Chapter II: The Military State of North America (2)

I am much embarrassed for the means of conveying and receiving intelligence. Being at a great distance from the sea, all my letters to and from thence here must either be conveyed by private couriers or the public post. All my letters by the latter, whether in France or Spain, are opened. By that conveyance, therefore, it would not always be proper to write either to Congress, to Dr Franklin, Mr Adams, or others, with that freedom which would often be useful, and sometimes necessary. The salary allowed me, so far from admitting the expense of private couriers, is inadequate for the common purposes for which it was given. This is a delicate subject, and I wish it was not my duty to say anything respecting it. This place is the dearest in Europe. The Court is never stationary, passing part of the year in no less than five different places, viz. Madrid, Pardo, Aranjues, St Ildefonso, and the Escurial; hence considerable expenses arise. I forbear enumerating particulars, my design being only to mention this matter to Congress, not to press it upon them. I shall always live agreeably to my circumstances; and if, from their being too narrow, inconveniences result to the public, they ought to be informed of it. I hope what I have said will be viewed in this light only; so far as I am personally interested, I am content.

Mr Harrison, a gentleman of Maryland, now here, will be the bearer of this letter to Cadiz. I therefore embrace this good and unusual opportunity of being so minute and explicit in it.

The family of Galvez is numerous and of weight. The one on the Mississippi has written favorably of the Americans to his brothers here, three of whom are in office. It would be well to cultivate this disposition whenever opportunities of doing it offer.

The resolution providing for Spanish prisoners at New York was well judged.

Dr Franklin is more advantageously circumstanced than I am to gain and transmit to Congress intelligence of the disposition of Holland and of the Northern Powers.

From the conduct of their ministers here, I have no reason to predict much to our advantage. They are cold, and I have received nothing more than common civility from any of them, except the Ministers of Holland and Sweden, and indeed not much more from them. Perhaps they have been rendered unusually cautious by an extract of a letter from Madrid in the Leyden paper, mentioning the precious reception Mr Carmichael met with here, and the attentions he received from the foreign Ministers. You have probably seen it in the _Courier de l'Europe_.

From what I hear of the character of the Empress of Russia, I cannot but think that a prudent agent there would be very useful. They say she is sensible, proud, and ambitious. Hence I infer that such a mark of attention would be grateful, and consequently useful.

I should have given your Excellency seasonable intelligence of the Spanish fleet and armament, which lately sailed from Cadiz, as I believe to the Havana, and whose objects I suspect to be the Floridas or Jamaica, or probably both, but I omitted writing on that subject previous to the departure of the fleet, from a persuasion that any letters by the post containing such advices would not be permitted to proceed, and therefore I thought it unnecessary; nor will I now swell the pages of this letter, already very voluminous, by entering into particulars relative to it, especially as that armament will probably have begun its operations before this letter will come to your Excellency's hands.

The reports of dissensions in Congress, which prevailed here prior to my arrival, and the causes to which they were ascribed, had filled this Court with apprehensions; and it gives me pleasure to assure you, that the present appearance of union in Congress is attended here with very happy effects.

The people in this country are in almost total darkness about us. Scarce any American publications have reached them, nor are they informed of the most recent and important events in that country. The affairs of Stony Point, Paulus Hook, &c. &c. have never been heard of here, except perhaps by the great officers of state, and they could scarcely believe that the Roman Catholic religion was even tolerated there.

There are violent prejudices among them against us. Many of them have even serious doubts of our being civilized, and mention a strange story of a ship driven into Virginia by distress, about thirty years ago, that was plundered by the inhabitants, and some of the crew killed in a manner and under circumstances which, if true, certainly indicate barbarity. The King and Ministry are warm, yet I have reason to believe that the bulk of the nation is cold towards us; they appear to me to like the English, hate the French, and to have prejudices against us.

I mention these things to show in a strong light the necessity of punctuality in sending me from time to time all American intelligence of importance, and observing such conduct towards Spaniards in general, as may tend to impress them with more favorable sentiments of us. There was a little uneasiness among the mercantile people at Cadiz respecting the capture of some Spanish vessels by privateers. I hope the former have had ample justice done them; it certainly is of great importance that they should have reason to be satisfied.

Your Excellency may observe that I have written very particularly. Both this Court and that of France have very particular information respecting the proceedings of Congress.

Want of prudence, rather than virtue, I believe to be the cause. I nevertheless think it my duty to give Congress from time to time full information of their affairs here, and shall not be restrained by the apprehension of any consequences, that may result from want of secrecy there. I make it a rule to write on these subjects only to Congress, and to them very particularly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

_P. S._ Congress may think it extraordinary, that Mr Carmichael's handwriting does not appear in this letter. He is, with my approbation, now at Aranjues, and I must do him the justice to say, that he is always ready and willing to do his duty as Secretary.

