Chapter XIII: War Customs of the Nahuas (2)

If the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he was taken before the king, who ordered that he should be sumptuously fed and lodged for forty days. At the end of that time he was accorded the right of combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial ceremonies the body was cut into small pieces; these were sent to the relations and friends of the deceased, who received them as relics of great value and acknowledged the favor by returning gold, jewels, and rich plumes.[471] If we are to believe Gomara and others, the number of victims, chiefly prisoners of war, sacrificed at some of the festivals, was enormous. The historians relate that in front of the principal gate of the temple there was a mound built of stone and lime with innumerable skulls of prisoners inserted between the stones. At the head and foot of the mound were two towers built entirely of skulls and lime; on the top of the mound were seventy or more upright poles, each with many other sticks fastened crossways to it, at intervals, from top to bottom; on the points of each cross stick were five skulls. They go on to say that two soldiers of Cortés counted these skulls and found them to amount to one hundred and thirty-six thousand. Those that composed the towers they could not count.[472]

The nations contiguous to the Mexicans imitated to a great extent their manner of disposing of prisoners of war, and kept them to be sacrificed at their festivals. The first prisoner taken in battle by the Tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured him dressed himself in the horrid trophy, and so covered served the god of battles during a certain number of days. He paraded from one temple to another followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy; but had, however, to run from his pursuers, for if they caught him they beat him till he was nearly dead. This ceremony was called _exquinan_, and was sometimes observed by two or three at the same time.[473] At one of their festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and shot them to death with arrows; at other times they killed them with the bastinado. They had also solemn banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their prisoners. At the taking of Mexico, the Tlascaltec soldiery feasted upon the bodies of the slain Mexicans, and Cortés, although shocked at the revolting practice, was unable to prevent it.[474]

The Mexicans, Tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations always made the return of a successful army the occasion of great festivity and rejoicing; the loud sound of drums and musical instruments greeted the entry of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal arches were erected in the streets and the houses decorated with flowers; an abundance of copal was burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared; all were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put on all the insignia of their rank; gifts were distributed to those who had performed any deed of gallantry, and minstrels sung or recited poems in their praise. Many went to the temples to observe especial acts of devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners were then sacrificed. All these ceremonies tended to inspire the youths with courage and make them ambitious to gain distinction in war.[475]

FOOTNOTES:

[428] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32.

[429] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl. lxiv-lxvi. In explanation of plate lxv., No. 19, it is stated that the warrior was called Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in war. 'Haber cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras guerras a cautivado otros muchos de sus enemigos.' Explanation of _Id._, vol. v., p. 104; while Purchas says such a one was 'called Quagchil ... shewing that hee had taken fiue at the Wars of Guexo, besides that in other Wars he tooke many of his enemies.' _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1110-11.

[430] Torquemada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the princes. 'Vna de las maiores grandeças, à que llegaba, era atarse el cabello, que era demonstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se llamaban Quachictin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que à los Capitanes se los daba, y pocos lo alcançaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543. 'Dont les membres se nommaient "Quachictin," c'est-à-dire, Couronnés. Leurs insignes consistaient dans la courroie écarlate dont nous avons parlé plus haut, mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de plumes, pendait alors jusqu'à la ceinture.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 590-1. Herrera and Acosta both mention a fourth order: 'Auia otros como caualleros Pardos, que no eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 443-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., p. 99; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 140.

[431] The greaves were called _cozehuatl_, the brachials _matemecatl_, the bracelets _matzopetztli_, the lip ornament _tentetl_, the ear-rings _nacochtli_, and the collar or necklace _cozcapetlatl_. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 595; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 141.

[432] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 295-6.

[433] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7.

[434] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 593; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543.

[435] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 141-3; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.

[436] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 289-90.

[437] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 83.

[438] _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 17-21; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 37; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 519; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 14. For further reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 608-19; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 267; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 81-3; _Mexique_, _Études Hist._, p. 8; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 28; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 161; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 542.

[439] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 99-100.

[440] 'I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza nel tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... La destrezza di quei Popoli nel tirar le frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per la deposizione di centinaja di testimonj oculati. Radunatisi parecchj frecciatori gettano in sù una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a saettarla con una tal prontezza, e con una tal desterità, che non la lasciano venite a terra, finattantochè non le hanno levati tutti i grani. Gettano similmente una moneta d'argento non più grande d'un giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria, quanto voglioni.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143.

[441] Ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well known that the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral, although it is said they possessed the art of being able to temper copper to the hardness of steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332.

[442] According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman çacotl, y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de diamantes, que mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se que otras aues.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 110.

