Chapter VII (2)

Mocioaquezqui, 'brave woman,' was the name given to her who died in childbed. After death the body was washed, dressed in good, new clothes, and buried with great ceremony in the courtyard of the temple dedicated to the 'celestial women.'[200] Talismanic virtues were supposed to reside in the corpse; thus, the middle fingers of the left hand, and the hair, were thought to make their possessor irresistible in battle; soldiers, therefore, sought by every means, fair or foul, to procure them. Thieves believed that the left hand and arm of the corpse would strike terror into their victims, and they therefore engaged sorcerers to procure it. The birth of twins was believed to foretell the death of one of the parents at the hands of their child; to prevent this, one of the infants was killed.[201] Abortion was not unusual, and was procured by taking a decoction of certain herbs; the crime was nevertheless punished with death.[202] If everything went well, and the woman was easily delivered, the midwife gave a loud cry of triumph. She next addressed some words of counsel to the child, and then proceeded to wash it. Turning to the water, she addressed the goddess of waters, Chalchihuitlicue, asking her favor and protection for the child. Then taking some water, the midwife breathed upon it, gave some to the infant to taste, and then touched its head and chest therewith, saying: "Come, my son (or daughter) to Chalchihuitlicue; it is for her to bear you on the back and in her arms throughout this life!" Then, placing the infant in the water, she continued: Enter thou into the water called _metlalac_ and _tuspalac_; may it wash thee, and may the Omnipotent cleanse from thee all ill that is inherent in thee from the beginning of the world and from before the beginning. Begone, all evil imparted to thee by thy father and thy mother.[203] Having washed the child, the midwife clothed it, addressing it meanwhile in whispers of welcome and admonition. Then, raising her voice, she complimented the mother on her bravery and endurance.[204] A female relative next praised the fortitude of the patient, who in her response dilated on the trouble and pain she had gone through, and expressed her joy at the treasure vouchsafed her by the gods. The midwife then closed the ceremony by congratulating the grandparents and assembled friends. A few days after the confinement the mother took a bath in the temazcalli, and indulged in rich food and wine; on this occasion a feast was also tendered to invited friends, who partook of it near the spot where the woman bathed.

All these elaborate preparations and midwife ceremonies at birth could, however, only have been in vogue among the well-to-do classes, for the Mexican women, were, as a rule, little affected by the troubles of child-bearing; their training and manner of life were not calculated to make them delicate. Motolinia, and many with him, say, for instance, that the Tlascaltec women delivered themselves, the mother applying to a neighbor only at the birth of her first child.[205]

[Sidenote: CASTING THE NATIVITY OF INFANTS.]

It was now time to cast the nativity of the infant. For this purpose the services of a _tonalpouhqui_, or horoscopist, were engaged. These tonalpouhquis were a highly respected class, and were therefore approached with much respect and liberally fed with mantles, food, and other articles. Having been told the hour of birth, the horoscoper consulted his book for the sign of the day on which the infant was born.[206] If the birth had taken place exactly at midnight, the signs for the closing and breaking day were combined. Comparing the birthday sign with the other twelve signs, as well as with the principal sign of the group, he deduced the required fortune, and, if the augury was favorable, dwelt on the honors and happiness in store for the infant. Should the augury prove unfavorable, as well as the sign for the fifth day after birth, which was the occasion of the second bath, or baptism, this ceremony was postponed to another day, generally the most favorable of the thirteen, in order to moderate, if possible, the threatened misfortune. The fortune-teller dilated upon the troubles in store for the infant and the vices it would develop, but 'hedged' his oracle by adding that the adjoining signs contained certain redeeming features which might have power to counterbalance the evil import of the birthday sign.[207]

[Sidenote: BAPTISM OF INFANTS.]