J. J.

FOOTNOTES:

[18] See above, dated January 26th, p. 194.

[19] See this letter in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II p. 276.

[20] See above, p. 195.

[21] See above, p. 199.

[22] See p. 203.

[23] See p. 210.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Madrid, May 27th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

On the 27th of last month I had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 11th of December, 1779, with copies of the resolutions of Congress, for drawing on Mr Laurens and myself for one hundred thousand pounds sterling each.

I had the honor of writing to Congress yesterday very fully respecting their affairs in this kingdom, and particularly on the subject of those resolutions.

I have not yet had the pleasure of hearing of Mr Lauren's arrival, about which I am anxious. Be pleased to assure Congress, that Mr Laurens shall receive from me every mark of attention, and all the aid in my power to afford. The latter I fear will not be great.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Madrid, May 27th, 1780.

Sir,

Eight days ago I had the pleasure of receiving a packet containing journals and newspapers.

From an endorsement I conjecture that I am indebted to you for it. There was no letter enclosed in it. I am much obliged by this attention. American intelligence is of more importance here (where they have little of it) than can well be imagined.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL TO JOHN JAY.

Aranjues, May 27th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

Since my letter of the 25th instant, I have very strong reason to believe, in consequence of conversations I have had with persons who ought to be well informed, that the fleet and troops, which sailed from Cadiz the 28th ultimo, are destined in the first instance to the Windward Islands, to act in concert with the squadron of the Count de Guichen, from thence as circumstances may render it proper they will proceed to Jamaica or the Floridas; for it appears to be the intention of the Spanish, as well as of the French Court, to detach a part at least of their force in the Islands to the continent, as soon as the hurricane season in the West Indies renders it dangerous for them to act against the enemy in that part of the world. I do not mention by letter my source of information, because I do not choose to hazard the loss of intelligence, which I may gain from the same persons, by the miscarriage of letters. I shall however mention it to you _viva voce_, in order to enable you to judge of the credit due to my information.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Madrid, May 28th, 1780.

Sir,

Since closing my letter of the 26th instant, I have received from Mr Carmichael the interesting intelligence contained in the enclosed paper.[24] He is now here, and has communicated to me the channel through which he obtained it, from which I think his information deserves belief, and his address in obtaining it credit.

I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.

FOOTNOTE:

[24] See the preceding letter.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Madrid, May 28th, 1780.

Sir,

In the journal of the proceedings of Congress of November, 1779, I find that on the 8th day of that month they were pleased to come to the following resolution. "Resolved, that the late and former Presidents of Congress be desired to lodge, as soon as they conveniently can in the Secretary's office, copies of all public letters by them respectively written during their Presidentship." After I resigned the chair, and immediately on your Excellency's election, I delivered a book, containing copies of the public letters I had written during my Presidentship, to your Excellency, who promised to lodge it in the Secretary's office, which, I am persuaded, was accordingly done. It gives me concern therefore to find this resolution is made to extend to me, and I flatter myself Congress will do me the justice to let it appear, by the entry to be made on their journals of the receipt of this letter, that I had done that part of my duty in season, and without their express request.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Madrid, May 30th, 1780.

Sir,

On the 26th instant I had the honor of writing a very long and particular letter to your Excellency, by the way of Cadiz, of which a duplicate has also been sent. To the contents of that letter I have nothing new to add, except that two of the bills directed to be drawn upon me have arrived.

I shall go tomorrow to Aranjues, from whence I shall embrace the first opportunity of communicating to Congress the further progress of their affairs here.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.

Without date.

Sir,

By vessels lately arrived from the continent, and from St Eustatia, there appeared here some bills drawn by the Treasurer of Loans in America on Henry Laurens, Commissioner for the States in Amsterdam. Every body has been surprised at it, and we in particular, as we were directly applied to. We said at the first, that we expected Mr Laurens would be in town very soon, begging them to keep those bills a fortnight, and that, at all events, we would accept them. We have seen others since more willing to wait; but not knowing what sums may have been drawn for already, we are in hopes to be soon released from this anxiety by the arrival of the Minister. As we think your Excellency may have some intelligence about this matter, and have it in your power at the same time to save the credit of America, if Mr Laurens by any accident should not arrive, we beg the favor to be informed how to conduct ourselves. In the mean time we will do what lies in our power to prevent all noise and trouble about them. In case Mr Laurens should not arrive, your Excellency will have time left to make or provide for remittances, as the bills are drawn at six months' sight.

We have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

* * * * *

DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, June 1st, 1780.

