Chapter II: The Military State of North America (1)

_The Number and Strength of the American Troops, their
present Situation, and Ability to oppose the Enemy,
especially in Georgia and Carolina._

"Six months have elapsed since I left America, and I had not
seen a return of the army for some time before that period.
It did not, I am certain, amount to its full complement, and,
in my opinion, did not in the whole exceed thirty or
thirtyfive thousand men; I mean regular troops.

"The Commander-in-Chief, whose abilities, as well as
integrity, merit the highest confidence, was authorised to
conduct all the military operations in the United States at
his discretion, subject, nevertheless, to such orders as the
Congress might think proper from time to time to give. It is
impossible, therefore, for me (not having received a single
letter from America on these subjects since my arrival) to
decide in what manner or proportions these troops are
employed or stationed, though I am confident it has been done
in the best manner.

"All the men of proper age in America are liable to do
military duty in certain cases, and with a few exceptions, in
all cases. The militia is for the most part divided into a
certain number of classes, and whenever reinforcements to the
main army, or any detachment of it are wanting, they are
supplied by these classes in rotation. These reinforcements
while in the field are subject to the like regulations with
the regular troops, and with them submit to the severest
discipline and duty. Hence it is, that the people of America
have become soldiers, and that the enemy have never been able
to make a deep impression in the country, or long hold any
considerable lodgments at a distance from their fleets.
Georgia and South Carolina, indeed, enjoy these advantages in
a less degree than the other States, their own militia not
being very numerous, and speedy reinforcements from their
neighbors of North Carolina and Virginia rendered difficult
by the length of the way. They have, nevertheless, given
proofs of their spirit by various and great exertions, and I
have reason to believe, that all possible care has been taken
to provide for their safety, by furnishing them with a
proper body of troops under Major General Lincoln, a very
good officer, as well as a very good man.

"Arms are still wanting in America, many of those imported
proving unfit for use, and the number of inhabitants who were
without proper arms at the beginning of the war, calling for
great supplies. The army, and a considerable part of the
militia, especially in the Northern States, have in general
good arms.

"The article of clothing has been, and still is a very
interesting one to the American army. It is impossible to
describe, and, indeed, almost impossible to believe, the
hardships they have endured for want of it. There have been
instances, and I speak from the most undoubted authority, of
considerable detachments marching barefooted over rugged
tracts of ice and snow, and marking the route they took by
the blood that issued from their feet; but neither these
terrible extremities, nor the alluring offers of the enemy,
could prevail on them to quit their standard, or relax their
ardor. Their condition, however, has of late been much
bettered by supplies from France and Spain, and American
privateers; but adequate provision has not yet been made for
the ensuing winter, and I cannot conceal from your Excellency
my anxiety on that head. A supply of clothing for twenty
thousand men, added to what is engaged for them in France,
would make that army and all America happy.

"I foresee no other difficulties in providing subsistence for
the American armies in every station in which they may be
placed, than those which may attend the transportation of it.
But when I reflect on the obstacles of this kind, which they
have already met with and surmounted, I have little
uneasiness about future ones. The last crops in America
promised to be plentiful when I left it, but whether there
would be any and what considerable overplus for exportation
was then undetermined, the damages done the wheat in
Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina by a fly, which
infested those countries, not being to my knowledge at that
time ascertained.

"How many ships of war belong to Congress, is a question I
cannot answer with certainty. I think there are not more than
ten or twelve in the whole. Of privateers there are a great
number, but how many exactly has not been computed. In my
opinion, they exceed one hundred, several of them very fine
ships. The Governor of Martinique told me, that in that
Island alone, the American privateers had brought and sold
above five thousand African slaves, which they had taken from
the enemy. Nine tenths at least of all the rum and sugar used
in North America, these three years past, have been obtained
in the same way, and to their successes have the public been
indebted for the most seasonable and valuable supplies of
military stores which they have received. I left several
vessels on the stocks at Philadelphia, and heard of more in
other parts.

"Upon the whole, his Majesty may rest perfectly assured, that
the Americans are determined, though forsaken by all mankind,
to maintain their independence, and to part with it only with
their lives; the desolations and distresses of war being too
familiar to them to excite any other passions than
indignation and resentment.

"That the country will supply its inhabitants with
provisions, some clothing, and some articles of commerce.

"That there is no party in America in favor of returning
under the dominion of Britain, on any terms whatever.

"That the King of France is very popular in America, being in
all parts of it styled the protector of the rights of
mankind, and that they will hold the treaty made with him
inviolate.

"That the people in America have very high ideas of the honor
and integrity of the Spanish nation, and of his Catholic
Majesty especially, and that this respect and esteem unite
with their interest in rendering them so desirous of his
friendship and alliance.

"That the greatest difficulty under which America labors
arises from the great depreciation of her bills of credit,
owing principally to a greater sum having been emitted than
was necessary for a medium of commerce, and to the
impossibility of remedying it by taxes before regular
governments are established.

"That great attempts, seconded by the general voice of the
people, have been made to retrieve the credit of those bills
by taxation, the issue of which was as yet uncertain, but if
unsuccessful, a recurrence to taxes in kind was still left,
and would be practised, though it is an expedient which
nothing but necessity can render eligible.

