Chapter XIX (2)

The Nahuas were physically a fine race. They are described by all the old writers as being tall,[884] well-formed, and of an olive or light copper color; as having thick, black, coarse, though soft and glossy hair, regular teeth, low, narrow, retreating foreheads,[885] black eyes, scant beards,[886] and very little hair on their bodies. Their senses were very acute, especially that of sight, which they enjoyed unimpaired to the most advanced age.[887] Their bodies they kept in training by constant exercise. They were wonderful runners and leapers, and, as we have seen, some of their athletic and acrobatic feats were looked upon by the conquerors as nothing short of the work of the devil. It was no unusual thing to meet with people who from their color could scarcely be distinguished from Europeans. The people of Michoacan enjoy the reputation of having been the tallest and handsomest among the Nahuas.[888] The women of Jalisco found great favor in the eyes of the reverend Father Torquemada. He was shown one there, he says, who might be considered a miracle of beauty; indeed, so fair was her skin, so well-proportioned her body, and so regular her features, that the most skillful portrait-painter would have been put to it to do her justice.[889] Deformed people were very uncommon; indeed, as we have seen, their rarity made them valuable as objects of curiosity, and kings and princes kept collections of them.[890]

[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE NAHUAS.]

The character of the Nahuas, although the statements of the best authors are nearly unanimous concerning it, is in itself strangely contradictory. We are told that they were extremely frugal in their habits, that wealth had no attractions for them, yet we find them trafficking in the most shrewd and careful manner, delighting in splendid pageants, gorgeous dresses, and rich armor, and wasting their substance in costly feasts; they were tender and kind to their children, and solicitous for their welfare, yet the punishments they inflicted upon their offspring were cruel in the extreme;[891] they were mild with their slaves, and ferocious with their captives; they were a joyous race, fond of feasting, dancing, jesting, and innocent amusements, yet they delighted in human sacrifices, and were cannibals; they possessed a well-advanced civilization, yet every action of their lives was influenced by gross superstition, by a religion inconceivably dark and bloody, and utterly without one redeeming feature; they were brave warriors, and terrible in war, yet servile and submissive to their superiors; they had a strong imagination and, in some instances, good taste, yet they represented their gods as monsters, and their religious myths and historical legends are absurd, disgusting, and puerile.

That the Nahuas were a most ingenious people is abundantly proven by their work as well as by the statements of those who knew them. It has been said that they were not inventive, but this Clavigero indignantly denies.[892] It is certain that their power of imitation was very great,[893] and that they were very quick to learn the new arts introduced among them by the Spaniards.[894] They were generous and remarkably free from avarice.[895] They are said to have been very temperate in their habits,[896] but judging from the vast number of dishes served up at the tables of the rich, and the stringent laws which were necessary to prevent drunkenness, this appears doubtful. Although terrible to their enemies, and naturally warlike, they were peaceable among themselves, and seldom quarreled. Las Casas says that when a difficulty arose between two of them, the disputants did not come at once to blows, but contented themselves with such personal abuse as: "Go to, thou hast bad eyes; thou art toothless;" or they threw handfuls of dirt in each other's faces and then separated and washed themselves. On rare occasions they pushed and elbowed each other, or even had a scuffle, in which hair was pulled out, clothes were torn, and bloody noses received, but deadly weapons were never used, nor even worn except by soldiers on duty. The same writer relates that two women were put to death by order of the king of Tezcuco for fighting in the public market-place, a scandalous outrage upon public decency, the like of which had never been heard of before. He says, further, that when two young men became enamored of the same woman, or when one carried off the other's mistress, the rivals were allowed to fight a duel for the possession of the woman. The combat did not take place, however, until the army went forth to war, when upon the first engagement they sought out each other, and fought with their weapons until one was vanquished.[897] They seem to have been very strict and jealous in all matters relating to their women.[898]

The Tlascaltecs were great lovers of liberty, and were always ready to fight for it; they were, besides, quick to take offence, otherwise they are said to have been of a peaceable, domestic disposition, content to stay at home and listen to or tell stories in their own families, an amusement of which they were very fond. They are further described as truthful, just, frugal, and industrious.[899]

