Chapter IX: Public Festivals (2)

The festival of the next month, called Ochpaniztli, was held in honor of Centeotl, the mother-goddess. Fifteen days before the festival began those who were to take part in it commenced a dance, which they repeated every afternoon for eight days. At the expiration of this time the medical women and midwives brought forth the woman who was to die on this occasion, and dividing themselves into two parties, fought a sham battle by pelting each other with leaves. The doomed woman, who was called 'the image of the mother of the gods,' placed herself at the head of one party of the combatants, supported by three old women who guarded and attended upon her continually. This was repeated during four successive days. On the fifth day the unfortunate creature was conducted by her guardians and the medical women through the market-place. As she walked she scattered maize, and at the end of her journey she was received by the priests, who delivered her again to the women that they might console her (for it was necessary that she should be in a good humor, say the old chroniclers) and adorn her with the ornaments of the mother-goddess. At midnight she was carried to the summit of the temple, caught up upon the shoulders of a priest, and in this position beheaded. The body while yet warm was flayed, and the skin used in certain religious ceremonies which will be described at length elsewhere.[314] In this month the temples and idols underwent a thorough cleansing and repairing, a sacred work in which everyone was eager to share according to his means and ability, believing that divine blessings would ensue. To this commendable custom is no doubt to be attributed the good condition in which the religious edifices were found by the Conquerors. Roads, public buildings, and private houses also shared in this renovation, and special prayers were offered up to the gods for the preservation of health and property.

The festival of the succeeding month, called Teotleco, 'coming of the gods,' was sacred to all the deities, though the principal honors were paid to Tezcatlipoca as the supreme head. Fifteen days of the month being passed, the college-boys prepared for the great event by decorating the altars in the temples, oratories, and public buildings, with green branches tied in bunches of three. In the same manner they decked the idols in private houses, receiving from the inmates, as their reward, baskets containing from two to four ears of maize; this gift was called _cacalotl_.

[Sidenote: FOOTSTEPS OF THE GODS.]

Tezcatlipoca, being younger and stronger than the other gods, and therefore able to travel faster, was expected to arrive during the night of the eighteenth. A mat, sprinkled with flour, was therefore placed on the threshold of his temple, and a priest set to watch for the footprints which would indicate the august arrival.[315] He did not, however, remain constantly close to the mat; had he done so he would probably never have seen the longed-for marks, but he approached the spot from time to time, and immediately on perceiving the tracks he shouted: "His majesty has arrived;" whereupon the other priests arose in haste, and soon their shells and trumpets resounded through all the temples, proclaiming the joyful tidings to the expectant people. These now flocked in with their offerings, each person bringing four balls made of roasted and ground amaranth-seed kneaded with water; they then returned to their homes to feast and drink pulque. Others beside the old people appear to have been permitted to indulge in libations on this occasion, which they euphoniously called 'washing the feet of the god' after his long journey. On the following day other deities arrived, and so they kept coming until the last divine laggard had left his footprints on the mat. Every evening the people danced, feasted, 'washed the feet of the gods,' and made a sacrifice of slaves, who were thrown alive upon a great bed of live coal which glowed on the _tecalco_.[316] At the head of the steps leading up to the place of sacrifice stood two young men, one of whom wore long, false hair, and a crown adorned with rich plumes; his face was painted black, with white curved stripes drawn from ear to forehead, and from the inner corner of the eye to the cheek; down his back hung a long feather, with a dried rabbit attached to it. The other man was dressed to resemble an immense bat, and held rattles like poppy-heads in his hands. Whenever a victim was cast into the fire these weird figures danced and leaped, the one whistling with his fingers and mouth, the other shaking his rattles.[317]

After the sacrificing was ended, the priests placed themselves in order, dressed in paper stoles which crossed the chest from shoulder to armpit, and ascended the steps of the small edifice devoted to fire sacrifices; hand in hand they walked round, and then rushed suddenly down the steps, releasing each other in such a manner as to cause many to tumble. This game, which certainly was not very dignified for priests to play at, was called _mamatlavicoa_, and gave rise to much merriment, especially if any of the reverend players should lose his temper, or limp, or make a wry face after a fall. The festival closed with a general dance, which lasted from noon till night. At this season all males, young and old, wore feathers of various colors gummed to the arms and body, as talismans to avert evil.[318]

The festival of the next month, called Tepeilhuitl, was sacred to the Tlalocs, and is fully described elsewhere.[319] The Mexican Bacchus, Centzontotochtin, was also especially honored during this month, according to Torquemada, and slaves were sacrificed to him. A captive was also sacrificed by night to a deity named Nappatecutli.[320]

[Sidenote: FESTIVAL OF THE MONTH QUECHOLLI.]