"That if France and Spain were to unite their endeavors to
conquer Britain in America, by furnishing the latter with the
necessary aids of ammunition, clothing, and some money, there
is reason to believe, that the House of Bourbon would find it
the most certain and least expensive method of reducing the
power of their irreconcilable enemy, and not only command the
gratitude and perpetual attachment of America, but the
general approbation of all who wish well to the tranquillity
of Europe, and the rights of mankind. Thus would that
illustrious House erect glorious and lasting monuments to
their virtues in the hearts of a whole people.

"I fear your Excellency will consider the intelligence here
given, less full and precise than you expected. I regret that
it is not in my power to render it more so but it is not. I
hope however it will be thought sufficient to open a way to
those further discussions, which must precede the measures
necessary to bind America to Spain, as well as to France, and
thereby complete the division and consequently the
humiliation of the British Empire; a work too glorious and
laudable not to merit the notice of so magnanimous a Prince
as his Majesty, and engage the attention of a Minister of
such acknowledged abilities as your Excellency.

"I flatter myself that the importance of the subject will
apologise for my trespassing so long on your Excellency's
patience so soon after your return to Aranjues.

"I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY."

This letter gives occasion for many observations, which I am persuaded will not escape Congress, and therefore I forbear repeating them. Your Excellency will be pleased to observe, that on some of the subjects of it I ought to be without delay apprised of the intentions of Congress, and furnished with such information and instructions as may be necessary to enable me to fulfil them.

On the 27th of April last, I received at Madrid a letter from the Committee of Foreign Affairs, enclosing copies of the resolutions of Congress of the 23d and 29th of November, 1779, for drawing on Mr Laurens and myself for L100,000 sterling each. I went the next day to Aranjues, and the day after wrote to the Count de Florida Blanca, in the words following, viz.

"Aranjues, April 29th, 1780.

"Sir,

"By the address of Congress to their constituents on the
subject of their finances, which I had the honor of
transmitting to your Excellency, you have doubtless observed,
that in September last Congress came to a resolution of
emitting no more bills, than, with those already emitted and
in circulation, would amount to 200,000,000 of dollars; that
about the same time they called upon their constituents to
raise money by taxes, and assigned the first day of January
last for the first payment, at which day it was supposed,
that the bills to be emitted would be nearly expended.

"Congress perceiving that at once to stop the great channel
of supplies, that had been open ever since the war, and to
substitute another equally productive, was not one of those
measures which operate almost insensibly without hazard or
difficulty; and well knowing that if the first payment of
these taxes should be delayed beyond the limited time, the
treasury would be without money, and the public operations
obstructed by all the evils consequent to it; they were of
opinion, that collateral and auxiliary measures were
necessary to ensure success to the great system for
retrieving and supporting the public credit. So early,
therefore, as the 23d day of November last, they took this
subject into their most serious consideration, and although
they had the highest reason to confide in the exertions of
their constituents, yet having received repeated assurances
of his Majesty's friendly disposition towards them, and being
well persuaded, that they could avail themselves of his
Majesty's friendship on an occasion more agreeable to him and
advantageous to them, than on one so interesting to the
United States, and important to the common cause, they
adopted a measure, which, but for these considerations, might
appear extraordinary, viz. to draw bills upon me for L100,000
sterling, payable at six months' sight.

"The drawing bills previous to notice of obtaining money to
satisfy them may at first view appear indelicate, but when it
is considered that the whole success of this measure depended
on its taking place between the 23d of November, and the
first of January last, in which period it was impossible to
make the application, his Majesty's magnanimity will I am
persuaded readily excuse it.

"As I shall always consider it my duty to give your
Excellency all the information in my power, that may enable
his Majesty from time to time to form a true judgment of the
state of American affairs, it is proper, that I should inform
your Excellency, that Congress, having reasons to believe
that a loan might be obtained in Holland, did shortly after
my leaving America take measures for that purpose, and on the
23d of November last resolved to draw bills on Mr Henry
Laurens, to whom that business had been committed, for the
sum of L100,000 sterling.

"I greatly regret that it was not in my power to advise your
Excellency of these matters sooner; but it was not until the
27th instant, at Madrid, that I received the letter which
informed me of them.

"As further remarks would draw this letter into greater
length, than the opinion I have of your Excellency's
discernment will permit me to think necessary, I forbear
longer to engage your time and attention, than to request the
favor of your Excellency to lay it before his Majesty.

"The eyes of America are now drawn towards him by their
opinion of his virtues, and the situation of their affairs;
and I flatter myself it will not be long before their hearts
and affections will also be engaged by such marks of his
Majesty's friendship, as his wisdom and liberality may
prompt, and their occasions render expedient.

"With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY."

On the subject of this and my former letter, I had a conference with the Count, on the 11th of May 1780, of which the following are notes, taken immediately after it ended.

Aranjues, May 11th, 1780.

Mr Jay having waited on the Count de Florida Blanca, in
consequence of a message received on the evening of the 10th,
the latter commenced the conversation by observing that he
was sorry that his ignorance of the English language
prevented him from speaking with that ease and frankness,
with which he wished to speak in his conferences with Mr Jay,
and which corresponded with his own disposition and
character.