The Cholultecs, so celebrated for their pottery, are reported to have been very peaceful, industrious, and shrewd traders, yet brave withal, and capable of defending their rights.[900] The Zapotecs were a fierce people, always at war with their neighbors.[901] The Miztecs are said by Herrera to have been the bravest people in all New Spain; the same writer asserts that they were lazy and improvident, while Espinosa speaks of them as an industrious race.[902] The natives of Vera Cruz are spoken of as affable and shrewd.[903] The people of Jalisco were witty and slothful, yet they willingly carried burdens for the Spaniards, Herrera tells us.[904] The Tarascos were exceedingly valorous, great liars, and industrious.[905]

FOOTNOTES:

[808] _Hernandez_, _Nova Plantarum_, etc. The MSS., comprising 24 books of text and 11 books of plates, were sent to the Escurial in Spain, and from them abridged editions were published in Mexico, 1615, and Rome, 1651. The latter edition is the one in my collection. Sahagun also devotes considerable space to a description of herbs and their properties. _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., xi.

[809] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 157; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 623-4.

[810] 'É da maravigliare, che i Messicani, e massimamente i poveri, non fossero a molte malattie sottoposti atteso la qualità de' loro alimenta.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 217; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 88.

[811] 'Las principales enfermedades que corrian entre esta gente, eran de abundancia de colera, y flema, o otros malos humores, causados de mala comida, y falta de abrigo.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.

[812] _Tezozomoc_, _Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 64; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 365.

[813] 'Hacia malparir las Mugeres, de antojo de comer de aquello que asaban ... daban camazas á los Viejos de deseo de comer de aquello; y á las Mugeres se los hinchaban los brazos, las manos, y las piernas, que adolecian mucho, y morian con aquel deseo.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. x. Torquemada qualifies this by 'Esto dicho, pase por cuento.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 93; _Tezozomoc_, _Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 21-2, 64.

[814] _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 250.

[815] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 15; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 148.

[816] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 117-19, tom. iv., pp. 303-28; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 148; _Pauw_, _Rech. Phil._, tom. i., pp. 46-9; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 99-101; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 434-5; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 66-71; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 53; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 182; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p. 280; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 246.

[817] 'Both men, women, and children, had great knowledge in herbs.... They did spend little among Physicians.' _Gage's New Survey_, p. 111. 'Casi todos sus males curan con yeruas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117. 'No se guardauan de males contagiosos, y enfermedades, y bestialmente se dexavan morir.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.

[818] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 119. 'Si algun médico entre ellos (Tlascaltecs) fácilmente se puede haber, sin mucho ruido ni costa, van lo á ver, y si no, mas paciencia tienen que Job.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 76.

[819] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 214-16, with cuts, copied in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 671-3; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 286-7.

[820] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.

[821] 'En las Ciudades principales ... habia hospitales dotadas de rentas y vasallos donde se resabian y curaban los enfermos pobres.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli. 'De cuando en cuando van por toda la provincia á buscar los enfermos.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 131; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 165; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 37-8.

[822] _Bustamante_, in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., p. 282.

[823] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 185; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 211-12, 216-17; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 131.

[824] 'Hay calle de herbolarios donde hay todas las raíces y yerbas medicinales que en la tierra se hallan. Hay casas como de boticarios donde se venden las medicinas hechas, así potables como ungüentos emplastos.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 104. They 'possédaient des livres dans lesquels étaient consignées minutieusement toutes leurs observations relatives aux sciences naturelles.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 637-8. See also _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 116; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 300; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. 'Tenian siete, o ocho maneras de rayzes de yeruas y flores: de yeruas y arboles, que eran las que mas comunmente vsauan para curarse.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.