The festivals of the ensuing month, which was called Quecholli,[321] were devoted to various deities, though Mixcoatl, god of the chase, seems to have carried the honors in most parts of Mexico. The first five days of the month were passed in repose, so far as religious celebrations were concerned, but on the sixth day the authorities of the city wards ordered canes to be gathered and carried to the temple of Huitzilopochtli; there young and old assembled during the four days following, to share in the sacred work of making arrows. The arrows, which were all of uniform length, were then formed into bundles of twenty, carried in procession to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, and piled up in front of the idol. The four days were, moreover, devoted to fasting and penance, involving abstinence from strong liquors, and separation of husbands from wives. On the second day of the fast, the boys were summoned to the temple, where, having first blown upon shells and trumpets, their faces were smeared with blood drawn from their ears. This sacrifice, called _momacaico_, was made to the deer which they proposed to hunt. The rest of the people drew blood from their own ears, and if any one omitted this act he was deprived of his mantle by the overseers.

On the second day following, darts were made to be used in games and exercises, and shooting matches were held at which maguey-leaves served for targets. The next day was devoted to ceremonies in honor of the dead by rich and poor. The day after, a great quantity of hay was brought from the hills to the temple of Mixcoatl. Upon this certain old priestesses seated themselves, while mothers brought their children before them, accompanied by five sweet tamales. On this day were also ceremonies in honor of the god of wine, to whom sacrifices of male and female slaves were made by the pulque-dealers.

On the tenth day of the month a number of hunters set out for mount Cacatepec, near Tacubaya, to celebrate the hunting festival of Mixcoatl, god of the chase. On the first day they erected straw huts, in which they passed the night. The next morning, having broken their fast, they formed themselves into a great circle, and all advancing toward a common centre, the game was hemmed in and killed with ease. The spirits of the children sacrificed to the rain-gods, whose dwelling was upon the high mountains, were supposed to descend upon the hunters and make them strong and fortunate. Having secured their game, the hunters started for home in grand procession, singing songs of triumph, and hymns to the mighty Mixcoatl. After a solemn sacrifice of a portion of the game to the god, each took his share home and feasted upon it.[322] The Tlascaltecs sacrificed to the god at the place where the hunt took place, which was upon a neighboring hill. The way leading to the spot was strewn with leaves, over which the idol was carried with great pomp and ceremony.[323] Towards the close of the month male and female slaves were sacrificed before Mixcoatl.[324]

In Tlascala and the neighboring republics this was the 'month of love,' and great numbers of young girls were sacrificed to Xochiquetzal, Xochitecatl, and Tlazolteotl, goddesses of sensual delights. Among the victims were many courtesans, who voluntarily offered themselves, some to die in the temple, others on the battle-field, where they rushed in recklessly among the enemy. As no particular disgrace attended a life of prostitution, it seems improbable that remorse or repentance could have prompted this self-sacrifice; it must therefore be attributed to pure religious fervor. As a recompense for their devotion, these women before they went to their death had the privilege of insulting with impunity their chaster sisters. It is further said that a certain class of young men addicted to unnatural lusts, were allowed at this period to solicit custom on the public streets. At Quauhtitlan, every fourth year, during this month, a festival was celebrated in honor of Mitl, when a slave was bound to a cross and shot to death with arrows.[325]

The feast of the next month, called Panquetzaliztli, was dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, god of war; that of the following month, called Atemoztli, was sacred to the Tlalocs. Both these festivals will be described elsewhere.[326]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF THE MONTH OF HARD TIMES.]