He observed that he intended to speak on two points. The
first related to the letter Mr Jay had written to him, on the
subject of bills of exchange drawn on him by Congress, that
being an affair the most pressing and more immediately
necessary to enter upon. He said that the last year he should
have found no difficulty on that head, but that at present,
although Spain had money, she was in the situation of
Tantalus, who, with water in view, could not make use of it;
alluding to the revenue arising from their possessions in
America, which they were not able to draw from thence. That
their expenses had been so great in the year 1779,
particularly for the marine, as to oblige them to make large
loans, which they were negotiating at present. He entered
into a summary of those expenses, and particularized the
enormous expense of supporting thirtyfive ships of the line
and frigates in French ports. He observed, that to do this
they had prepared a very expensive and numerous convoy at
Ferrol and other ports of Spain, loaded with provisions,
naval stores, and every other article necessary for the
squadron before mentioned, which convoy did not arrive at
Brest until the day on which the Spanish fleet sailed from
thence. That the supplies so sent had emptied their magazines
at Cadiz, Ferrol, and other ports, and had frequently obliged
them to buy at enormous prices the necessary stores to supply
the fleet under the admirals Cardova and Gaston, on their
arrival in the ports of Spain. That they had been forced to
sell these stores thus sent to France, and others purchased
for the same purpose at Bourdeaux, Nantes, and elsewhere, at
half price; and added, that their loss on this occasion could
scarce be calculated. This, joined to the other expenses, and
the great losses they had sustained in their marine and
commerce, but chiefly in the former, and the great expenses
they were at in consequence thereof, rendered it difficult
for the King to do for America what he could have done easily
the last year, and which he declared repeatedly, and in the
strongest manner, it was his intention to do, as might be
judged from his conduct heretofore; touching slightly on the
succors sent us from Spain, the Havana, and Louisiana, but
dwelling on his conduct in the negotiation last year with
Great Britain, in which he would on no account be brought to
sacrifice the interests of America.

Such being his Majesty's disposition and intentions previous
to the war, Mr Jay might easily judge, that he was not less
determined at present to support their interests, whether
formally connected with America by treaty or not. That,
notwithstanding the losses and misfortunes sustained, the
King's resolution, courage, and fortitude induced him to
continue the war, and therefore they were obliged to incur
much expense in order to fill their magazines and make the
necessary preparations for this campaign and the next, yet
that it was his Majesty's intention to give America all the
assistance in his power. That it was as much his inclination
as duty to second these dispositions, and that he had
received the King's orders to confer with his colleagues
thereon. He observed, however, that, although he was First
Secretary of State, he must first confer with them on this
subject; and from his own personal inclinations to second the
King's intentions and to serve America, he was desirous of
concerting with Mr Jay measures in such a manner as would
prevent him from meeting with opposition from his colleagues,
and therefore he spoke to him not as a minister, but as an
individual.

In order to facilitate this, he said it was necessary to make
some overtures for a contract, in case Mr Jay was not
absolutely empowered to make one; and then he pointed out the
object most essential to the interests of Spain at the
present conjuncture. He said that for their marine they
wanted light frigates, cutters, or swift sailing vessels of
that size. That for ships of the line, they could procure
them themselves; that if America could furnish them with the
former, they might be sent to their ports in Biscay, loaded
with tobacco or other produce, and, discharging their
cargoes, be left at the disposition of Spain. He also
mentioned timber for vessels, but said that was an article
not so immediately necessary, though it might be an object of
consequence in future. He observed that he mentioned this at
present in order that Mr Jay might turn his thoughts on that
subject as soon as possible, and that he would, in order to
explain himself with more precision, send him, either on
Saturday or Sunday next, notes containing his ideas on this
subject, and adding that he hoped that the one, viz. Jay,
would assist the other, meaning himself, to manage matters in
such a way as to procure the means of obtaining for America
present aid.

With respect to the bills of exchange which might be
presented, he said that at the end of the present year, or in
the beginning of the next, he would have it in his power to
advance twentyfive, thirty, or forty thousand pounds
sterling, and in the mean time, should these bills be
presented for payment, he would take such measures as would
satisfy the owners of them, viz. by engaging, in the name of
his Majesty, to pay them, observing that the King's good
faith and credit were so well known, that he did not imagine
this would be a difficult matter. He also said, that in
consequence of what Mr Jay had written with respect to
clothing for the American army, it might be in his power to
send supplies of cloth, &c. which he would endeavor to do.

Mr Jay, in answer, assured him of his high sense of the
frankness and candor with which he had been so obliging as to
communicate the King's intentions and his own sentiments, and
gave him the strongest assurances that he should, for his
part, with the same frankness and candor, give him all the
assistance and information in his power to forward his
generous intentions in favor of his country, and that be
might depend that in doing this, he would neither deceive him
in his information, nor mislead him by ill grounded
expectations.

The Count then expressed his confidence in these assurances,
said he had been well informed of the characters, both of Mr
Jay and Mr Carmichael, (who was present at the conference,)
and said, that he considered them as _les hommes honnetes_,
and that no consideration could have prevailed upon him to
have treated with men who did not sustain that reputation.