[825] Acosta adds that the ashes of divers poisonous insects were mixed with the teopatli composition, which benumbed the part to which it was applied. 'Aplicado por via de emplasto amortigua las carnes esto solo por si, quanto mas con tanto genero de ponçoñas, y como les amortiguaua el dolor, pareciales efecto de sanidad, y de virtud diuina.' _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 370-1. For details of medical practice see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 85-105, 109, tom. xi., pp. 212, 236-86, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 214-15; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli., ccxiii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 100, 139; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 274, 550, 558; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Ind._, tom. iii., p. 306; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., tom. ii-iii.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. viii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 77, 212-16; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iii., pp. 638-40, tom. iv., p. 355.

[826] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli.; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 234. 'Lanzábanlos (unos cordeles como llavero) en el suelo, y si quedaban revueltos, decian que era señal de muerte. Y si alguno ó algunos salian extendidos, teníanlo por señal de vida, diciendo: que ya comenzaba el enfermo á extender los piés y las manos.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 110; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 130-1; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 491-2; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 216-17. Other authorities on medicine are: _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1133; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 111; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 247; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 48, vol. ii., pp. 119-20, 137, 434-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 668-74; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 132-4; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 90-1; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 16; _Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 208; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 51. I further have in my possession a very rare and curious medical work by Dr Monardes, treating of the various medicinal plants, etc., found in Mexico and Central America, printed in Seville in 1574.

[827] 'Ponen mascaras a Tezcatlipuca, o Vitzilopuchtli, o a otro idolo.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. As the idols wore masks, it is more likely that a veil was thrown over the face, than that another mask should have been put on. 'Suivant une coutume antique attribuée à Topiltzin-Acxitl, dernier roi de Tollan, on mettait un masque au visage des principales idoles, et l'on couvrait les autres d'une voile.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 572. 'Mettevan una maschera all' Idolo di Huitzilopochtli, ed un'altra aquello di Tezcatlipoca.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 95.

[828] 'Ciertas mujeres y hombres que están salariados de público.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that they were only employed by the common people. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 569. Tezozomoc states that princes dressed the body. _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 142.

[829] Zuazo says that the corpse was held on the knees of one of the male or female shrouders, while others washed it. _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364.

[830] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 151, 87; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 16; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 145, tom. ii., p. 99; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.

[831] The chapter on dress furnishes all the information respecting the royal wardrobe. It is not unlikely that princes assisted in robing the king, for such was the custom in Michoacan, and that the mantles brought by them were used for shrouding, but authors are not very explicit on this point.

[832] Brasseur de Bourbourg uses the expression 'C'est cette eau que tu as reçue en venant au monde.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 569.

[833] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 527; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 94. Gomara says the dog served as guide: 'vn perro que lo guiasse adonde auia de yr.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309.

[834] 'Le ponian los vestidos del Dios, que tenia por mas Principal en su Pueblo, en cuia Casa, ò Templo, ò Patio se havia de enterrar.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 93-5. Duran mentions an instance where a king was dressed in the mantles of four different gods. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309.

[835] 'Sobre la mortaja le ponian vna mascara pintada.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521. Perhaps he confounds the idol image on the robe with the mask, for it is unlikely that the mask should be placed upon the shroud. 'Visage découvert.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 201. Speaking of the obsequies of Tezozomoc of Azcapuzalco, Ixtlilxochitl says that a turquoise mask was put over his face, 'conforme lo fisonomía de su rostro. Esto no se usaba sino con los monarcas de esta tierra; á los demas reyes les ponian una máscara de oro.' _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370. Veytia states that it was a gold mask 'garnecida de turquezas.' _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 5. The hair, says Gomara, 'quedaua la memoria de su anima.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309.

[836] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 90, 98-9; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix. 'On plaçait sur le lit de parade la statue que l'on faisait toujours à l'image du roi.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 572. The only statue referred to by other authors is that made of the ashes after the cremation.

[837] Some of the early Chichimec kings lay five days in state, and Tlaltecatzin, forty days, his body being buried on the eightieth day. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 61, 72, 87.

[838] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321, among others, calls this slave a priest.

[839] Although Acosta says, 'tañendo tristes flautas y atambores.' _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 322; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii. 'On faisait deux grandes bannières de papier blanc.' _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 309.