Preparations are now made for the baptism. The portals of the dwelling are decorated with green branches, flowers, and sweet-smelling herbs are scattered over the floors and courtyard, and the approaches to the house are carefully swept; tamales are cooked, maize and cacao ground, and delicacies of every description prepared for the table, not forgetting the liquors; for any shortcoming in this respect would reflect severely on the hospitality of the host.[208] The relatives of the family assemble before sunrise, and other friends drop in as the day advances; each, as he congratulates the host, presents a gift of clothing for the infant, and receives in his turn a present of mantles, flowers, and choice food.[209] In the course of the morning the midwife carries the infant to the courtyard, and places it upon a heap of leaves, beside which are set a new _apaxtle_, or earthenware vessel, filled with clear water, and several miniature implements, insignia of the father's trade or profession. If he is a noble or a warrior, the articles consist of a small shield, and a bow with arrows of a corresponding size, placed with their heads directed toward the four cardinal points. Another set of arms made from dough of amaranth-seed, and bound together with the dried navel-string of the child, is also prepared. If the child is a girl, there are placed beside it, instead of the little weapons, a spindle and distaff, and some articles of girl's clothing. When the sun rises the midwife sets her face and the face of the child toward the west, and addressing the infant, says: "O eagle, O tiger, O brave little man and grandson of mine, thou hast been brought into the world by thy father and mother, the great lord and the great lady. Thou wast created in that house which is the abode of the supreme gods that are above the nine heavens. Thou art a gift from our son Quetzalcoatl, the omnipresent; be joined to thy mother, Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of water." Then placing her dripping fingers on the lips of the child, she continues: "Take this, for upon it thou hast to live, to wax strong, and flourish; by it we obtain all necessary things; take it!" Then touching the child on the breast with her moistened fingers, she says: "Take this holy and pure water that thine heart may be cleansed." Then the midwife pours water on the child's head, saying: "Receive, O my son, the water of the Lord of the World, which is our life, with which we wash and are clean; may this celestial light-blue water enter into thy body, and there remain; may it destroy and remove from thee all evil and adverse things that were given thee before the beginning of the world; behold, all of us are in the hands of Chalchihuitlicue, our mother." She now washes the body of the child, exclaiming: "Evil, wheresoever thou art, begone, avaunt; for the child liveth anew and is born again; once more it is purified; a second time is it renewed of our mother, Chalchihuitlicue." Then lifting up the little one toward heaven, she addresses Ometochtli and Omecioatl:[210] "Behold, O Lord, the creature which thou hast sent to this place of sorrow, affliction, and anguish, to this world; give it, O Lord, of thy gifts and inspiration, for thou art the great god and the great goddess." Then stooping as if to set the child down, she raises it a second time, crying upon the goddess of the waters:[211] "O lady goddess, mother of the gods, inspire this child with thy virtue." A third time she stoops and raising the child toward heaven, addresses the gods: "O lords celestial, and gods who dwell in heaven, behold this creature whom ye have sent among men, fill it with your spirit and mercy, that it may live." A fourth time she sets down and raises the babe, and calling now upon the sun and the earth she says:[212] "O our Lord, Sun, father of all, and thou, O Earth, our mother, take ye this child for your own, and, as it is born for war,[213] so let it die defending the cause of the gods, and be permitted to enjoy the delights prepared in heaven for the brave."

The midwife now takes the implements and prays to the patron deity of the trade or profession they represent on behalf of the child; then she places the mantle upon the shoulders of the infant, girds on the little maxtli, and asks the boys present to give the child a name. This was, however, merely a matter of form; the parents really had the choosing of the name and told it to the boys. It was usually taken either from the sign of the day, or from a bird or animal, in the case of a boy; the girls were named from flowers, and this rule was especially observed by the Toltecs and Miztecs. Sometimes a child took its name from some important event which occurred at the time of its birth; as when the Tlascaltec chief Citlalpopoca, 'smoking star,' was so named because at his birth a flaming comet was seen in the sky. Sometimes children were named after the feast held at the time of their nativity; thus, boys born during the festival of the renewal of the sacred fire, called _toxilmolpilia_, were named _molpilli_, 'a tied object,' and girls _xiuhnenetl_, 'little doll of the year of fire.' Occasionally a child was named after some renowned ancestor. A second name could be acquired by valiant deeds in battle. Motolinia adds that sons of prominent men took a surname from the dignity or office held by the father, either in youth or manhood; or they inherited it with the estate at the death of the parent. Children born during the last five days of the year, called _nemontemi_, 'unlucky days,' were considered unfortunate; boys born under such circumstances were often named _nemoquichtli_, 'unlucky man,' and girls _nencihuatl_, 'unlucky woman.'[214]