The Count then proceeded to the second point, viz. with
respect to the treaty in contemplation between Spain and
America. He began by observing, that he now spoke as a
Minister, and as such, that he would be as candid and frank
as he had just been speaking as a private man; and that it
was always his disposition to do so with those from whom he
expected the same conduct. He then proceeded to observe, that
there was but one obstacle from which he apprehended any
great difficulty in forming a treaty with America, and
plainly intimated that this arose from the pretensions of
America to the navigation of the Mississippi. He repeated the
information, which the Count had received from M. Mirales,
that Congress had at one time relinquished that object; that
he also knew from the same source, that afterwards they had
made it an essential point of the treaty. He expressed his
uneasiness on this subject, and entered largely into the
views of Spain, with respect to the boundaries. (He mentioned
Cape Antonio and Cape ----, and expressed their resolution if
possible, of excluding the English entirely from the Gulf of
Mexico.) They wished to fix them by a treaty, which he hoped
would be perpetual between the two countries. He spoke amply
of the King's anxiety, resolution, and firmness on this
point, and insinuated a wish that some method might be fallen
upon to remove this obstacle. He observed, that the King had
received all his impressions with respect to the necessity of
this measure, previous to his being in place, and appeared to
regard it as a point from which his Majesty would never
recede, repeating that, still however he was disposed to give
America all the aid in his power, consistent with the
situation of his affairs, to distress the common enemy; that
this point being insisted on, it would be necessary for the
Court of Spain to obtain the most accurate knowledge of local
circumstances, with which he supposed Mr Jay and his
constituents were more fully apprised than his Majesty's
Ministers could be. That for this purpose they had already
written to the Havana and Louisiana, in order to obtain all
the necessary information, which he gave reason to believe
they had not yet received. He dwelt on the necessity of this
information previous to any treaty, and expressed his own
regret, that ways and means could not be found to obviate or
overcome this impediment.

Mr Jay here took an opportunity to mention, that many of the
States were bounded by that river, and were highly interested
in its navigation, but observed that they were equally
inclined to enter into any amicable regulations, which might
prevent any inconveniences with respect to contraband or
other objects, which might excite the uneasiness of Spain.

The Count, still, however, appeared to be fully of opinion,
that this was an object that the King had so much at heart,
that he would never relinquish it, adding, however, that he
hoped some middle way might be hit on, which would pave the
way to get over this difficulty, and desired Mr Jay to turn
his thoughts and attention to the subject, in which he
assured him he was as well disposed to assist him, as in the
means of procuring the assistance and succors for America
beforementioned; always repeating the King's favorable
disposition, his inviolable regard to his promises, &c. &c.
On this subject he also subjoined, that whenever Mr Jay chose
to go to Madrid, he desired to have previous notice of it;
for in those cases, he would leave his sentiments in writing
for him with Mr Carmichael, or, if he should also go to
Madrid, that he would then write to Mr Jay there, to which he
might return an answer by the _Parle_ (a post which goes to
and from Madrid) to Aranjues, every twentyfour hours.

Mr Jay expressed his full confidence in what the Count had
done him the honor to communicate to him, and assured him of
his satisfaction and happiness in having the good fortune to
transact a business so important to both countries, with a
Minister so liberal and candid in his manner of thinking and
acting.

The conference ended with much civility on the one part and
on the other, and with an intimation from the Count, that he
should take an opportunity of having the pleasure of Mr Jay's
company at dinner, and of being on that friendly footing on
which he wished to be with him.

What passed in the course of this conference needs no comment, though it calls for information and instructions. If Congress remains firm, as I have no reason to doubt, respecting the Mississippi, I think Spain will finally be content with equitable regulations, and I wish to know whether Congress would consider any regulations necessary to prevent contraband, as inconsistent with their ideas of free navigation. I wish that as little as possible may be left to my discretion, and that, as I am determined to adhere strictly to their sentiments and directions, I may be favored with them fully, and in season.

The Count de Florida Blanca had upon all occasions treated me with so much fairness, candor, and frankness, that between the confidence due to him and the footing I was and ought to be on with the French Ambassador, I was embarrassed exceedingly, especially as there is little reason to doubt of their being on confidential terms with each other. I was reduced to the necessity, therefore, of acting with exquisite duplicity, a conduct which I detest as immoral, and disapprove as impolitic, or of mentioning my difficulties to the Count, and obtaining his answers. I preferred the latter, and wrote the following letter to the Count de Florida Blanca.

"Aranjues, May 12th, 1780.

"Sir,

"It is with the utmost reluctance, that I can prevail upon
myself to draw your Excellency's attention from the great
objects that perpetually engage it. But the liberality,
frankness, and candor, which distinguished your conduct
towards me the last evening, has impressed me with such
sentiments of correspondent delicacy, as to place me in a
most disagreeable situation.