Sir,

Craving reference to our last, we have now the honor to propose to your Excellency on what terms we think all difficulty on account of the absence of Henry Laurens, as Commissioner from Congress here, may be prevented. We have written the same to Dr Franklin in France, offering him to accept all those bills, provided he gives us permission to re-draw directly on him for account of Congress, and to do it even at seven or eight months, until, by the arrival of Mr Laurens, or in some other way, this matter may be arranged, for there must certainly be provision made for those bills, and the sums we do not think will exceed two or three hundred thousand guilders before Mr Laurens's arrival here may be known in America, and matters are settled. We even offered those transactions without any view of interest, as for a commission. The importance of the business must have influence with every one, who has any regard for the United States; and this emboldened us even to trouble your Excellency with this relation, not doubting but you might equally find means to make matters easy at all events; for the terrible loss which there would be on such bills, if protested, must be prevented, and the honor of the credit of America must be saved. We hope our endeavor for it may be approved of, and have the desired end.

We have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

* * * * *

DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, June 8th, 1780.

Sir,

In conformity with what we have informed you, that we had engaged for the acceptance of some of the bills drawn on Henry Laurens, since nothing has been heard of him as yet, we accepted those on the first instant, and we hope your Excellency, as well as Dr Franklin, may approve of our proceeding, and of the method we have proposed for our reimbursement, in case Mr Laurens may not appear, or that they should not be provided for in time. Certain it is that those bills should be honored for the credit of America. At the same time, it is not in the power of a mercantile house to stand for the whole; yet the measure proposed may make it easy, since the sums will not be so large but that they may be easily provided for in Spain and France by the Plenipotentiary Ministers. And for ourselves, we only desire to be properly empowered to draw again for any sums we may accept. As there was no time to get the matter previously adjusted, we will go on, and see how our plan may be agreed to and approved of.

We have the honor to be always with the most devoted regard, &c.

JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

* * * * *

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN JAY.

Philadelphia, June 16th, 1780.

Sir,

The embarrassments, which the depreciation of the currency had created in the public affairs at the time of your departure for Europe, were, as you may well remember, very distressing, and have, till lately, continued to increase. Congress, greatly anxious to avail themselves of every possible means of checking this evil, on the 23d of November last ventured on the expedient of drawing bills upon you for one hundred thousand pounds sterling, as you have been already advised by letter of December the 11th following. This they thought they might risk, considering the importance of the object. But as the time of your arrival in Europe could not be counted upon with certainty, and as the negotiation might not be immediately practicable, and moreover, as a disappointment would be highly injurious to the public faith, they determined to draw the bills at six months' sight, which we hope will allow sufficient leisure for every preparation.

It will not be amiss to observe, that Congress have not taken this measure without some circumstances of encouragement, that a fund to satisfy the draft would not be unattainable. Since the agreeable news of your arrival, and to answer a purpose of great national utility, Congress, by their resolution of the 19th instant, have directed bills to be drawn for the additional sum of twentyfive thousand dollars, payable at sixty days' sight. The exertions necessary at this crisis require the command of a considerable sum of money; but these drafts, we hope, will not be increased till we have intelligence from you respecting your prospects and assurances. We have the pleasure to inform you, that from the measures, which have lately been adopted, and with which you are made acquainted by the journals, the finances begin to assume a better appearance, and our public affairs in general will, we hope, be delivered from many of the embarrassments under which they have labored, but we earnestly entreat you to push every possible exertion for procuring aids of money from the Court of Spain, without which we are fearful the measures of Congress fully to restore the currency and prosecute the war with good effect will fall short of the desired success.

We have the honor to be, &c.

JAMES LOVELL,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON,
WILLIAM C. HOUSTON.

* * * * *

TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON, AT AMSTERDAM.

Madrid, June 18th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

Accept my thanks for your favors on the subject of the bills drawn on Mr Laurens. The kind concern you take in the credit and prosperity of the United States merits their acknowledgments, and I shall take the first opportunity of communicating to Congress your very friendly propositions relative to the acceptance of the bills.

Whether Dr Franklin is in circumstances to agree to these propositions I know not. They certainly are very generous and liberal, and would be attended with very happy effects. I am persuaded, that Congress would strain every nerve to fulfill them. I have no intelligence whatever of Mr Laurens, and am much at a loss to conjecture what should detain him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

Madrid, June 25th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

Your favor of the 8th instant came to hand yesterday. The receipt of the letters referred to in it was acknowledged by the last post. Your plan for paying the bills drawn on Mr Laurens is noble and generous. I heartily wish it may succeed, and that things could be so adjusted as that you might not be exposed to loss or inconvenience by it. But, gentlemen, as to this matter, I have neither instructions, nor the means of preventing the evils you mention. If I had the money, or could procure it, I would, without hesitation, engage to repay you punctually, but that is not the case. That Congress will repay you with gratitude I am certain, but whether quite so soon as your convenience may require, is more doubtful, because the absence of Mr Laurens is an event they did not foresee, and consequently did not provide against. If you could make a loan for the United States in your country, the money might be applied for the discharge of these bills. I am sure you would do Congress a very acceptable service by it. I have not yet heard from Dr Franklin on this subject. You may rely on all the aid in my power to render, and I should be very happy if it could be equal to the present exigency. I am not without difficulties respecting the bills drawn upon me. If these difficulties should cease, and I should be in a capacity to assist you, I will immediately let you know it, but of this there is as yet no great prospect.