The midwife, having baptized the child, now calls upon it three times by its new name; admonishing it to make good use of the implements or weapons placed in its hands.[215] It is thereupon carried into the house, preceded by torch-bearers, and placed in the cradle, before which the midwife offers prayers to Yoalticitl, 'goddess of the cradle,' commending the child to her care, and beseeching her to nourish and protect it; then, turning to the cradle, she adds: "O thou, the mother of the child, receive this babe with gentleness, taking heed not to injure it." Then she places the child in the cradle, the parents meanwhile calling upon Yoalticitl to protect it, and upon Yoaltecutli, 'the god of night,' to lull it to sleep. During this ceremony, which is termed _tlacoculaquilo_, or 'the act of placing the child in the cradle,' the boys of the village, dressed to imitate soldiers, enter the house, seize certain food previously prepared for them, called the 'child's navel,' scatter the rest, and rush forth, munching and shouting the child's name and future destinies. The lights, called _ocote_, which have been used during the ceremonies, must be left to burn out, and the fire that was lighted on the birthday must be kept brightly burning until after the baptizing, nor is any one allowed to borrow from its flame, for that would injure the prospects of the child. The umbilical cord is buried with the mimic weapons in a place where a battle may be expected to take place on a future day. The girl's instruments and navel-string are buried under a metate. The afterbirth is interred in a corner of the house. After the cradling ceremony the guests proceed to the banqueting-room, where they seat themselves according to age and rank.

The festivities lasted twenty days,[216] or even longer, if the father was wealthy, during which time the house was kept open to all comers. Each visitor presented his gifts and made a speech to the infant on the duties, honors, and happiness in store for it, and adorning his discourse according to the rank of the parents, or his own courtesy. He next congratulated the mother, then the midwife, urging her further care of the infant, and lastly the father, referring to his character and services, and wishing him joy. If the father was a lord, the neighboring princes sent an embassy, preceded by numerous presents, and a chosen orator delivered a congratulatory address before the father and those present, to which an old man responded on behalf of all, commenting upon the good wishes of the neighboring nobles. The orator of the embassy then begged that the shortcomings of his former speech might be excused, and was answered by the oldest or most respected person present, on the parent's behalf. The female friends who came to inspect the infant, rubbed the joints of the body, especially the knees, with ashes, thinking that this would strengthen them and prevent the bones from becoming loose. The same was done to the children who accompanied them.[217] In some parts the baptismal ceremony consisted in putting some quicklime upon the child's knee, and saying to it: "O thou little one, that hast come into the world to suffer, suffer and be silent. Thou livest, but thou shalt die; much pain and anguish shall come upon thee; thou shalt become dust, even as this lime, which was once stone."[218] If a boy, an arrow or dart was then placed in the child's left hand, to indicate that he must be brave and defend his country; if a girl, she was given a distaff, as a sign that she must become industrious in all womanly pursuits.[219] In Tlascala and Miztecapan the infant was bathed in a sacred spring, which, it was thought, would avert misfortune. Mendieta says that the midwife merely sprinkled the child a certain number of times, first with wine and then with water.[220] Among the Zapotecs both mother and child were washed in a river, and invocations were addressed to all land and aquatic animals, entreating their favor and deprecating their anger;[221] it was also customary to assign some animal or bird to a child, as its _nagual_, or tutelary genius, and with the fortune of such creature its fate was supposed to be so intimately connected, that the death of one involved the death of the other.[222] Burgoa adds further that this was assigned by lot, but it is stated elsewhere, and with greater probability if we may judge by similar superstitions in the old world, that the first bird or beast that appeared after the birth of the child was appointed its spiritual protector.[223]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION.]

Whether the custom of circumcision, which has been the great prop of argument in favor of the Jewish origin of the Aztecs, really obtained among these people, has been doubted by numerous authors. Although circumcision was certainly not by any means general, yet sufficient proof exists to show that it was in use in some form among certain tribes. Las Casas and Mendieta state that the Aztecs and Totonacs practiced it, and Brasseur de Bourbourg has discovered traces of it among the Mijes. Las Casas affirms that the child was carried to the temple on the twenty-eighth or twenty-ninth day after birth; there the high-priest and his assistant placed it upon a stone, and cut off the prepuce at the root; the part amputated they afterward burned to ashes. Girls of the same age were defloured by the finger of the priest, who ordered the mother to repeat the operation at the sixth year. Zuazo adds that these rites were only performed upon the children of great men, and that there was no compulsion in the matter, the parents having the option of having their children defloured or circumcised at any time within five years.[224]