"Deeply sensible of the benefits received by my country from
their illustrious ally, prompted by duty and inclination to
act not only with the highest integrity, but the greatest
frankness towards him and his Minister, and influenced by the
good opinion I have imbibed of the talents, attachment, and
prudence of the Count de Montmorin, I have given him and his
Court assurances that he should receive from me all that
confidence, which these considerations dictate. These
assurances were sincere; I have most strictly conformed to
them, and as no circumstances of delicacy forbid it, I have
communicated to him the information I gave your Excellency
relative to American affairs, and the resolution of Congress
for drawing bills upon me, these being the only transactions
within my knowledge and department, which related to that
proposed connexion between Spain and America, for the
accomplishment of which, the King of France has been pleased
to interpose his kind offices with his Catholic Majesty.

"But, Sir, my feelings will not allow me to permit the
confidence due to one gentleman to interfere with that which
may be due to another. Honor prescribes limits to each, which
no consideration can tempt me to violate. You spoke to me the
last evening in the character of a private gentleman, as well
as of a public Minister, and in both without reserve. Let me
entreat your Excellency therefore to inform me, whether I am
to consider your conferences with me, either in the whole or
in part, as confidential. I am apprised of the delicacy of
this question. I wish I could know your sentiments without
putting it. I assure you my esteem and respect are too
sincere and too great, not to make me regret every measure,
that can give you an uneasy sensation. On this occasion I am
urged by justice to you as well as to myself, and that must
be my apology.

"Unpractised in the ways of courts, I rejoice in finding that
I am to transact the business committed to me with a
gentleman, who adorns his exalted station with virtues as
well as talents, and looks down on that system of finesse
and chicanery, which, however prevalent, wisdom rejects and
probity disapproves.

"With sentiments of attachment and esteem, I have the
honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY."

To this I received the following answer.

Translation.

"Aranjues, May 14th, 1780.

"Sir,

"Sensible of the favorable opinion you are pleased to
entertain of my conduct, both as a minister and a private
gentleman, I have the honor to assure you, that on every
occasion, you shall experience nothing but frankness and
candor on my part. Besides that my own principles are
invariable on these points, I am certain thereby to follow
the example and good intentions of the King my master.

"The delicacy, which induced you to doubt, whether there
would be any impropriety in communicating to the Ambassador
of France the explanation we had in the course of our late
conference, accords well with the idea I first formed of your
character, and I am pleased with this mark of your attention.
Besides, it appears to me that you may do it freely,
especially as those explanations are founded on principles of
equity and wisdom, for the benefit of the common cause. But
if, hereafter, circumstances demand a more pointed reserve,
by accidents we cannot now foresee, we shall always have time
to agree upon those points, which it may be necessary to keep
secret.

"I am, Sir, with the most sincere attachment, and the most
perfect consideration, your most humble and most obedient
servant,

COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA."

I have not yet received from his Excellency the notes mentioned in the conference, and therefore cannot have the satisfaction of sending copies of them to Congress by this opportunity.

On the 9th of April, 1780, Sir John Dalrymple arrived here from Portugal with his lady. On the evening of the 10th I heard of it, and the next morning sent the following card to the French Ambassador at Aranjues, viz.

"Mr Jay presents his compliments to his Excellency Count
Montmorin, and informs him that Sir John Dalrymple arrived
here the day before yesterday from Lisbon, and it is said,
intends to be at Aranjues today. What business should call
this gentlemen here, or enable him to obtain license to come,
are questions which I am persuaded will receive from your
Excellency all the attention due to their extent and
importance.

"_Madrid, May 11th, 1780._"

To this I immediately received the following answer on that subject, viz.

Translation.

"M. de Montmorin received this morning Mr Jay's note, and
thanks him for the information. M. de Montmorin is fully
sensible of the importance of it, and although he is far from
entertaining the least doubt on the sentiments of the Spanish
Ministry, he will not fail to take the precaution to be
informed of everything connected with Sir John Dalrymple's
arrival. He advises Mr Jay to follow the same course. Courts
are so beset with intrigues, that nothing should be
neglected, which may tend to discover them. He repeats that
he has not the slightest cause to suspect the Spanish
Ministry, but on the contrary, has the strongest reasons for
confiding in its integrity and honor. M. de Montmorin begs Mr
Jay to accept his compliments, and to present his respectful
homage to Mrs Jay."

Learning that Sir John had obtained leave to go to France in his way to England, I apprised Mr Adams of it in a letter of the 26th of April, 1780, of which the following is an extrac

"Sir John Dalrymple is here; he came from Portugal for the
benefit of his lady's health, as is said. He is now at
Aranjues. He has seen the Imperial Ambassador, the Governor
of the city, Senior Compomanes, the Duke of Alva, and several
others named to him I suppose by Lord Grantham, who I find
was much respected here. He will return through France to
Britain. I shall go to Aranjues the day after tomorrow, and
shall form some judgment of that gentleman's success by the
conduct of the Court towards America."

On waiting on the Count de Florida Blanca, a few days afterwards at Aranjues, he told me that Sir John had applied to him to obtain from him permission to go through Spain to France, and to the French Minister for a passport through that kingdom to England. The indisposition of his lady was the reason assigned for not going from Portugal by water. That in conversation, Sir John took occasion to say several things respecting the war, and the manner of drawing it to a conclusion. That the Count desired him to reduce what he would wish to say on that subject to writing, and that Sir John thereupon sent him a paper, entitled "A Historical Anecdote," of which the following is a copy.