As a man, I admire and esteem your conduct, and as an American I thank you. Be assured, therefore, that I shall omit no opportunity of convincing you of the regard and attachment, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Madrid, July 10th, 1780.

Sir,

As a late and particular letter from me to your Excellency is now on the way to America, and as I purpose to write again very fully by the successor of M. Mirales, I decline saying much in this letter, which I shall send by a circuitous and hazardous route.

I have accepted bills to the amount of between eleven and twelve thousand dollars. They arrive slowly, and I am very glad of it. No news of Mr Laurens; I regret his absence. I hope the terms for the sale of the bills on me will not be lowered. Remittances have really become necessary. Distressed American seamen cost a great deal. The house of Le Couteulx has advanced money for them at Cadiz.

I had yesterday an application from the director of a hospital at St Andeira, desiring to be informed whether I would be responsible for the ordinary expenses of receiving and curing a New England master of a vessel, who had escaped from captivity pennyless, having one of his legs so injured by iron fetters as to be in danger of losing it. These are calls of humanity, and I entreat Congress to enable me to obey them, and to establish specific regulations for the conduct of these affairs.

The surrender of Charleston is the subject of much speculation, and many unfavorable conjectures. I have received no public letters since I left America, except one from the Committee, enclosing the resolutions for drawing bills on me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, July 13th, 1780.

Sir,

Never letter could have been more welcome than the favor your Excellency honored us with of the 25th of the past month, since it expressed a true concern about the bills drawn on Mr Laurens, and your approbation of our conduct. As we from the beginning acted from principle in the American cause, and never will prevaricate, this is only from the same motive, but we shall be sorry if we should not be supported, and that it is out of your Excellency's power to do it. We cannot judge how far those drafts may go, and if we had not expected that your Excellency, as well as Dr Franklin, would have been willing and able to answer for a trifle, (one or two hundred thousand guilders) in such a matter as this, it would have been a folly to undertake it.

Dr Franklin wrote to us, that people would be satisfied to have the bills enregistered, but we found the contrary; several of them would have them duly protested, and until today we have again accepted them all; but how it will go further we do not know. We were very sensible to the hint your Excellency was pleased to give us, of making a loan here. We might from time to time have got some money in that way, if properly authorised; and our good will and influence certainly would have brought it further than it had been done by the House, which was formerly intrusted with it, and we have long ago desired a loan should be opened in our hands, but we never could properly obtain it. A trifle of allowance, and chiefly the largeness of the sum, which was required from us to answer for at once, prevented it; so we did not think proper to mention it again. We can and may work for glory, but on a large scale we cannot sacrifice our own interest. Every catastrophe in favor of or against America, has with our public a great influence. So the capture of Charleston would be very much against us at this moment for such a purpose; and though we could not flatter ourselves to go any length with it, a very particular circumstance might revive the American spirit; and it would even require some time before such a power was brought into due terms, whereon we could engage anything.

This is certain, that in a moment as critical as the present, a small sum would save the honor of Congress, and in that light could not be paid for too dear; which made us think on a method, that your Excellency could employ a banker, and likewise Dr Franklin; that we, drawing on either of your Excellencies, if we were sure you would approve of it, could prolong terms in all probability, and without doubt as long as should be needful, and until the arrival of Mr Laurens, and that by his means and instructions proper measures could be taken.

We must also expect, that Congress, (as on the first days of May they were informed, that Mr Laurens had not sailed,) will have been attentive to provide for those bills, and have considered the consequences, as we do in Europe. We write the same idea to Dr Franklin, and propose to him, if he should not approve of such a method, or find a better, to empower us for a loan, as we know he had formerly instructions thereon. We are too nice and anxious for the credit of Congress to make any use thereof, if it should hurt matters any way; but it is not possible to know what may be done before a proper trial; and we are obliged at last to speak plain, that whatever bills now further should offer, we cannot accept any more. We wish our proposals may not seem incongruous; we make them with the more assurance, as we are not guided by any other motive, than by the most extended desire to prevent every difficulty, which could in any way affect the reputation of the United States.

We have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

* * * * *

DE NEUFVILLE & SON TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, July 28th, 1780.