The ensuing month was named Tititl, or the month of 'hard times,' owing to the inclement weather. The celebrations of this period were chiefly in honor of an aged goddess, named Ilamatecutli, to whom a female slave was sacrificed. This woman represented the goddess and was dressed in white garments decorated with dangling shells and sandals of the same color; upon her head was a crown of feathers; the lower part of her face was painted black, the upper, yellow; in one hand she carried a white shield ornamented with feathers of the eagle and the night-heron, in the other she held a knitting stick. Before going to her death she performed a dance, and was permitted, contrary to usual custom, to express her grief and fear in loud lamentations. In the afternoon she was conducted to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, accompanied by a procession of priests, among whom was one dressed after the manner of the goddess Ilamatecutli. After the heart of the victim had been torn from her breast, her head was cut off and given to this personage, who immediately placed himself at the head of the other priests and led them in a dance round the temple, brandishing the head by the hair the while. As soon as the performers of the _vecula_, as this dance was named, had left the summit of the temple, a priest curiously attired descended, and, proceeding to a spot where stood a cage made of candlewood adorned with papers, set fire to it. Immediately upon seeing the flames the other priests, who stood waiting, rushed one and all up again to the temple-top; here lay a flower, which was secured by the first who could put hands upon it, carried back to the fire, and there burned. On the following day a game was played which resembled in some respects the Roman Lupercalia. The players were armed with little bags filled with paper, leaves, or flour, and attached to cords three feet long. With these they struck each other, and any girl or woman who chanced to come in their way was attacked by the boys, who, approaching quietly with their bags hidden, fell suddenly upon her, crying out: "This is the sack of the game." It sometimes happened, however, that the woman had provided herself with a stick, and used it freely, to the great discomfiture and utter rout of the urchins.[327] A captive was sacrificed during this month to Mictlantecutli, the Mexican Pluto, and the traders celebrated a grand feast in honor of Yacatecutli.[328] During the last Aztec month, which was called Itzcalli, imposing rites were observed throughout Mexico in honor of Xiuhtecutli, god of fire;[329] in the surrounding states, such as Tlacopan, Coyuhuacan, Azcapuzalco,[330] Quauhtitlan,[331] and Tlascala,[332] ceremonies more or less similar were gone through, accompanied by much roasting and flaying of men and women.

[Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS FEASTS.]

Besides these monthly festivals there were many others devoted to the patron deities of particular trades, to whom the priests and people interested in their worship made offerings, and, in some cases, human sacrifices. There were also many movable feasts, held in honor of the celestial bodies, at harvest time, and on other like occasions. These sometimes happened to fall on the same day as a fixed festival, in which case the less important was either set aside or postponed. It is related of the Culhuas that on one occasion when a movable feast in honor of Tezcatlipoca chanced to fall upon the day fixed for the celebration of Huitzilopochtli, they postponed the former, and thereby so offended the god that he predicted the destruction of the monarchy and the subjugation of the people by a strange nation who would introduce a monotheistic worship.[333]

One of the most solemn of the movable feasts was that given to the sun, which took place at intervals of two or three hundred days, and was called Netonatiuhqualo, or 'the sun eclipsed.' Another festival took place when the sun appeared in the sign called Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh,[334] a sign much respected by kings and princes, and regarded as concerning them especially.

At the great festival of the winter solstice, which took place either in the month of Atemoztli or in that of Tititl, all the people watched and fasted four days, and a number of captives were sacrificed, two of whom represented the sun and moon.[335] About the same time a series of celebrations were held in honor of Iztacacenteotl, goddess of white maize; the victims sacrificed on this occasion were lepers and others suffering from contagious diseases.[336] Whenever the sign of Ce Miquiztli, or One Death, occurred, Mictlantecutli, god of hades, was fêted, and honors were paid to the dead.[337] Of the heavenly bodies, they esteemed next to the sun a certain star, into which Quetzalcoatl was supposed to have converted himself on leaving the earth. It was visible during about two hundred and sixty days of the year, and on the day of its first appearance above the horizon, the king gave a slave to be sacrificed, and many other ceremonies were performed. The priests, also, offered incense to this star every day, and drew blood from their bodies in its honor, acts which many of the devout imitated.[338]

At harvest-time the first-fruits of the season were offered to the sun. The sacrifice on this occasion was called Tetlimonamiquian, 'the meeting of the stones.' The victim, who was the most atrocious criminal to be found in the jails, was placed between two immense stones, balanced opposite each other; these were then allowed to fall together. After the remains had been buried, the principal men took part in a dance; the people also danced and feasted during the day and night.[339]

Every eight years a grand festival took place, called Atamalqualiztli, 'the fast of bread and water,' the principal feature of which was a mask ball, at which people appeared disguised as various animals whose actions and cries they imitated with great skill.[340]

[Sidenote: THE BINDING OF THE YEARS.]

The most solemn of all the Mexican festivals was that called Xiuhmolpilli, that is to say, 'the binding-up of the years.' Every fifty-two years was called a 'sheaf of years,' and it was universally believed that at the end of some 'sheaf' the world would be destroyed. The renewal of the cycle was therefore hailed with great rejoicing and many ceremonies.[341]

FOOTNOTES:

[273] See the Totonac daily temple service, in _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv. 'Luego aquel viejo mas principal metia y sacaba por su lengua en aquel dia cuatro cientos y cincuenta palos de aquellos ... otros no tan viejos sacaban trescientos.... Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano ... y otros tanto gruezos como las dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _Id._, cap. clxxii.