_A Project of Lord Rochford to prevent the War._

"Before the declaration of France in favor of America, Lord
Rochford, formerly Ambassador in Spain and in France, formed
a project to prevent the war. It was, that England should
propose a great treaty of confederation between France,
Spain, Portugal, and England, the objects of which should be
the three following; the first, a mutual guarantee between
these four powers of their possessions in America and the two
Indies, with a proviso, that a war in Europe should never be
a war in those remote regions on any pretext whatever, fixing
also the number of troops and vessels to be furnished by the
contracting powers against the power that should contravene
the peace in those distant parts. The second object was, to
grant a participation in the commerce of America to France,
Spain, and Portugal, as far as such participation might not
be incompatible with the common interests, and without the
rivalship of English America and England. The third object
was, the adjustment of the contested privileges of the
Americans upon principles just and honorable for them. Lord
Rochford was at that time Secretary of State. He told me,
that the first person to whom he had communicated this
project was the late Prince of Mazarano, Ambassador of Spain,
and that though old and indisposed, he arose and embraced
him, and said, 'Ah! my Lord, what divinity has inspired you?'
Lord Rochford also communicated it to a friend of his, who
was then, and still continues one of the Ministers of the
King of England, who gave it his approbation; but Lord
Rochford soon after quitted the Ministry and retired to the
country, by which accident the project failed of being
presented to the cabinet of the King.

"I have given a relation of this anecdote, because I am one
of the four or five persons who alone know the truth of it,
and because I am of opinion, that it is not yet too late to
revive a project, which will save a million of Christians
from becoming widows and orphans. As to the first object of
such a confederacy, Lord Rochford did not doubt of the
proposition's being accepted by all the powers, because it
was the interest of all to accept it. The losses of France in
the two Indies the last war, and their misfortunes in the
East Indies in the present one, where, in six weeks, they
have lost all they possessed; the losses of the Spaniards in
the last war in the two Indies, and even the stroke the other
day in the Bay of Honduras, by a young captain with a handful
of soldiers; the facility with which Portugal lost the Island
of St Catharine in the Brazils, and the misfortunes of the
English armies the three last years in America, all prove
that France, Spain, Portugal, and England, have their tender
parts in America and the two Indies, and of consequence, that
they have all an interest in a mutual guarantee of their
possessions in those three parts of the world.

"As to the second object of the confederacy, I am sensible,
that the idea of the other three powers participating in the
commerce of America, under the limitation of its not being
incompatible with the common interests of English America and
England, is an idea somewhat vague, and subject to disputes.
But, fortunately for humanity, there are five persons in
those five countries, of characters which render them proper
to draw the outlines of some determinate regulations, which
will admit of no disputes, and may enrich France, Spain, and
Portugal, without impoverishing England and her Colonies. In
America there is Doctor Franklin, perhaps the first genius of
the age, who is well acquainted with the commercial
connexions between America and England; France has her
Comptroller-General, who, from his youth, has been brought up
in the practice of commerce; in Spain, we find M. Campomanes,
who has employed the maturity of his life in studies, that
give him a superiority in discussions of this kind; Portugal
will be assisted by the counsels of the Duke of Braganza, who
has gathered knowledge in almost every field, in courts, in
libraries, and even on the exchanges of the merchants of
Europe; and as for England, she has a Minister who,
thoroughly versed in the true interests of commerce, will not
refuse to America what he has just granted to Ireland.

"As to the third object of the confederation; England, who
much boasts of her own _magna charta_, will make no
difficulty in granting a _magna charta_ to the liberties of
America. Perhaps the best means to expedite this measure
would be to give a _carte blanche_ to Dr Franklin. A generous
confidence is the surest means to secure a generous man.
Spain has two very solid interests in the success of such a
confederacy, and against the independence of America. The
first is, that if English America becomes independent,
Spanish America will be overrun with the contraband of the
Americans thus independent of England. 1. England is bound by
treaties with Spain not to carry on the contraband trade. 2.
She is restrained by the fear of this contraband's drawing a
war upon her in Europe, which was the consequence of it in
the times of Sir Robert Walpole. 3. The dearness of English
and European commodities sets natural bounds to the quantity
of this contraband. But when the Americans are independent,
they will say, first, they are not bound by the treaties of
the English; secondly, they will not be restrained by fear,
being so far from Spain, and having defended themselves
against eighty thousand English soldiers and marines, they
would but little dread the forces of Spain; and thirdly, the
low price of American commodities will cover the Spanish
Colonies with contraband. Indeed, necessity itself will
oblige the Americans either to carry on this contraband, or
to make war on Spanish and Portuguese America and their
Islands. They have neither gold nor silver among themselves,
and without these precious metals, they can neither cultivate
their lands nor carry on commerce. They will only have four
sources from whence to draw them; first, their commerce with
Europe; secondly, pensions from France and Spain; thirdly, a
contraband trade with the Provinces of Spain and Portugal in
the new world; and fourthly, a war in these Provinces.

