which Mr Lee was authorised to procure. The correspondence concerning this subject will be found in the first volume of the _Life of Arthur Lee_.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, June 15th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I find I was mistaken in saying in my last, of the 9th, that twenty thousand fusils had been shipped from Nantes and Bordeaux; upwards of ten thousand remain unshipped, at Nantes. Upon the strength of the promised remittance from our friends in Spain, and near one hundred thousand remaining in my hands, I have desired the Gardoquis to continue shipping blankets and strong shoes from Bilboa; twenty thousand livres worth of drugs, and salt to be shipped by Mr Cathatan of Marseilles; a thousand suits of soldiers’ clothes from Bordeaux, by Mr Bonfield; and six hundred fusils, of the Prussian make, from Berlin, that you may judge on arming a corps with them whether they are preferable to others.

My brother writes me from Vienna in a late letter, that Colonel Faucit is using the utmost endeavors to raise German recruits; but from the present state of things, I do not imagine he can succeed; and the North, that is Russia and Denmark, are not likely to give our enemies any assistance. As far as I can judge, their efforts against us, except a sort of piratical war, are exhausted. The same ministry continues. The House of Bourbon is certainly united against them. They have the same imbecility of council. Their enemies increase in proportion to the diminution of their means. The decay of their commerce, the distress of their people, the rapacity of their public officers, and the load of their debt and taxes, promise soon to bring upon them the most deplorable distress, and prevent them from being any longer a formidable enemy.

The flotilla is not yet arrived. The enclosed copies of Captain Jones’ letters, and one[37] from the majority of his crew, make me apprehend, that the Ranger will share the fate of the Revenge. We have done all in our power to bring him and his officers into order, but hitherto in vain.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[37] Both missing.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, July 1st, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I enclose you some extracts, by which you will see, that war is not yet declared, though on all hands it appears to be fast approaching.

The Spanish flotilla is not yet arrived, nor their fleet from South America. Since my last, a French frigate of twentysix guns was attacked by an English frigate of twentyeight, off Brest, and after an obstinate engagement the latter made off, and soon after sunk! This has given great spirits to the French marine and nation, and is more especially fortunate, as the English were the aggressors. Admiral Keppel is before Brest, with twentythree sail of the line, where I believe he will not remain long unattacked. Permission is given to French subjects to fit out privateers; and orders are sent to all the ports to prepare our prizes to be sold. From London, the Ministry have offered us an exchange of prisoners, which we are taking the necessary measures to embrace.

By some unaccountable neglect the person, to whom Dr Franklin committed the printing of the bills resolved on for the loan, has not furnished them, so that nothing further is yet done in that business. But I hope you will soon have news of its further progress, and that some event will happen to furnish us with a very favorable moment for its execution.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

Mr Lee presents his respects to his Excellency Count d’Aranda, and begs he will have the goodness to forward the packet, addressed to Count de Florida Blanca, which he has the honor of enclosing him, and which is on business of the last importance, by the first opportunity to his Court.

TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Paris, July 18th, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency the enclosed resolutions of Congress,[38] with my most earnest prayer, that they may be laid immediately before the King. Nothing but the uncommon exigency of the present war, attended with such peculiar circumstances with regard to the United States, would prevail upon them to press so much upon his Majesty’s goodness. That necessity must also plead my pardon for entreating your Excellency to let me have as early an answer as possible. As the United States have the highest confidence in the friendship of the King, they promise themselves that his goodness will afford this loan as a relief to their most urgent distresses. With regard to the interest for the quantum of that, they refer themselves to his Majesty’s justice. Five per cent is the legal interest with them, but I am authorised to give six, if his Majesty should desire it.

This interest will be most punctually paid; and they will neglect no means of liquidating the principle, if desired, sooner than the stipulated time, which will be easily accomplished, when peace or some other employment of the enemy’s navy than that of preying upon their trade will permit the export of their produce to European markets.

Your Excellency will perceive, that this loan is appropriated to sinking the paper money, which necessity obliged Congress to issue. An infant and unprepared people, compelled to defend themselves against an old, opulent, powerful, and well appointed nation, were driven to this resource of issuing paper. They were to create armies and navies, to fortify towns, erect forts, defend rivers, and establish governments, besides the immense expense of maintaining a war, that pressed them powerfully on all sides. For these purposes they had neither funds established, taxes imposed, specie in their country, nor commerce to introduce it. In this exigency paper money was their only resource, and not having been able hitherto for the same reasons to redeem it, the depreciation, which necessarily followed, threatens the total destruction of their credit, and consequently their only means of maintaining their independence.