[274] 'En cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre porque unos de los brazos y otros de los pechos y otros de los muslos, &c. Y en esto se cognoscian tambien de que Provincia eran.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx.

[275] 'En esta Fiesta, y en todas las demàs, donde no se hiciere mencion de particulares Sacrificios de Hombres, los avia, por ser cosa general hacerlos en todas las Festividades, y no era la que carecia de ello.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 255.

[276] 'Le feste, che annualmente si celebravano, erano più solenni nel _Teoxihuitl_, o Anno divino, quali erano tutti gli anni, che aveano per carattere il Coniglio.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 84; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 549. 'En cada principio del mes en el dia que nombramos cabeza de sierpe celebraban una fiesta solemnisima ... la cual era tan guardada y festejada que ni aun barrer la casa ni hacer de comer no se permitia.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii.

[277] Sahagun in his short résumé of the festival states that some hold this celebration to have been in honor of Chalchihuitlicue, the water-goddess, and others in honor of Quetzalcoatl; but thinks that it might have been in honor of all these deities, namely, the Tlalocs, Chalchihuitlicue, and Quetzalcoatl. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-50, 83-7. See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 250-2, 295.

[278] Although Sahagun states that Huitzilopochtli also received honors this month, yet no direct ceremonies were observed before his image. The large number of captives sacrificed, however, the universality and length of the festivities, the royal dance, etc., would certainly point to a celebration in honor of a greater deity than Xipe. He also says: 'En esta fiesta mataban todos los cautivos, hombres, mugeres, y niños,' which is not very probable. _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 88.

[279] Thieves convicted the second time of stealing gold articles were sacrificed. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 503.

[280] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 45-9. The same author says with regard to the number of sacrifices made annually in the Mexican Empire, that he can affirm nothing, as the reports vary greatly. 'Zumárraga, the first bishop of Mexico, says, in a letter of the 12th of June, 1531, addressed to the general chapter of his order, that in that capital alone twenty thousand human victims were annually sacrificed. Some authors quoted by Gomara, affirm that the number of the sacrificed amounted to fifty thousand. Acosta writes that there was a certain day of the year on which five thousand were sacrificed in different places of the empire; and another day on which they sacrificed twenty thousand. Some authors believe, that on the mountain Tepeyacac alone, twenty thousand were sacrificed to the goddess Tonantzin. Torquemada, in quoting, though unfaithfully, the letter of Zumárraga, says, that there were twenty thousand infants annually sacrificed. But, on the contrary, Las Casas, in his refutation of the bloody book, wrote by Dr. Sepulveda, reduces the sacrifices to so small a number, that we are left to believe, they amounted not to fifty, or at most not to a hundred. We are strongly of opinion that all these authors have erred in the number, Las Casas by diminution, the rest by exaggeration of the truth.' _Id._, Translation, Lond. 1807, vol. i., p. 281.

[281] This farce differed from the regular gladiatorial combat which will be described elsewhere.

[282] 'Quedauan las cabeças coraçones para los sacerdotes.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327.

[283] 'Guardaban alguno que fuese principal señor para este dia; el cual dessolaban para que se vestiese Montezuma gran Rey de la tierra y con él baylaba con sus reales contenencias.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx. 'Embutian los cueros de algodon o paja, y, o los colgauan en el templo, o en palacio,' in the case of a prisoner of rank. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327. It is not stated that the persons who wore the skins and made the collection were connected with the temple, but this was no doubt the case, especially as many authors mention that priests had to dress themselves in the ghastly garb for a certain time. For representation of priest dressed in a flayed skin see _Nebel_, _Viaje_, pl. xxxiv.

[284] 'Cuatro de ellos cantaban á las navajas.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 57.

[285] 'Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano, y otros como el dedo pulgar del pie: y otros tanto gruezos como los dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxii.

[286] Motolinia conveys the idea that the people also performed the infliction on the tongue: 'aquella devota gente ... sacaban por sus lenguas otros palillos de á jeme y del gordor de un cañon de pato.' _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 58.

[287] 'Cada dia de estos iba el viejo de noche á la sierra ya dicha y ofrecia al demonio mucho papel, y copalli, y cordonices.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 58.