In the fifth month, at Huitzilopochtli's festival, all children born during the year were scarified on the breast, stomach, or arms, and by this means received as followers of their god.[225] At the festival in honor of Teteionan or Toci, 'mother of the gods,' in the eleventh month, the women delivered during the year underwent purification and presented their children. In the evening a signal was sounded from the temple, and the mothers, dressed in their best, accompanied by friends, and preceded by torch-bearers and servants carrying the babes, made the tour of the town or quarter; a halt was made at every temple to leave an offering and a lighted torch for the presiding goddess. At the temple of Toci extra offerings were made, including _tzocoyotl_, cakes of flour and honey; and here the priest performed the ceremony of purification by pronouncing certain prayers over the women.[226] In the eighteenth month of every fourth year, the children born since the last corresponding feast, were taken to the temple, where their ears were pierced with a sharp bone, and macaw-feathers, _tlachcayotl_, inserted; the god-father and god-mother, or, as they are termed, uncles and aunts, whose duty it was to initiate the children into the service of the gods, holding them during the operation.[227]

An offering of flour of the _chian_ seed was made, and the god-father was presented with a red robe, the god-mother with a huipil. Each child was then passed through the flames of a fire prepared for the purpose; the priest next took its head between his hands, and in that manner lifted it bodily from the ground. Everyone thereupon went home to feast, but at noon the god-father and god-mother returned to the temple and executed a dance, holding the children on their backs, and giving them pulque to drink, in very small cups. This went on till dusk, when they retired to their houses to continue the dancing and drinking. This feast and month, Itzcalli, 'growth,' obtained its name from the ceremony of squeezing the heads of children, which, it was thought, would make them grow; but it was also called the 'feast of the intoxication of boys and girls.'[228]

[Sidenote: HEAD-FLATTENING.]

Among the Miztecs, the mother took hot baths for twenty days after delivery, at the end of which time a feast was held in honor of the goddess of the bath, the child sharing in the honors of the occasion.[229] They also gave the child a feast on its first birthday. Great care was exercised to make children hardy and strong, and no mother, however high in rank, allowed her child to be given to a nurse, unless her own health demanded such a step. The test of a wet nurse was to press out a drop of milk upon the nail, when if it did not run the milk was considered good.[230] No food was given to the child the first day, in order to create an appetite.[231] It was suckled for three years, in some places much longer;[232] and, during this time the mother adhered to a diet that would keep up the quality of the milk; many abstained from intercourse with their husbands for the same period, to prevent the possibility of another child interfering with the proper nurture of the first one. Another feast was given at the weaning of the child. Gomara mentions that a kind of head-flattening was practiced; he says that the infants were so placed in the cradle as not to allow the occiput to grow, for such a development was considered ugly.[233] Humboldt, however, says that the Aztecs never flattened the head. That it was practiced to a considerable extent in remote times by people inhabiting the country, seems to be shown by the deformed skulls found in their graves, and by the sculptured figures upon the ruins. Klemm states that the cradle consisted of a hard board to which the infant was bound in such a manner as to cause the malformation. The cradle among the poor Aztecs was generally of light cane, and could be tied to the back of the mother.[234]

FOOTNOTES:

[170] Clavigero writes: 'Nella dipintura cinquantesimaseconda si rappresentano due ragazzi d'undici anni, ai quali per non essersi emendati con altri gastighi, fanno i lor Padri ricevere nel naso il fumo del _Chilli_, o sia peverone.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 103. But this is a mistake; in this picture we see a girl being punished by her mother in the manner described, and a boy by his father.

[171] Clavigero mentions this girl as 'una putta ... cui fa sua Madre spazzar la notte tutta la casa, e parte della strada.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 103.

[172] For these picture-writings and the interpretations of them, see: _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1103-7; _Codex Bodleian_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., plates 59-62; _Codex Mendoza_, in _Id._, vol. i., and vol. v., pp. 92-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 566-575; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 102-3.