Sir,

Since we had the honor of writing to your Excellency, it is but just, that we should inform you of the success of our proceedings in the acceptance of the bills drawn on Henry Laurens, for which Dr Franklin, by his last favor, has engaged, offering to accept further bills, when sent to him, until the arrival of Mr Laurens, or that some good reason may appear for the contrary. As this will answer the same purpose, and we think it best, that there should not seem to be any alteration, we offer today to continue our acceptance until forbid, under guarantee of our being reimbursed in time. We are very much pleased, that the matter is thus far settled for the honor of Congress.

We have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

* * * * *

TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

Madrid, July 29th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

Your favor of the 13th instant was delivered to me last evening. I admire the generous principles, which lead you to take so decided and friendly a part in favor of America. I have too great confidence in the honor, justice, and gratitude of Congress to suspect, that they will permit you to be sufferers by your exertions in their favor. On the contrary, I am persuaded they will entertain a proper sense of your disinterested attachment, and with pleasure take every opportunity of acknowledging it.

Mr Laurens's absence is much to be regretted; his endeavors, aided by your assistance, would probably have prevented the embarrassments, which have taken place. I have not as yet received any advices of his having sailed, and your information of his not having left America in May is true. By a letter from a gentleman at Cadiz of the 21st instant I learn, that a vessel from North Carolina had arrived in fortynine days, and left Mr Laurens there on his way to Philadelphia. I am at a loss to account for this, having no intelligence from America on the subject. Perhaps his design was to sail from Philadelphia. If so, we may still look out for him. Prudence, however, demands, that every possible step be taken to alleviate the inconveniences arising from his absence. If my power extended to this case, I should, without hesitation, authorise you in a proper manner to make a loan in Holland, and be much obliged to you for undertaking it. But my instructions do not reach so far; all I can do is to advise as an individual, and as a public servant, to represent in a true light to Congress your benevolent efforts to preserve their credit. If Dr Franklin has such instructions as you suppose, and his circumstances will admit of it, I can at present see no objections to his taking some such measures as you propose, until Mr Laurens's arrival; but of this, he alone can properly judge. I shall write to him on the subject, and you may rely on my doing everything in my power. I assure you I feel myself, as an American, so much obliged by your generous zeal to serve my country, that I shall be happy in being instrumental to render the issue of it as agreeable and honorable to you, as the principles on which you act are meritorious and noble.

I flatter myself, that the unfavorable influence, which the capture of Charleston has on the public, will be of short duration. When they reflect, that America has nobly sustained a six years' war, fought hard battles with various success, and lost and regained several of their cities, they will find it ridiculous to believe, that the fate of the Thirteen States is involved in that of one or two towns. The like impressions were made, when New York, Philadelphia, and Ticonderoga fell into the enemy's hands; and those impressions were again removed by the battle of Trenton, the evacuation of Philadelphia, the battle of Monmouth, the defeat and capture of General Burgoyne and his army, and other victories on our side. Many of these great events happened when America had no ally, and when Britain had no other objects to divide her force. It is not reasonable, therefore, to imagine, that the power of Britain has been augmented by the accession of two formidable enemies, or that the power of America has been diminished in proportion as the number of her friends increased.

Depend upon it, that as the spirit of America has always risen with the successes of her enemies they will not, on this occasion, throw away their arms, and ingloriously pass under the yoke of a nation whose conduct towards her has been marked by injustice and oppression in peace, and by malice and wanton barbarity in war.

With sentiments of sincere regard and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

Madrid, August 16th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

My last to you was dated July 29th, in answer to yours of the 13th of the same month. I have since had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 28th of July, and am happy to hear that Dr Franklin has been able to take the step you mention. I cannot forbear again to repeat the sense I have of your very friendly conduct on this occasion. I assure you I shall rejoice in every opportunity of acknowledging the obligations you have conferred on my country. Such disinterested acts of friendship are not common, and ought never to be forgotten.

With sentiments of great and sincere esteem and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO SILAS DEANE.

St Ildefonso, September 8th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

If I could easily be angry with an old friend, I should be so with you. Your silence is unkind, and the more so as you might probably have communicated things useful, as well as entertaining. Before we parted in America, you gave me a cypher, and I really promised myself much from it on your arrival in Europe. I could almost wish that the winds had blown you this way. I would give a good deal for a day's conversation with you, but that is impossible. A correspondence is the only substitute, and perhaps you have detached yourself too much from public concerns and public men to be troubled with it. I hope this is not the case. It would be wrong to extend to a whole nation the resentments excited by a few. Perhaps other reasons may have induced your silence; whatever they may be I regret them.

Adieu. I am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant,

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

St Ildefonso, September 16th, 1780.