[288] 'La cual decian que habia venido con el ídolo pequeño, de un pueblo que se dice Tollan, y de otro que se dice Poyauhtlan, de donde se afirma que fué natural el mismo ídolo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 58-9.

[289] See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 288-90, 252-3, 296.

[290] 'Echaban por el pueblo cierto pecho ó derrama recogiendo tanto haber que pudiesen comprar cuatro niños esclavos de cinco á seis años. Estos comprados ponianlos en una cueva y cerrabanla hasta otro año que hacian otro tanto.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx.

[291] Duran adds that all male children under twelve years of age were punctured in the ears, tongue, and leg, and kept on short allowance on the day of festival, but this is not very probable, for other authors name the fifth month for the scarification of infants. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii. For particulars of the feast see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 52-4, 95-7; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 253-5, 296; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 51-2.

[292] Boturini, _Idea_, p. 52, translates this name as 'the great bleeding,' referring to the scarifications in expiation of sins.

[293] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 255-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 97-100. According to Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii., the Tlalocs were worshiped this month also, and this involved bloody rites. _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 43-4. Motolinia states that food was offered to the stalks: 'delante de aquellas cañas ofrecian comida y atolli.' _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 46. For a more detailed description of this feast see Vol. III. of this work, pp. 360-2.

[294] 'Le Tlacochcalco, ou maison d'armes, était un arsenal, consacré à Huitzilopochtli, dans l'enceinte du grand temple. Il se trouvait à côté un teocalli où l'on offrait des sacrifices spéciaux à ce dieu et à Tetzcatlipoca.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 510. This sanctuary outside the town was also dependent on the great temple, and, as the fate of the youth was to illustrate the miserable end to which riches and pleasures may come, it is, perhaps, more likely that this poor and lonely edifice was the place of sacrifice. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 70, says 'conducevanlo ... al tempio di Tezcatlipoca.'

[295] Brasseur de Bourbourg indicates that the race in the temple, and the liberation of the marriageable took place in leap-years only, but he evidently misunderstands his authority. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., pp. 75-7, gives an account of this festival.

[296] Contrary to the statement of others, Brasseur de Bourbourg says that the stage was borne by temple officers; surely, warriors were the fit persons to attend the god of war.

[297] 'Llevábanle entablado con unas saetas que ellos llamaban _teumitl_, las cuales tenían plumas en tres partes junto el casquillo, y en el medio, y el cabo, iban estas saetas una debajo, y otra encima del papel; tomábanlas dos, uno de una parte, y otro de otra, llevándolas asidas ambas juntas con las manos, y con ellas apretaban el papelon una por encima, y otra por debajo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 105-6.

[298] 'El Incienso no era del ordinario, que llaman Copal blanco, ni de el Incienso comun ... sino de vna Goma, ò Betun negro, à manera de Pez, el qual licor se engendra en la Mar, y sus Aguas, y olas, lo hechan en algunas partes à sus riberas, y orillas, y le llaman Chapopotli, el qual hecha de sì mal olor, para quien no le acostumbra à oler, y es intenso, y fuerte.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 266.

[299] A kind of perforated and ornamented censer, shaped like a large spoon.

[300] Clavigero writes: '_Ixteocale_, che vale, Savio Signor del Cielo.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 72. Several other names are also applied to him.

[301] 'Mischiavasi nel ballo de'Cortigiani.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 72.

[302] Pp. 286-7, 334-43.

[303] 'Se juntauan todos los caualleros y principales personas de cada prouincia ... vestian vna muger de la ropa y insignias de la diosa de la sal, y baylauan con ella todos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327.

[304] 'Era esta fiesta de muy poca solemnidad y sin ceremonias, ni comidas, y sin muertes de hombres; en fin no era mas de una preparacion para la fiesta venidera del mes que viene.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 74-5.

[305] Duran says that the women took the victim to mount Chapultepec, to the very summit, and said, 'My daughter, let us hasten back to the place whence we came,' whereupon all started back to the temple, chasing the doomed woman before them. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.

[306] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 128-39; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 269-71, 297-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 518, says: 'Les rois eux-mêmes prenaient alors part à la danse, qui avait lieu dans les endroits où ils pouvait s'assembler le plus de spectateurs.'

[307] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 271.

[308] 'Salian los Hombres Nobles, y muchas Mugeres Principales, y asianse de las manos los vnos, de los otros, mezclados Hombres, y Mugeres mui por orden, y luego se hechaban los braços al cuello, y asi abraçados, començaban à moverse mui paso à paso.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 271.