[173] 'Tenian estas gentes tambien por ley que todos los niños llegados à los seis años hasta los nueve habian de enviar los padres à los Templos para ser instruidos en la doctrína y noticia de sus leyes las cuales contenian casi todas las virtudes esplicadas la en ley natural.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv., ccxv. 'Todos estos religiosos visten de negro y nunca cortan el cabello ... y todos los hijos de las personas principales, así señores como ciudadanos honrados, estan en aquellas religiones y hábito desde edad de siete ú ocho años fasta que los sacan para los casar.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 105. 'Cuando el niño llegaba á diez ó doce años, metíanle en la casa de educacion ó _Calmecac_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 326; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 302; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 187.

[174] A native author asserts that this 'house of song' was frequently the scene of debauch and licentiousness. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 553.

[175] 'Los hijos de los nobles no se libraban tampoco de faenas corporales, pues hacian zanjas, construian paredes y desempeñaban otros trabajos semejantes, aunque tambien se les enseñaba á hablar bien, saludar, hacer reverencias y, lo que es mas importante, aprendian la astronomía, la historia y demas conocimientos que aquellas gentes alcanzaban.' _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 66; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 444-6.

[176] 'Iban tan honestas que no alzaban los ojos del suelo, y si se descuidaban, luego les hacian señal que recogiesen la vista ... las mujeres estaban por si en piezas apartadas, no salian las doncellas de sus aposentos á la huerta ó verjeles sin ir acompañadas con sus guardas.... Siendo las niños de cinco años las comenzaban á enseñar á hilar, tejer y labrar, y no las dejaban andar ociosas, y á la que se levantaba de labor fuera de tiempo, atábanle los piés, porque asentase y estuviese queda.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 121-2.

[177] See further, for information on the education of the Mexicans: _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 421-3; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 17-18; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 563-4; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 144-5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 251; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 239; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 38-47; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 119-20.

[178] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 244-5.

[179] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 113-19. A literal translation of Sahagun would be unintelligible to the reader. I therefore have merely followed as closely as possible the spirit and sense of this discourse. For further exhortations and advice to children see _Id._, pp. 119-52; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 112; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 493-9; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 104-9.

[180] Although Gomara says 'casan ellos a los veinte años, y aun antes: y ellas á diez.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 314.

[181] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 330; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 16.

[182] 'Por otro respecto no era pena trasquilar los tales mancebos, sino ceremonia de sus casamientos: esto era, por que dejando la cabellera significaba dejar la lozania y liviandad de mancebo; y asi como desde adelante habia de criar nueva forma de cabellos, tuviese nueva seso y cordura para regir su muger y casa. Bien creo que debia de haber alguna diferencia en estos trasquilados cuando se trasquilaban por ceremonia ó por pena.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxix.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i. p. 577.

[183] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-3; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 125; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxix.

[184] 'Venian los de la casa del mozo á llevar á la moza de parte de noche: llevábanla con gran solemnidad _acuestas_ de una matrona, y con muchas hachas de teas encendidas en dos rencles delante de ella.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 82, 157. 'Pronuba, quam _Amantesam_ vocabant, sponsam tergo gestans, quatuor foeminis comitantibus quæ pineis tædis, prælucerent, illam post Solis occasum, ad limen domus in qua parentes sponsi manebant, sistebat.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 239. 'La celebracion era que la desposada la llevaba á cuestas á prima noche una amanteca, que es medica, é hiban con ellas cuatro mujeres con sus achas de pino resinado encendidas, con que la hiban alumbrando, y llegada á casa del desposado, los padres del desposado la salian á recibir al patio de la casa, y la metian en una sala donde el desposado la estava aguardando.' _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 99.

[185] 'Un sacerdote ataba una punta del _hueipilli_, ó camisa de la doncella, con otra del _tilmatli_, ó capa del jóven.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 557. 'Al tiempo que los novios se avian de acostar é dormir en uno, tomaban la halda delantera de la camisa de la novia, é atábanla á la manta de algodon que tenia cubierta el novio.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 548. 'Unas viejas que se llaman titici, ataban la esquina de la manta del mozo, con la falda del vipil de la moza.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 83. 'Hechos los tratados, comparecian ambos contrayentes en el templo, y uno de los sacerdotes examinaba su voluntad con preguntas rituales; y despues tomaba con una mano el velo de la muger, y con otra el manto del marido, y los añudaba por los extremos, significando el vínculo interior de las dos voluntades. Con este género de yugo nupcial volvian á su casa, en compañia del mismo sacerdote: donde ... entraban á visitar el fuego doméstico, que á su parecer, mediaban en la paz de los casados, y daban siete vueltas á él siguiendo al sacerdote.' _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 432-3.