"While the Americans continue in a state, which the English
call rebellion, their commerce with Europe will be
interrupted by English cruisers. Thus they will draw but a
small quantity of these precious metals from this first
source. The pensions of France and Spain will be much too
inconsiderable to support the agriculture and manufactures of
so extensive a country. Their only remaining source then for
these metals will be in the contraband, or wars with the
Spanish and Portuguese Provinces. To prevent this contraband,
the treaty of confederation might make provision against the
contraband both of the English and Americans. It is a
delicate point for an Englishman to suggest the means, but
were the two nations sincerely disposed for peace, I could in
a quarter of an hour suggest the infallible means.

"Spain has another interest, perhaps still greater, against
the independence of the Americans, and, consequently, in
favor of the treaty in question. The Americans, who will be
able to fly with their sails wherever they please, will make
establishments in New Zealand, the Islands of Otaheite, or
some other Islands in the South Sea, from whence they will
torment the Spaniards in that sea, and even the English, the
French, the Portuguese, and the Dutch, in the East India
Seas. Being independent, no treaty will prevent their making
such establishments. They may make them consistent with the
laws of nations. Captain Cook in his last printed voyages
says, there are fortyseven thousand seafaring people in the
Island of Otaheite alone; and Captain Wallis, who discovered
those Islands, told me at Lisbon a few days ago, that the
inhabitants of Otaheite went to the mast-head of the English
ships, and ran on the yard-arms as well in three days' time
as the English mariners, and gave me two reasons for it. The
first was, that living on fish, they are all seafaring
people; and the second, that those who wear no shoes are
always the most dexterous in mounting the upper parts of a
ship. Captain Cook also in the same voyage gives a
description of a port and city in New Zealand, which might in
a few weeks be made impregnable, and one needs only look at
the shape of the Islands in the South Seas, in the maps we
have of them, to be convinced that they have no small number
of these impregnable ports.

"I show myself as much a friend to Spain, to France, to
Portugal and Holland, as to England, in disclosing the
following idea, which may have escaped others. Heretofore it
was impossible to go to the South Seas with any safety, but
in the months of December and January, and by the dreadful
latitudes round Cape Horn. But the late discoveries of
Captain Cook and other Englishmen have demonstrated the
practicability of going thither in every month of the year,
round the Cape of Good Hope, and the fine latitude of New
Zealand, and in almost the same time; the one being a passage
of four and the other of five months. Because the same west
wind, which blows almost the whole of the year, and retards
the vessels passing by Cape Horn, carries them with rapidity
by the Cape of Good Hope and New Zealand. Hence it follows,
that when the Americans quarrel with Spain, perhaps on the
subject of the contraband, they will send their ships on the
coast of Chili from their establishments in the South Seas,
by the latitudes of New Zealand, and with the west winds,
which always blow in that quarter. This is a voyage of only
five weeks; for Captain Cook in one voyage, and Captain
Fourneaux in another, went from New Zealand to Cape Horn in
less time, and the journal of the winds annexed to the voyage
of Captain Cook shews, that the west winds in those latitudes
bear to the east the proportion of ten to one. When their
vessels are on the coasts of Chili, they will take the
advantage of the land wind, which, blowing constantly from
south to north, will carry them along the coasts of Chili and
Peru. With this wind they will go in fourteen days to the Bay
of Panama, and in the course of this voyage they will ravage
the sea coasts, and make prizes of all the vessels they meet.
The naval force of Spain at Lima will not have it in their
power to hinder them, for the same south wind, which will
push the Americans forward, will prevent the fleets of Spain
going to meet them. From the Bay of Panama they will return
by the great wind of the tropics, which never fails blowing
from east to west, either to their settlements in the South
Seas, or to sell their prizes in the seas of China or India,
from whence they will perhaps again return with new vessels,
newly manned, to repeat their ravages. Their return will
either be by New Zealand in coming from the Indies, or by the
latitude of forty north in coming from China. In this last
case they will fall on Mexico, and profiting of the land
winds which always blow there from north to the Bay of
Panama, they will ravage Mexico as before they ravaged Chili
and Peru. From the Bay of Panama they will return by the
great tropic wind, either to their own homes in the South
Seas, or to the seas of Asia to renew a war, insulting,
tormenting, and without remedy.

"On the other hand, when at war with England, France,
Portugal, or Holland, they will direct their course from
their establishments in the South Seas, and fall upon the
possessions of those powers in the East Indies. They will
have two great routes to go and return by; the one to the
west of New Zealand, the other by the Islands between China
and New Holland, and in this they will have as many passages
as there are Islands. Thence follows the impossibility of
waylaying their vessels, either going or on their return.
These consequences may all be prevented by the treaty
proposed by Lord Rochford, in which it might be stipulated
that these Islands shall forever belong to their present
inhabitants and their posterity, for certainly the nation who
shall first possess herself of them will command the commerce
of the South Seas and those of Asia.

"Europe, wishing for the independence of America, resembles a
man asleep on ice, and not sensible that ice thaws, and
therefore to give the greater weight to the confederation,
Holland and Denmark, who have interests in both the new
worlds, might be invited to become contracting parties to
those articles of treaty, which regard the mutual guarantee.