[309] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 65; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 271-3, 298; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 61-2, 139-41.

[310] 'Cortaban un gran árbol en el monte, de veinte y cinco brazas de largo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141. 'L'emportaient (the tree) processionnellement au temple de Huitzilopochtli, sans rien lui enlever de ses rameaux ni de son feuillage.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 521.

[311] Clavigero says that the captors sprinkled the victims and threw them into the fire. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 77.

[312] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.

[313] 'C'était l'époque où la noblesse célébrait la commémoration des princes et des guerriers qui les avaient précédés.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 522; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 298, 273-5; _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. v., pp. 130-1.

[314] See volume iii., of this work, pp. 354-9, where a detailed description of this festival is given.

[315] Sahagun writes: 'Á la media noche de este mismo dia, molian un poco de harina de maíz, y hacian un montoncillo de ella bien tupida: y lo fabricaban de harina, redondo como un queso, sobre un petate. En el mismo veían cuando habian llegado todos los dioses, porque aparecia una pisada de un pie pequeño sobre la harina.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 157.

[316] These sacrifices by fire appear to have been made upon the summit of a small temple which stood within the courtyard of the larger one.

[317] 'Ballavano attorno ad un gran fuoco molti giovani travestiti in parecchie forme di mostri, e frattanto andavano gettando de'prigionieri nel fuoco.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 78; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 527.

[318] The burning and dancing took place on the first two days of the following month, according to Sahagun. 'Estos dos dias postreros eran del mes que se sigue.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 159; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 278-9.

[319] See vol. iii., p. 343-6.

[320] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 152-3.

[321] The name of a bird with red and blue plumage.

[322] 'Al undécimo dia de este mes, iban á hacer una casa á aquella sierra que estaba encima de _Atlacuioayan_, y esta era fiesta por sí, de manera que en este mes habia dos fiestas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165. 'No sacrificaban este dia hombres sino caza, y asi la caza servia de victimas á los Dioses.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 148-9.

[323] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 327-8; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 221; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.

[324] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 167.

[325] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 299, 280-1; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 530, tom. ii., pp. 462-3.

[326] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 297-300, 323-4, 346-8.

[327] Gomara says men and women danced two nights with the gods and drank until they were all drunk. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 328. According to Duran, Camaxtli was fêted in this month, and a bread called _yocotamally_ was eaten exclusively on the day of the festival. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 179-82.

[328] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 83; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 153.

[329] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 390-3.

[330] See _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 286; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 539; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.

[331] See _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 329; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 286-7; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 43-4.

[332] See _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 291.

[333] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 538.

[334] '_Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh_, esto es, el sol en sus cuatro movientos, acompañado de la _Via lactea_.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 91.

[335] 'Mataban quatro Cautivos de los que se llamaban Chachame, que quiere decir: Tontos; y mataban tambien la imagen del Sol, y de la Luna, que eran dos Hombres.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 148. 'On immolait ensuite un grand nombre de captifs, dont les principaux, appelés Chachamé, figuraient le soleil et la lune.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 535.

[336] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 150-2; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 91.

[337] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 538.

[338] 'Creen que Topilcin su rey primero se conuertio en aquella estrella.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 331; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxiv.

[339] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 249-50. 'Papahua-tlamacazqui, ou Ministres aux longs cheveux. C'est par leurs mains que passaient les prémices des fruits de la terre qu'on offrait aux astres du jour et de la nuit.... On immolait un grand nombre de captifs et, à leur défaut, les criminels.... Sur leur sépulture on exécutait un ballet.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 274-5. For description of Zapotec harvest-feast see _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 332-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 40-2.

[340] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 195-7.

[341] For description of this feast see vol. iii. of this work, pp. 393-6. The authorities on Aztec festivals are: _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-218, lib. i., pp. 1-40; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 1-98; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 147-56, 246-300; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 66-86; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxix-clxxvii.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 38-62; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 326-36; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.,; _Leon_, _Camino del Cielo_, pp. 96-100; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 130-7; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 99-107; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 327-9, 354-6, 360-4, 382-93; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pt i., pp. 50-3, 90-3; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 161-6; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, tom. iv., pp. 1040-8; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., pp. 490-1; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 221, 248, 265-7; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., pp. 71-2; _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 129-34; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 234-5, 274-5, tom. ii., pp. 462-3, tom. iii., pp. 40-2, 498-547; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 104-14; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 515-17, 531-51; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 128-38; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 9-11.