[840] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 6-7. Duran states that kings bore the corpse and that the mourners were dressed as water-goddesses. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl., tom. ii., cap. li. Acosta says that the arms and insignia were carried before the body by knights. _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321.

[841] Tezozomoc, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 90, 142, states that they were dressed in royal insignia and jewels, which is not very likely; a number of them, however, were loaded with the royal wardrobe, which fact may have given rise to this statement.

[842] _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._, vol. v., pp. 200-1; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 322; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xl. 'Salia el gran Sacerdote, con los otros Ministros, à recibirlo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521.

[843] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 332, 325, 327, 388.

[844] 'El (the mode) que estos Chichimecas vsaron, fue quemarlos.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 60, 72, 87; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 369, 388; _Id._, _Hist. Chich._, pp. 214, 223, 261-2. Veytia, who introduces some arguments on this point, thinks that Tezozomoc introduced burning, yet he describes ceremonial cremations in the case of several kings before him. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 3-4, tom. ii., p. 113; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 140, tom. ii., pp. 97-8.

[845] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 165, 202. 'La gente menuda comunmente se enterraua.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 308; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 200; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 528; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 129. 'Sabia por las pinturas, que se quemaron en tiempo del señor de México que se decia _Itzcóatl_, en cuya época los señores, y los principales que habia entónces, acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen á manos del vulgo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1.

[846] _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 309.

[847] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 379, 388; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl.; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 213-14; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 432; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 573; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 8-9.

[848] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 90; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., tom. ii., cap. li.

[849] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321. Camargo indicates that the bodies were thrown upon the same pyre together with the presents. _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. 'Sacándoles los corazones, y la sangre de ellos en una batea ó gran xícara, con la cual rociavan á Huitzilopochtli, á quien le presentaron los corazones de todos los muertos.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 90.

[850] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370; _Tezozomoc_, ubi sup.

[851] 'La colocaron en el mismo lugar en que ardió la pira.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 9. This author says that the mouth-stone of the deceased together with the mask, robes, and ornaments were taken off before the body was placed upon the pyre; this could only have been for the purpose of dressing the wooden statue therein; the stone was, however, placed inside the urn. _Ixtlilxochitl_, ubi sup. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls this bundle of bones _tlaquimilolli_, which he says was sacredly preserved, whether of kings or braves. _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p. 268. In the case of Nauhyotl of Culhuacan, the bones were exhumed and placed in a statue, which was made in his honor, and deposited in a temple consecrated to him. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix.

[852] 'Al cuarto dia, al anochecer, cargaron los sacerdotes la arca de las cenizas y la estatua, y la colocaron en una especie de nicho, dentro del templo.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 10. 'Sous le pavé même du sanctuaire, devant la statue du dieu.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 574. Duran mentions that the ashes of one king were deposited at the foot of the stone of sacrifice. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. ii., cap. li.; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 142; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.

[853] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 72, 87; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp. 15-16.

[854] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 257.

[855] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 316, 331; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 213-14; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 192, 202.

[856] 'La muerte se hacian enterrar en la más alta grada, é despues el subcessor subia otras dos gradas.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 503. 'Los Príncipes necesitaban de gran sepultura, porque se llevaban tras sí la mayor parte de sus riquezas y familia.' _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 432. 'Io aiutai a cauar d'vna sepoltura tre mila Castigliani poco piu ò meno.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 310.

[857] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 141; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 327; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 189.

[858] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214; _Id._, _Relaciones_, pp. 335, 344; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 98.

[859] _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 31; _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. Ixtlilxochitl, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 371, states that the sacrifices on the fourth day consisted of five to six slaves, on the tenth of one, on the eightieth of three. 'Le cinquième on sacrifiait plusieurs esclaves, et cette immolation se répétait encore quatre fois, de dix en dix jours.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 574. Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xiv., xxxix., mentions a fast of eighty days, at the end of which a statue was made, like one which he states was burned with the corpse, and to this exactly the same ceremonies were paid as to the defunct, the statue being burned with an equally large number of slaves as before. The fullest descriptions of royal obsequies are given in _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 521-3; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 3-11; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 95-8; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309-10; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 571-4; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl., tom. ii., cap. xlviii.; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 86-90, 99.