[443] In reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most formidable weapon, I quote only a few authorities. 'Sus espadas de palo largas, de un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales agudísimos, que de una cuchillada cortaban á cercen el pescuezo de un caballo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 188. Bernal Diaz describing a battle with the Tlascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was wounded and had his horse killed, says 'dieron vna cuchillada â la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueço redondo, y alli quedó muerta.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 44. 'Taglia come vn rasoio di Tolosa. Io viddi che combattendosi vn di, diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn caualliero con chi combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle interiora, et cadde incontanente morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto a i piedi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305. The Anonymous Conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but that one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the entrails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his feet. 'Lo que podrán efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del caballo sera de la herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que no pasarán de un canto de real de plata, porque todo lo otro es grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba referimos las navajas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 340; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1129.

[444] It may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to that used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. See vol. i., pp. 90, 761. 'Dardi che essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 594-5.

[445] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 101; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 5; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 299; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 460.

[446] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 128-9.

[447] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 339.

[448] In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tlascaltecs, authors differ. It is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard of the republic, and important authorities say that the one borne by Xicotencatl in his battle with Cortés had emblazoned upon it a white bird resembling an ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Prescott incline to the opinion that the emblem was an eagle. In regard to this we have the following accounts. Bernal Diaz, an actor in the battle, says the Tlascaltec army was ranged under the banner of Xicotencatl, 'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas, como que queria bolar, que parece como auestruz.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 45. 'Lleuaua el estandarte de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua que trae por divisa, ó armas al natural, de oro, é tendidas las alas.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499. 'Xicotencatl ... llevaba el Estandarte de la Republica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas estendidas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 145; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 439; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 234.

[449] 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata, & in tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di poter combattere ne far ciò che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, che se non fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne torgliela mai.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.

[450] 'Respetaban à los Embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como à Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su Religion, que pecar contra la fee dada à los Embaxadores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 535-6. 'Los Correos, ò Mensageros, que se despachaban de las Guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas partes.' _Ib._; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 118-20.

[451] 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor. En estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los Templos tengan por fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.

[452] 'Si Dios no les quebrara las alas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 132. See also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 151-2; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 319.

[453] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 150, 152.

[454] 'Una gran cerca de piedra seca.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 59-60. 'Una fuerça bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan rezio, que con picos de hierro era forçoso deshazerla.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 418-19; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 229, 232; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 134-5; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 70; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 241.

[455] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150.

[456] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 107; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 567; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133.

[457] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 384-5, 540; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243, 246; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 132.

[458] Las Casas says that very old women were admitted to war councils. 'Nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho consejo de los mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al cual consejo se admitian las mujeres muy viejas como personas que habian visto y oido muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi. According to the Chevalier Boturini the first ambassadors were accredited to the king or lord of the province, the second were dispatched to the nobility requiring them to persuade their lord, and the third convoked the people and advised them of the motives their monarch had for waging war against them. _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 162-3. See also _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 424-7; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 246-7; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, pp. 40, 73; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5.

[459] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 75; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi.

[460] 'A estas Espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban Ratones, que andan de noche, ò escondidos, y à hurtadillas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 538.

[461] Camargo says: 'L'armée était divisée par bataillons de cent hommes.' _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 134. 'Quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per _Xiquipilli_: ed ogni _Xiquipilli_ si componeva d'otto mila uomini.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 147.

[462] Also spelt _quiahtlale_, _jaotlalli_, meaning a place for war. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-3; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 322; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 538.

[463] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 31, 41, 50, 147.

[464] For further account of their manner of conducting a war, see: _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 129-31; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 322-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 598-601; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 537-40; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 313-14; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 86-8.

[465] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 34; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 77; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 230.

[466] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51, 60-1.

[467] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 313; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.

[468] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 131-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 541-2; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 149.

[469] Camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of offensive and defensive weapons. _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 188-9, but all other authors state that he was only given a short sword and shield. Boturini says a servant who was under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the prisoner that he could not move. _Idea_, p. 164. Duran says: 'El modo que en celebrarlo tenian; que era atar á los Presos con una soga al pie por un ahugero que aquella piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en cueros le daban una rodela y una espada de solo palo emplumado en las manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que se defendian de los que salian á combatir con él, que eran cuatro muy bien armados.' _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. 36.

[470] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 47-8.

[471] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 536.

[472] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 333-5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242.

[473] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 134.

[474] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 51; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423. For further reference to treatment of prisoners, see: _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 250-1; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, p. 164; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 102-3; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 634; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 215-16; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. viii.

[475] Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies are given in _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 39, 61, 177-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 321-2. See further, _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 574; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 489-90.