[186] 'Quedando los esposos en aquella estancia durante los cuatro dias siguientes, sin salir de ella, sino á media noche para incensar á los ídolos y hacerles oblaciones de diversas especies de manjares.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 557. 'Á la media noche y al medio dia salian de su aposento á poner encienso sobre un altar que en su casa tenian.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 128. 'Los padrinos llevaban á los novios á otra pieza separada, donde los dejaban solos, encerrándolos por la parte de afuera, hasta la mañana siguiente, que venian á abrirles, y todo el concurso repetia las enhorabuenas, suponiendo ya consumado el matrimonio.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 26.

[187] The position of the tiger-skin is doubtful: 'Ponian tambien vn pedaço de cuero de Tigre, debajo de las esteras.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 415. 'Ponian un pedazo de cuero de tigre encima de las esteras.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 128. 'La estera sobre que habian dormido, que se llamaba _petatl_, la sacaban al medio del patio, y allí la sacudian con cierta ceremonia, y despues tornaban á ponerla en el lugar donde habian de dormir.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 158.

[188] 'Otra ceremonia, casi como esta, vsaban los del Pueblo de Israèl, acerca del acostar los Novios, la primera noche de sus Bodas, que les ponian vna sabana, ó lienço, para que en èl se estampase el testimonio de la virginidad, que era la sangre, que del primer acto se vertìa, la qual se quitaba de la cama delante de testigos, que pudiesen afirmar haverla visto, con la señal de la sangre, que comprobaba la corrupcion de la Doncella y embuelta, ó doblada, la ponian en cierto lugar, diputado para esto, donde quedaba guardada, en memoria de la limpieça, y puridad, con que la dicha Doncella venia á poder de su Marido. Seria posible, que quisiese significar entre estos Indios lo mismo, este cuidado de los viejos, de traer manta, ó sabana, y tenderla sobre la cama de los desposados, para los primeros actos matrimoniales; y es creible, que seria este el intento, pues la ropa, y esteras, que sirvieron en este Sacrificio, se llevaban al Templo, y no servian mas en casa, como ni mas, ni menos la ceremonia antigua de guardar la sabana, con sangre, entre los Hebreos, en lugar particular, y seguro.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 416.

[189] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 116-20, 127-8; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 416; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 548-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 158-60; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 19.

[190] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 26-7.

[191] For further information relating to marriage ceremonies and customs see _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 125-8; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83, 186, 412-20, 496-7; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 81-3, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-62, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 116-17; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 23-7, 178; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxix., clxxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp. 327, 335, 340, 400; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 374-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iii., pp. 79, 565-7; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 33-5; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 298, 314-16; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 308-9; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 265; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 484; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 279; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 555-9, 577; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 202-3; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 11-12; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 274-5; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 145-7; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 15-30; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 89-93, 111.

[192] 'Nunca sentenciaban en disfavor del Matrimonio, ni consentian, que por autoridad de Justicia, ellos se apartasen; porque decian ser cosa ilicita, y de mucho escandalo para el Pueblo, favorecer, con autoridad publica, cosa contraria à la raçon; pero ellos se apartaban de hecho, y este hecho se toleraba, aunque no en todos, segun el mas, ò menos escandalo, que se engendraba en el Pueblo. Otros dicen, que por Sentencia difinitiva, se hacia este Repudio, y Divorcio ... los Jueces sentenciaban (si acaso concedemos, que havia sentencia) que se apartasen, y quedasen libres, y sin obligacion el vno, al otro; pero no de la murmuracion del Pueblo, que buelto contra ellos, decian ser dignos de grandisima pena, por haver quebrado la Fè è integridad del Matrimonio, y haver dado tan mal exemplo à la Republica.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 442; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 20-1; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 31; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 131.

[193] 'Tengono molte moglie, & tante quante ne possono mantenere come i mori, però come si è detto, vna è la principale & patrona & i figliuoli di qsta hereditano, & quei dell'altre no, che non possono anzi son tenuti per bastardi. Nelle nozze di questa patrona principale fanno alcune cirimonie, il che non si osserua nelle nozze dell'altre.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 310. See further, _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 376; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 127-8; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 20-7; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 169, 197; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 107; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 430-1; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 260; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x.