[860] After describing the robing of drunkards and others, Gomara says: 'Y finalmente a cada oficial dauan el traje del idolo de aquel oficio,' which certainly indicates that a drowned or besotted artisan would wear the mantle due to his position in life as well as that due to his manner of death. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 93-4, uses the following expression: 'Vestivanlo d'un abito corrispondente alla sua condizione, alle sue facoltà, _ed_ alle circostanze della sua morte.'

[861] _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 364-5.

[862] Camargo says, with reference to sacrifices and pompous ceremonies, 'tout cela avait lieu, plus ou moins, à toutes les funérailles, selon la richesse du défunt.' _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 63.

[863] _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 365; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 310; 'Durauan las exequias diez dias.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321. 'On passait vingt ou trente jours au milieu des fêtes et des festins.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 93-5.

[864] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 529; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. See p. 269 of this volume.

[865] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 358.

[866] Sahagun intimates that the puppet was for those who were slain by enemies, but adds, afterwards, that a puppet was burned with the same ceremonies in the court of the house, if they died at home. _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 314-15; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 587; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 621-2. See this vol., p. 392.

[867] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 37-8, 86-7, 161-2; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xviii., tom. ii., cap. xlviii.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 259-61, 407-8.

[868] _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 130; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._, p. 193.

[869] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 31; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 523.

[870] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 298; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 193-4. 'Los tres dias ultimos de este mes ayunavan todos los vivos á los muertos.' _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 130. See this vol., pp. 328, 331.

[871] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 163-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bourbourg says that this celebration was of a general character, and dilutes the meagre and doubtful information of his authority considerably. The arrows and food, 'après qu'elles y avaient demeuré un jour et une nuit, on les enlevait et on brûlait le tout ensemble en l'honneur de Mixcohuatl et de ses compagnons d'armes.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 528-9.

[872] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 119.

[873] _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 304; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 532.

[874] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.

[875] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 310. 'Esta figura se la ponian encima al Difunto.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 524. It is not likely, however, that a life-size figure, as Gomara calls it, or any figure, for that matter, should have been placed over the ornaments of the king and pressed upon the body. Beaumont says: 'Lo cubrian con una manta, en que estaba pintado ó realzado el cadaver con los mismos adornos.' _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 55. 'Au-dessus on asseyait une poupée de la taille du défunt.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 83.

[876] 'Matauan vno, y aun mas de cada oficio.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 311.

[877] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 525. The slaves, he says, 'los embadurnaban todo el cuerpo, con vna tinta amarilla.' 'Yban las andas ó atahud en hombros de los tres principales.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 56.

[878] 'Todos los que habian tocado el Caltzontzi y á los demas cuerpos se iban á bañar por preservarse de alguna enfermedad.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 57.

[879] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 54-8; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 523-6; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 310-12; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 157-60, with a cut; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 82-6; _Payno_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 717-19.

[880] _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 160-1, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 320.

[881] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 98-9; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.; _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 130; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._, p. 193; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 22-4.

[882] 'Au douzième mois de l'année zapotèque.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 23.

[883] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 392-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 23-4. Additional references to funeral ceremonies are: _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 238, tom. ii., pp. 79, 231-2, 298; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp. 15, 25, 29; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 89-91, 98-9, 141-2, 178-9; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1029-30, 1138-9; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 514; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 261-2; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 69; _Adair_, _Amer. Ind._, p. 217; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 9-10; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 318-23; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 11-13, 28, 30; _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1824, tom. xxiv., pp. 137-8; _Fransham's World in Miniature_, vol. ii., p. 19; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 666; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 64-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 234, 559-64, tom. ii., pp. 375, 604; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 424-5, tom. iii., pp. 407-8, 453, 520-3, 528-9, 569-74; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., p. 107; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 456; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 275-6; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 32; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, vol. ii., p. 163; _Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 203; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 147-9; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, pp. 381-4; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 96; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 31, 49-53, 77, 184; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 37.