"The reason of the frequent breach of treaties is, that they
are made without provision for the future reciprocal
interests of the contracting nations. The only ones that I
know of, that pay attention to this object, are the treaties
between Portugal and England; by which Portugal gains a
preference for the sale of her wines in England, and England
for the sale of her cloths in Portugal. The consequence is,
that there never has, and in appearance never will be, a war
between Portugal and England. It would not be difficult,
either in the general confederation, or by separate treaties
of commerce between England on the one part, and the three
kingdoms of Spain, Portugal, and France respectively on the
other, to advance infinitely the commercial interests of all
three, by their connexions with England. Spain having wines,
oil, fruits, salt, fine wools, and some other articles, which
England has not, and England having iron, with coal in the
same fields for the manufacturing of it, and by the moistness
of her climate long wool for cloths of a low price, also tin,
fish, with some other articles, which Spain has not, it
follows, that when England is rich she will buy more articles
of Spain, and when Spain is rich she will buy more articles
of England, and consequently, that one cannot enrich herself
without enriching the other. The same reasoning applies to
the natural connexions between England and Portugal. There is
even a natural connexion between England and France in many
articles of commerce, if the jealousy of fools, and
misinformed persons did not perpetually interrupt it. I have
heard from certain authority, that had the Abbe Terray
continued in the Ministry of France, there would have been a
tariff between France and England for the entry, on the most
favorable conditions, of the wines and articles of mode of
the one nation, and the manufactures of iron and wheat of the
other, and England might have procured the consent of
Portugal for the diminution of her commerce of wines with
England by other indemnifications. England in favor of
France, Spain, and Portugal, might, without injury to herself
even permit the exportation of those wools, paying a duty at
the exportation thereof. The exportation of the superfluous
wool, would be an advantage to the proprietors of lands in
England, to the King in furnishing him a new revenue, and to
those three nations, in giving them an article necessary for
their manufactures.

"Unfortunately for humanity, the Abbe Terray is no more; but
happily for humanity, Dr Franklin, the Comptroller-General of
France, M. Compomanes, the Duke of Braganza, and Lord North
are all still living, and the King of Spain, with the Count
de Florida Blanca, may put all these five in motion.

"For my part I have no authority from the English Ministers
to present this project, but living in friendship with the
greater part of them, and on an intimate footing with the
others, I am certain that some of the sentiments in this
memorial correspond with their manner of thinking on the
subject. I confess I received a letter in Portugal, fourteen
days before my departure for Spain, from Lord Rochford, who
is not at present in the Ministry, but who is so taken up
with a project that does him so much honor, that he has
advised me to feel the pulses on the possibility of making it
succeed, and that I have a letter on the same subject from
the Duke of Braganza, who entered into the views of my Lord
Rochford not as a politician, but as a friend to humanity.

"Encouraged by such men, and still more by the dictates of my
own heart, I wrote to one of the English Ministers, that if I
did not find minds too much heated, and there was no danger
of giving offence, I intended to do justice to the project of
my Lord Rochford, in Spain and in France, and begged him to
send me an answer to Paris whether the Ministry of England
approved or disapproved my intentions.

"I have only to add, that my views being to unite, and not to
separate nations, I have no objection that the Ministers of
France and Dr Franklin should each have a copy of this
memorial."

The Count spoke of Sir John and his anecdote very properly, and concluded with assurances of the King's firmness.

The manner in which Sir John speaks of Dr Franklin, however just, I impute to a design of injuring the confidence reposed in him by his constituents.

The house of Gardoqui at Bilboa are rich, in favor with the Ministry, and friends to America. The Navy Board have sent to them for goods for the use of the navy, and have remitted to them only an inconsiderable part of the sum to which they will amount, desiring the residue on credit, and promising speedy payment. One of the House now here spoke to me on the subject; I advised him to complete the orders. It is of the utmost consequence that the Navy Board be punctual in their remittances. American credit is not high, and ought to be higher. I am the more anxious on this subject, as that House is exceedingly well disposed, and a disappointment would not only be injurious to them, but much more so to us. Perhaps it would be a good rule if the United States were to contract debts only with Governments, and never with individuals abroad.

I received a letter last week from a Captain Hawkins at Cadiz, informing me that the Americans, who had escaped from captivity and were collected there, were fitting out a vessel for America, which they were arming, and wished to be enabled to act offensively and defensively in their way home, by having a proper commission from me for that purpose. As I had neither blank commissions nor authority to grant them, I referred him to Dr Franklin.

Congress will be pleased to consider how far it may be proper to remove these obstacles, by sending me both. This leads me again to remind your Excellency of several letters I wrote you from Cadiz, respecting American seamen coming to Spain from captivity at Gibraltar and other places. As copies of these letters have been sent by different vessels, I presume some of them have reached you. It certainly is necessary that provision be made for these people, and in a regular established manner. I am very desirous of instructions on this subject.

The credit given me by Congress on Dr Franklin is expended, and I am without other means of obtaining supplies than by private credit, which I am at a loss to satisfy. To apply to, and be maintained by the Court, is, in my opinion, too humiliating to be for the public good; and as yet I have neither received nor heard of remittances from America. It would give me pleasure to know in what manner Congress mean I should be supplied, and whether any measures have been taken for that purpose.