[194] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 127; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 370; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 27-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 37-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 132-3.

[195] I have thought it unnecessary to give these speeches in full, but the reader can find them all together in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 161-73.

[196] Sahagun adds: 'Mandaba que á la preñada la diesen de comer suficientemente y buenos manjares, calientes y bien guisados, con especialidad cuando á la preñada le viene su purgacion, ó como dicen la regla, y esto llaman que la criatura se laba los pies, porque no se halle ésta en vacio, ó haya alguna vaciedad ó falta de sangre ó humor necesario, y así reciba algun daño.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 182.

[197] Sahagun's original MS. contains twenty-four additional lines on this subject, but these his editor deems too indelicate to print. _Id._, p. 181.

[198] For these addresses see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 174-83.

[199] 'Se llegan algunas mujeres como parteras, y otras como testigos para ver si el parto es supuesto ó natural; y al tiempo del nacer no permiten que la criatura llegue á la tierra con la vida; é antes que se la cortenle hacen ciertas señales en el corpezuelo.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 363-4.

[200] _Cihuapipiltin_, or _Ciuapipilti_. A long description of the burial rites upon these occasions in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. These will, however, be described in a future chapter.

[201] Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 130, and Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 84, who seems to have copied from him, are the authorities for this, but the custom could not have been very general, for it is said that in Tlascala the mother assigned a breast to each of the twins.

[202] The principal authority on the matter of pregnancy and childbirth, and the one whom I have thus far followed, is Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-92.

[203] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 86, differs from Sahagun in these prayers or invocations; Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 445, Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 36, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 560, follow Clavigero more or less closely.

[204] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 199-200; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445-6.

[205] The Teochichimec husband undertook the office of midwife when the birth took place on the road. He heated the back of his wife with fire, threw water over her in lieu of a bath, and gave her two or three kicks in the back after the delivery, in order to promote the issue of superfluous blood. The new-born babe was placed in a wicker basket, and thrown over the back of the mother, who proceeded on her journey. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 191-203; also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445-6; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 86; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 560; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 551-2, 673, etc. The utensils which served at the birth of the child were, according to Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxix., offered at the fountain or river where the mother washed herself.

[206] By Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 282-328, and Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii., the signs of the calendar and their subdivisions are described at length. Each sign had thirteen sub-signs, representing the same number of days, by whom its good or bad import was moderated to a certain extent. Under certain signs the child was liable to become a drunkard, under another a jester, under a third a warrior, and so on. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 560, and Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 552, state that the sign which had been most frequent at this period during the past thirteen years was also considered by the astrologer.

[207] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-7; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 449.

[208] A long description of this feast, the table, attendance, etc., is given by Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, and by Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 457-8. I shall have occasion to describe it in a future chapter of this volume, devoted to such matters.

[209] The poorer classes contented themselves with an interchange of flowers and food.

[210] A dual deity, uniting both sexes in one person.

[211] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 220, makes the midwife, in this instance, call upon Citlalatonac. This goddess was, however, identical with Ometochtli and Omecioatl (see, more especially, _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 472), to whom the preceding prayer was directed. Clavigero and Torquemada assert that the prayer was addressed to the water-goddess.

[212] Sahagun addresses the Sun-God only.

[213] We may presume that the midwife is here addressing the child of a warrior.

[214] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 84, Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 287, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 287, translate Nemoquichtli and Nencihuatl 'useless man' and 'useless woman.' Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 454-6, discusses names, why and how they were applied, in Mexico and elsewhere. Motolinia, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 37, states that the name given at baptism was discarded for one applied by the priest, when the parents carried the child to the temple in the third month. See also _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 22, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312, says that the name given by the priest was the surname, nobles sometimes taking a third name. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 562, says that several additional names could be taken under various circumstances. In _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 90, it is stated that the name was given by three boys who sat by eating _yxcue_.

[215] Boturini states that the infant is thereupon passed four times through the fire. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 88; but this ceremony is described elsewhere in this volume as taking place in the temple.

[216] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 330-6.

[217] It was believed, says Torquemada, that this rubbing of their own limbs had a strengthening effect upon the new-born. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 457.