[884] Except the Zapotecs, who, Carbajal Espinosa says, were of low stature and broad-shouldered. _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 245.

[885] Gomara says they had wide foreheads. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. 'La forma, ò figura de las Cabeças, comunmente las tienen proporcionadas à los cuerpos, y à los otros miembros de èl, y derechas; algunos las tienen empinadas, y las frentes quadradas, y llanas; otros (como son estos Mexicanos, y algunos del Pirù) las tenian, y tienen de mejor forma, algo de hechura de Martillo, ò Navio, que es la mejor forma de todas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 582-3. 'The Aztec skulls are described as being remarkable for the shortness of their axis, their large flattened occiput obliquely truncated behind, the height of the semicircular line of the temples, and the shortness and trapezoidal form of the parietal plane. They present an elevation or ridge along the sagittal suture; the base of the skull is very short, and the face slightly prognathic, as among the Mongol-Kalmucs. They bear a strong analogy to the skulls of a Peruvian Brachycephali delineated by Morton.' _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 326. 'The aboriginal Mexicans of our own time are of good stature and well proportioned in all their limbs. They have narrow foreheads, black eyes, white, well-set, regular teeth, thick, coarse and glossy black hair, thin beards, and are in general without any hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. Their skin is olive coloured, and many fine young women may be seen among them with extremely light complexions. Their senses are very acute, more especially that of sight, which they enjoy unimpaired to the most advanced age.' _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 455. For remarks on Mexican Crania, descriptions and measurements of skulls with cuts, see _Morton's Crania Amer._, pp. 144-7, 152-7, 231-3, 257, and plates xvi-xviii., lix.-lxi.

[886] According to Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, (Lond. 1726,) vol. iv., p. 125, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 35, the Miztecs had long beards.

[887] 'En los Sentidos exteriores (como son los de el Vèr, Oìr, Oler, y Gustar) los alcançan admirables; porque vèn mui de lejos, y no vsan de Antojos, si no son mui pocos, despues que los han visto, en nuestros Españoles, y eso es en la vejez, y tienen comunmente los ojos buenos, y hermosos, oien mucho, huelen tambien qualquier cosa de mui lejos; lo mismo es el Gusto; el Sentido del tacto, comunmente es delicado, lo qual se verifica en ellos, porque qualquier cosa, que pueda lastimarlos, como es frio, calor, açotes, ù otra exterior afliccion, los aflige mui facilmente, y en mucho grado, y qualqueira enfermedad los adelgaça, mas presto los enflaquece, y mata, que à otra Nacion, asi Española, como otra alguna, como es notorio, à todos los que los conocemos, y son para sufrir mui poco trabajo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 580.

[888] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 50; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 218; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 337, tom. iii., p. 332; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 57.

[889] He adds further: 'Y esto (aunque no en tanto extremo) corre, mui en general, por todos estos Reinos, y en especial en aquel de Xalisco, en la Nacion, que llaman Coca, y Tecuex, que son los Tonaltecos, y por acà en la de Tlaxcalla, y otras muchas, que por escusar enfado, callo.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 582; see also tom. i., p. 339.

[890] 'Sonovi così rari i deformi, che tutti quegli Spagnuoli, e Creogli, che nel 1768, vennero dal Messico in Italia, restarono allora, e sono anche oggidì maravigliati dall'osservare nelle Città di questa coltissima penisola un sì gran numero di ciechi, di gobbi, di zoppi, d'attratti ec.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 163. See farther, concerning the physical peculiarities of the Nahuas and earlier peoples: _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 326, 336-7, 341, 344-5, 395; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, tom. ii., p. 12; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 37, 44, 95, 318; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112, 119, 132; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 37, 51, 255, tom. ii., pp. 580-83; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, tom. i., p. 23; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 143-6, tom. ii., p. 5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xix.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 118-19, tom. iv., pp. 161-76; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 282, tom. ii., pp. 187, 189, tom. iii., p. 35; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 90, 245, tom. ii., pp. 326, 487; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, p. 25; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, pp. 71-2; _Dillon's Hist. Mex._, p. 45; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 21; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, vol. ii., p. 163.