Sir,

This letter and several copies of it are to be sent by the next post to Bilboa, Cadiz, Nantes, &c. The object of it is to inform you, that it is necessary immediately to cease drawing bills upon me for the present.

Your Excellency may soon expect a full detail of particulars; you will then receive an answer to every question that may be raised upon this letter.

His Catholic Majesty has been pleased to offer his responsibility to facilitate a loan of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars for us, payable in three years, and to promise us some clothing. This need not be kept secret. I have written several letters to your Excellency, but have received only one from the Committee since I left America. It covered the resolutions respecting these bills.

The Philadelphia bank, the ladies' subscriptions, and other indications of union and public spirit, have a fine effect here.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN JAY.

In Congress, October 4th, 1780.

On the report of a committee to whom were referred certain instructions to the delegates of Virginia by their constituents, and a letter of the 26th of May, from the Honorable John Jay, Congress unanimously agreed to the following instructions to the Honorable John Jay, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, at the Court of Madrid.

That the said Minister adhere to his former instructions, respecting the right of the United States of America to the free navigation of the river Mississippi into and from the sea; which right, if an express acknowledgment of it cannot be obtained from Spain, is not by any stipulation on the part of America to be relinquished. To render the treaty to be concluded between the two nations permanent, nothing can more effectually contribute, than a proper attention, not only to the present but the future reciprocal interests of the contracting powers.

The river Mississippi being the boundary of several States in the union, and their citizens, while connected with Great Britain, and since the revolution, having been accustomed to the free use thereof, in common with the subjects of Spain, and no instance of complaint or dispute having resulted from it, there is no reason to fear, that the future mutual use of the river by the subjects of the two nations, actuated by friendly dispositions, will occasion any interruption of that harmony which it is the desire of America, as well as of Spain, should be perpetual. That if the unlimited freedom of the navigation of the river Mississippi, with a free port, or ports below the 31st degree of north latitude, accessible to merchant ships, cannot be obtained from Spain, the said Minister in that case be at liberty to enter into such equitable regulations as may appear a necessary security against contraband; provided the right of the United States to the free navigation of the river be not relinquished, and a free port or ports as above described be stipulated to them.

That with respect to the boundary alluded to in his letter of the 26th of May last, the said Minister be, and hereby is instructed, to adhere strictly to the boundaries of the United States as already fixed by Congress. Spain having by the treaty of Paris ceded to Great Britain all the country to the northeastward of the Mississippi, the people inhabiting these States, while connected with Great Britain, and also since the revolution, have settled themselves at divers places to the westward near the Mississippi, are friendly to the revolution, and being citizens of these United States, and subject to the laws of those to which they respectively belong, Congress cannot assign them over as subjects to any other power.

That the said Minister be further informed, that in case Spain shall eventually be in possession of East and West Florida, at the termination of the war, it is of the greatest importance to these United States to have the use of the waters running out of Georgia through West Florida into the Bay of Mexico, for the purpose of navigation; and that he be instructed to endeavor to obtain the same, subject to such regulations as may be agreed on between the contracting parties; and that as a compensation for this, he be and hereby is empowered to guaranty the possession of the said Floridas to the Crown of Spain.

* * * * *

TO DE NEUFVILLE & SON.

Madrid, October 4th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

I have lately had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 7th of September. After the proofs you have given of disinterested zeal in the cause of liberty and America, I cannot harbor a doubt of your opposing the measures of a Court industriously employed in attempts to destroy both.

Your sentiments respecting the expediency of a connexion between the United States and your Republic concur with my own, and I am persuaded that those who know and wish well to the interests of both will assiduously promote it.

As I have received no further intelligence respecting Mr Laurens, I can add nothing on that subject. I cannot doubt but that good reasons have detained him, though I do not know what they are. Congress, I am sure, will continue their attention to the objects of his appointment, and will be happy in cultivating a friendly connexion with a people whose history exhibits many instances of heroic and glorious exertions in a cause similar to their own. Those among you who know history, and venerate the names and characters of their forefathers, cannot consent to be the instruments of despotism, to deprive others of those rights which were purchased for themselves by the blood of their own ancestors.

When or how far it may consist with the views of Congress to make mercantile appointments in your country, I cannot determine; should they ever become necessary, I cannot doubt of your being remembered. The most powerful recommendation I can give them, will be by sending them our correspondence; and for that purpose, copies of all the letters that have passed between us are now preparing, and shall, together with duplicates and triplicates, be sent by the first vessels.

As to the late ordinance of Spain establishing a paper currency, it is a subject on which I make no remarks, and for this very good reason, that the policy and propriety of that measure are objects without my sphere, on which I can have no influence, and which would not be altered by anything I might say or write about them.