[218] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312.

[219] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18.

[220] _Hist. Ecles._, p. 107.

[221] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329.

[222] _Id._, fol. 395.

[223] The following are contradictory accounts of baptism. On the fourth day the child and mother took a purification bath, and the assembled guests were feasted on zamorra, a dish made from maize and the flesh of hens, deer, etc. Three days after, the mother carried the child to the adjoining ward, accompanied by six little boys, if it was a male child, otherwise six girls went with her, to carry the implements or insignia of the father's trade. Here she washed the child in a stream, and then returned home. Two years after a feast was served in the house of the most intimate neighbor, who was asked to name the child, and with him it remained and was held as a member of his family. _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8. The infant was carried to the temple, where the priest made an oration on the miseries to be endured in this world, and placed a sword in the right hand of the child and a buckler in the left; or, if it was destined to be a mechanic, an artisan's tool; if a girl it received a distaff. The priest then took the child to the altar and drew a few drops of blood from its body with a maguey-thorn or knife, after which he threw water over it, delivering certain imprecations the while. _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 12-13. The implements were placed in the hands of the child by the priest before the idol. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374. Also _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. The child underwent three baptisms or baths. _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364. On the seventh day the baptism took place, and a dart was placed in the hand of the child to signify that he should become a defender of his country. _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Id._, p. 37. In _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. xxxi., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 181, it is stated that the child was sprinkled with a bunch of ficitle dipped in water, and fumigated with incense before receiving its name. Offerings were made at the temple which the priest divided among the school children. Tylor, in his _Anahuac_, p. 279, and _Primitive Culture_, vol. ii., pp. 429-36 gives short reviews of the baptismal ceremony and its moral import.

[224] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83-4; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 107-8; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 35. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 73, reviews the subject of circumcision and denies that it was ever practiced. Ternaux-Compans, _Voy._, série i., p. 45, tom. x., referring to Diaz' statement that all Indians of the Vera Cruz Islands are circumcised, says that he must have confounded the custom of drawing blood from the secret organs with circumcision. Cogolludo, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 191, says circumcision was unknown to the Indians of Yucatan. Duran and Brasseur evidently consider the slight incisions made for the purpose of drawing blood from the prepuce or ear, in the eleventh month, as the act. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 538, following Clavigero, holds the scarification of breast, stomach and arms to be the circumcision referred to by other authors. Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and especially Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374, consider the incision on the prepuce and ear to have been mistaken for circumcision, and state that it was chiefly performed upon sons of great men; they do not state when the ceremony took place.

[225] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 266; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 538.

[226] This rite was followed by another, which usually took place in the temple of Huitzilopochtli. The priest made a slight incision on the ear of the female child, and on the ear and prepuce of the male, with a new obsidian knife handed to him by the mother, then, throwing the knife at the feet of the idol, he gave a name to the infant, at the request of the parent, after duly considering the horoscope and signs of the time. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii., quoted by _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 525-6. Duran really states that these ceremonies took place in the fourth month, but as Toci's festival occurs in the eleventh month, Brasseur alters the evident mistake. The naming of the infant may have been a mere confirmation of the name given by the midwife.

[227] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii. p. 286.

[228] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 189-90. Sahagun translates Itzcalli by 'growth,' but other authors differ from him, as we shall see in a future chapter on the Calendar.

[229] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[230] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 77; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 460-1.

[231] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312.

[232] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 553.

[233] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[234] The authorities on childbirth, baptism, and circumcision are: _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 187-90, lib. iv., pp. 281-337, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-222, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 119-20; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 2-73, 86-89; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83-4, 266, 286, 445-61; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. xii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv., clxxix.; _Codex Mendoza_, pp. 90-1, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 37-8, 77, 108; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 363-4; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 107-8, 139; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329, 395; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 203; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 538, 551-5, 673; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 240, tom. iii., pp. 35, 525-6, 560-3; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312, 317-18; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 12-13; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 32, 265; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 36-9; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 140-1; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 73; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 199-200; _Ritos Antiguos_, pp. 22-3, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 239; _Adair's Amer. Ind._, p. 217; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 118-20; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1102-3, 1140; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., p. 101; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii.; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 45; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 90; _Morton's Crania Amer._, p. 147; _Delafield's Antiq. Amer._, p. 19.