[891] See this volume, p. 242.

[892] 'Vi sono molti, che accordano ai Messicani una grande abilità per l'imitazione; ma lor contrastano quella dell' invenzione. Error volgare, che trovasi smentito nella Storia antica di questa Nazione.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 120.

[893] See this volume, pp. 475-6.

[894] 'Los niños de los Indios no son molestos con obstinacion ni porfia à la Fè Catholica, como lo son los Moros y Indios; antes aprenden de tal manera las verdades de los Christianos, que no solamente salen con ellas, sino que las agotan, y es tanta su facilidad que parece que se las beuen. Aprenden mas presto que los niños Españoles; y con mas contento los Articulos de la Fè por su orden, y las demas oraciones de la doctrina Christiana, reteniendo en la memoria fielmente lo que se les enseña.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 139. 'Il n'était rien que les Indiens n'apprissent avec une rapidité surprenante, et s'il arrivait quelque nouveau métier dont ils n'eussent aucune connaissance, ils s'appliquaient à le voir faire avec tant d'intelligence, que, malgré les soins de l'ouvrier à leur cacher son secret, ils le lui enlevaient au bout de quelques jours.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 728.

[895] 'Son muy ladrones, mentirosos, y holgazanes. La fertilidad de la tierra deue causar tanta pereza, o por no ser ellos codiciosos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. 'La liberalità e lo staccamento da qualsiasi interesse sono dei principali attributi del loro carattere. L'oro non ha presso i Messicani tutta quella stima, che gode presso altri. Danno senza dispiacere quello, che si procacciano con somma fatica. Questo loro staccamento dall'interesse, ed il poco amore, che portano a quei che gli governano, ii fa rifiutare quelle fatiche, a cui sono da essi costretti, e questa è appunto la tanto esagerata pigrizia degli Americani.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 121-2. 'Estavan libres de la enfermedad de la codicia, y no pensauan en la vanidad del oro, y plata, ni hazian estimacion dello.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18. 'Segun lo que aquella edad permite, son inclinadissimos à ser liberales. Tanto monta que lo que se les da, se de à vno como à muchos: porque lo que vno recibe, se reparte luego entre todos.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 139.

[896] The most sober people known. _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304.

[897] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 124-5.

[898] 'Son celosissimosmos, y assi las aporrean mucho.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. We have seen in a former chapter, that Nezahualcoyotl put his dearest son to death for speaking lewdly to his father's concubine. See this volume, pp. 447, et seq.; see further concerning the character of the Mexicans, about whom the above remarks, though doubtless applicable to many other of the Nahua nations, are more particularly made: _Esplicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 40; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 458-9; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, pp. 139, 270; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. iii., p. 232; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, pp. 317-18; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia_, MS., p. 8; _Zorita_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 235; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, vol. ix., p. 167; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xliv., xlv., lxvii., cxl.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 119-23, tom. iv., pp. 177-202; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 17; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 727-30, 810; _Edinburgh Review_, 1867; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 8-10; _Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 90-3; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, pp. 73-6; _Chevalier_, _Mexique_, pp. 53-4.

[899] For the character of the Tlascaltecs see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 68; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 197-200, tom. xcix., pp. 136, 149, 151; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 76; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87; _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. v., p. 155; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 88; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 294; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, pp. 175-6; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 121, 129, 511; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 186-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 230; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 7.

[900] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 95; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, p. 176; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 130; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 259, tom. ii., pp. 121, 339.

[901] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 548; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 183.

[902] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 244; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 35.

[903] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 57.

[904] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii.

[905] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51-2; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 337, tom. iii., p. 332; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 563; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 308; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 218; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 56-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 291, tom. ii., p. 595; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 456.