The Mexican dollars, mentioned in the bills drawn upon me, I understand to be only another name for Spanish milled dollars, which you know pass here at twenty reals of vellon. How far the sale or payment of these may be affected by the paper in question I know not, though I must confess that I do not apprehend so much evil from it as some others do. These bills will be on an equal footing with all others drawn on Spain, and you will readily suppose it not to be in my power to put them on a better.

The King of Spain has been so kind as to offer to become responsible to a certain amount for monies which I may borrow for Congress, payable in three years. Be so kind as to inform me whether this could be done in your country, on their _joint credit_, how far, and on what terms.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Madrid, October 27th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

Your letter of the 11th of July gave me much pleasure. There is a degree of ease and cordiality in it, which, as mere letters of business do not require, I am the more obliged to you for.

It is true that I might write to Congress very often, indeed by every vessel, and there are many of them. But how are my letters to get to the sea-side? By the post? They would be _all_ inspected, and many suppressed. There is scarce a man in any of the ports, except Mr Harrison at Cadiz, with whom I would trust them; so that if, under different covers, I should get them there, the danger would not end. To write often, and write nothing material, would be useless; and when you see my public letters, by this opportunity, you will perceive, that, to be well understood, I must write a great deal.

I would throw stones too, with all my heart, if I thought they would hit only the committee, without injuring the members of it. Till now I have received but one letter from them, and that not worth a farthing, though it conveyed a draft for one hundred thousand pounds sterling on the bank of hope.

One good private correspondent would be worth twenty committees, made of the wisest heads in America, for the purpose of intelligence. What with clever wives, or pretty girls, or pleasant walks, or too tired, or too busy, or do you do it, very little is done, much postponed, and more neglected. If you are naturally industrious, and love your country, you would frequently take up your pen and your cyphers, and tell me how the wheel of politics runs, and what measures it is from time to time turning out. I should be better informed and Congress better served. I now get more intelligence of your affairs from the French Ambassador, than from all the members of Congress put together.

I had written thus far, when I received a letter from M. Le Couteulx at Cadiz, enclosing a letter of the 16th of September, written at St Ildefonso from me to Congress. It had been enclosed in one to Mr Harrison, and that again put under cover to M. Le Couteulx, and, under these two covers, it was put into the post office. Now mark its fate. The Director of the post office at Cadiz showed it to M. Le Couteulx, naked and stripped of its two covers, of which he made no mention. He said it came from Bayonne, but M. Le Couteulx, knowing my hand writing, paid the postage, and returned it to me. This is only one among many instances of the fate to which my letters are subjected. To avoid it, I must now be at the expense of sending Colonel Livingston to the sea-side with my despatches.

When at Cadiz, I heard some of our countrymen, who had been prisoners at Lisbon, speak handsomely of M. Dohrmer. They mentioned his having supplied them with necessaries, but at the same time told me that he had been employed for the purpose by Dr Franklin. Hence it happened that I declined mentioning his usefulness to Congress. I considered him as an agent of Dr Franklin, who did his duty faithfully, and thought it would be more proper for him to recommend his services to the notice of Congress than for me.

I am, dear Sir, &c.

JOHN JAY.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Madrid, November 6th, 1780.

Sir,

The last particular letter I had the honor of writing to your Excellency was dated the 26th of May, and, with a duplicate, was carried to Cadiz by Mr Harrison, who sent one by the Peacock, Captain Davis, to Boston, and the other by the General Arnold, Captain Jenkins, to Alexandria in Virginia. They both sailed in June last, and the former, I hear, arrived safe after a short passage.

I have since written several letters to your Excellency, but as they went to the seaports by the post, none of them contained anything material, except one from St Ildefonso of the 16th of September, advising Congress of the necessity of suspending further drafts on me for the present.

Congress will recollect, that my letter of the 26th of May contained notes of a conference I had with the Minister on the 11th of that month, on the subjects of my two former letters to him, the first in answer to his questions, and the latter relative to the resolution for drawing bills upon me. It may be remembered also, that, in this conference, the Minister promised me his sentiments in writing in a few days, as well on the subject of the proposed treaty, as on the bills which were daily expected. The first I have not yet received, and it was not before the 7th of June that I was favored with the latter.

In this interval there arrived here from England, by the way of Lisbon, an Abbe Hussey. He came to Lisbon in company with Mr Cumberland, one of Lord George Germain's secretaries, who, with his family, purposed, on obtaining permission, to come to Madrid. This priest was known to many, being a pensioner of the Spanish Court, and formerly in the late Prince Massarano's family. Indeed he took no pains to conceal himself, or his business, which was to obtain permission for his friend to proceed, on account of the bad health of a daughter. Mr Carmichael watched his motions with success and industry, and was the first who mentioned his arrival to me. He hired lodgings and a coach for Mr Cumberland, and visited several persons about the Court, particularly M. del Campo, First Secretary of the Minister.

On the first of June I received a card from the Minister, desiring to see me at nine o'clock the next evening. I waited upon him accordingly. The following are notes of what passed upon that occasion.

[Notes of a Conference between his Excellency the Count de
Florida Blanca and Mr Jay, in the office of the former at
Aranjues, 2d of June, 1780, reduced to writing, immediately
after the conference ended, by Mr Carmichael, who was present
at it.]

In consequence of a card received by Mr Jay yesterday, from
his Excellency the Count de Florida Blanca, appointing him a
meeting at nine o'clock this evening, Mr Jay waited on him at
that hour. The conversation commenced on the part of the
Minister, with polite inquiries for the state of Mr Jay's
health, which, he said, had induced him not to send the notes
promised on the former meeting, at the time when appointed,
as he had been informed that he was indisposed. He attributed
to his own frequent ill state of health (a disorder of the
nerves, occasioned by his necessary application to business)
the disappointment and delay to which, without intending it,
the business that passed through his hands was sometimes
subjected. He then said, that on Sunday following, at eleven
o'clock in the forenoon, if Mr Carmichael would wait on him,
he would send Mr Jay the notes formerly promised him.

He added that his reason for desiring to see him at present
proceeded from something mentioned to him by the French
Ambassador, of which he supposed he was informed. He
recapitulated what he had before mentioned of the King's good
faith and favorable disposition towards America, and entered
more fully into his conduct in the negotiation with Great
Britain, when the Court of Spain proposed a truce between
that country and the United States, observing, that as the
King at that period was determined not to sacrifice our
interests, it could not be supposed that now, when at war
with Great Britain, his Majesty would be less disposed to
maintain them. After these reflections and assurances, he
told Mr Jay that the person lately from England, by the way
of Portugal, was the chaplain of their former Embassy at
London; that he had been there for some time on his private
affairs, and had at the same time instructions concerning an
exchange of prisoners, which their sufferings rendered
expedient; that the death of an uncle, a chaplain of the
Court, had obliged him to return; that an English gentleman
and his family had come to Lisbon with him, under the
pretext, or really on account of the ill health of a
daughter, to whom the Duke of Dorset was much attached; that
the opposition made by his friends to the marriage had
affected her health, and that this family was desirous of
passing through Spain to Italy. He added, that this gentleman
was one of Lord George Germain's secretaries, and would
perhaps have some proposals to make for an exchange of
prisoners, and possibly others of a different nature, which
he assured Mr Jay should be communicated to him as candidly
as he had communicated the extravagant scheme presented by
Sir J. Dalrymple. He desired Mr Jay, therefore, to make
himself easy on this subject, giving new assurances of the
King's strict regard to justice and good faith, and of his
disposition to assist America.

Mr Jay begged him to be persuaded of the perfect confidence
of America and himself, and of their reliance on the good
faith, justice, and honor of his Catholic Majesty; that he
had no other apprehension from the circumstance of Englishmen
resorting to this Court, than that the enemy would on this,
as on former occasions, avail themselves of it, by
endeavoring to alarm and deceive our people.

The Count de Florida Blanca assured Mr Jay, that he would
shortly give him such proofs of the King's intentions, as
would enable him to prevent any bad effects from such
misrepresentations, and convince America of his Majesty's
favorable disposition and good faith. After repeating
assurances of his full confidence, Mr Jay mentioned that he
had received two bills of exchange, drawn by order of
Congress on him, and that he should take no measures on that
subject, as he had before the honor of telling him, till he
had consulted his Excellency. The Count, having asked the
amount, and being told that the bills were for between six
and seven hundred dollars, told him, smiling, that he might
accept them, and he hoped so to arrange matters, as, in a
short time, to make him easy on that head. He then said, that
an expedition had been suggested to him, in which the
Americans might co-operate; but, without entering into
particulars, he recollected himself, and said he would send
the project to Mr Jay by Mr Carmichael at the same time that
he should give him the other papers. The conference ended
with mutual compliments.

_June 4th._ This morning the Chevalier de Burgoing, Secretary
of the French Embassy, waited on Mr Jay, and afterwards on Mr
Carmichael, and told them the Ambassador had informed him,
that the Count de Florida Blanca had received despatches from
Versailles, which demanded his instant attention, and that,
therefore, he could not see Mr Carmichael until the 5th, at
the hour mentioned in the conference of the 2d. Mr Jay,
however, having received no direct message from the Minister,
thought it proper for Mr Carmichael to wait on him at the
place and hour appointed. Accordingly he went to the Bureau
of Foreign Affairs, and was told by order of the Minister,
that he had desired the Ambassador to acquaint Mr Jay, that
he could not see Mr Carmichael that day, but desired to see
him next Monday, at eleven.