Chapter XV: Part I: The Primary Varieties of the Human Species (12)

Furthermore, had the two other conterminous languages of the Attacapas and the Chetimachas been added, the difference between the _five_ would have been just the same as that between the _three_, _i. e._, they would have all differed from each other, as much as the Natchez and Uché, the Uché and Adahi, the Adahi and Natchez differ.

This is a fair measure of the _glossarial_ separation between contiguous languages as determined by what may be called the _simple comparison_ (_inspection_ or _collation_) of vocabularies; and it is by no means strange that, such being the case, writers should have regarded it with something approaching to surprise.

I am not aware that much has been done to bring down this feeling to a reasonable limit; a result which might easily have been brought about by one or both of the two following processes.

_a._ The value of the mere simple comparison of vocabularies may be tested by seeing what would be the result of placing side by side two languages known to be undoubtedly, but also known to be not very closely, allied. Such, for instance, might be the German and Greek, the Latin and Russian, the English and Lithuanic, all of which are Indo-European, and all of which, when placed in simple juxtaposition, by no means show themselves in any very palpable manner as such. This may be seen from the following table, which is far from being the first which the present writer has compiled; and that with the special view of ascertaining by induction (and not _a priori_) the value of comparisons of the kind in question.

ENGLISH. LATIN. CAYUSE. WILLAMET.

Man homo yúant atshánggo.
Woman mulier pintkhlkaiu pummaike.
Father _pater_ píntet sima.
Mother _mater_ penín sinni.
Son filius wái tawakhai.
Daughter filia wái tshitapinna.
Head _caput_ talsh tamutkhl.
Hair crinis tkhlokomot amutkhl.
Ear _auris_ taksh pokta.
Eye _oculus_ hăkamush kwalakkh.
Nose _nasus_ pitkhloken unan.
Mouth os sumkhaksh mandi.
Tongue _lingua_ push mamtshutkhl.
Tooth _dens_ tenif púti.
Hand manus epip tlakwa.
Fingers digiti épip alakwa.
Feet _pedes_ tish puüf.
Blood sanguis tiweush méënu.
House domus nisht hammeih (--fire.)
Axe securis yengthokinsh khueshtan.
Knife culter shekt hekemistāh.
Shoes calcei taitkhlo ulumóf.
Sky cœlum adjalawaia amiank.
Sun _sol_ huewish ampiun.
Moon _luna_ katkhltóp utap.
Star _stella_ tkhlitkhlish atuininank.
Day _dies_ eweiu umpium.
Night _nox_ ftalp atitshikim.
Fire ignis tetsh hamméih.
Water aqua iskkainish mampuka.
Rain pluvia tishtkitkhlmiting ukwíï.
Snow _nix_ poi nukpeik.
Earth terra lingsh hunkhalop.
River _rivus_ lushmi mantsal.
Stone lapis ápit andi.
Tree arbor lauik huntawatkhl.
Meat caro pithuli umhók.
Dog canis náapang mantal.
Beaver castor pieka akaipi.
Bear ursa limeaksh alotufan.
Bird avis tianiyiwa pōkalfuna.
Great magnus yaúmua pul.
Cold frigidus shunga pángkafiti.
White albus tkhlaktkhláko kommóu.
Black niger shkupshkúpu maieum.
Red ruber lakaitlakaitu tshal.
I _ego_ ining tshii.
Thou _tu_ niki máha.
He ille nip kak.
One _unus_ na wáän.
Two _duo_ leplin kéën.
Three _tres_ matnin upshín.
Four _quatuor_ piping táope.
Five _quinque_ táwit húwan.
Six _sex_ nóiná taf.
Seven _septem_ nóilip pshinimua.
Eight _octo_ nōimát kēëmúa.
Nine _novem_ tanáuiaishimshin wanwaha.
Ten _decem_ ningitelp tínifia.

Again--the process may be modified by taking two languages known to be _closely_ allied, and asking how far a _simple_ comparison of their vocabularies exhibits that alliance on the surface, _e.g._:--

ENGLISH. BEAVER INDIAN. CHIPPEWYAN.

One it la day ittla hē.
Two onk shay day nank hay.
Three ta day ta he.
Four dini day dunk he.
Five tlat zoon e de ay sa soot la he.
Six int zud ha l'goot ha hé.
Seven ta e wayt zay tluz ud dunk he.
Eight etzud een tay l'goot dung he.
Nine kala gay ne ad ay itla ud ha.
Ten kay nay day hona.
A man taz eu dinnay you.
A woman iay quay tzay quay.
A girl id az oo ed dinna gay.
A boy taz yuz é dinnay yoo azay
Interpreter nao day ay dinnay tee ghaltay.
Trader meeoo tay ma kad ray
Moose-deer tlay tchin tay tunnehee hee.
Rein-deer may tzee ed hun.
Beaver tza tza.
Dog tlee tlee.
Rabbit kagh kagh.
Bear zus zus.
Wolf tshee o nay noo nee yay.
Fox e yay thay nag hee dthay.
I hunt na o zed naz uz ay.
Thou huntest nodzed nan ul zay.
He hunts nazin zed nal zay.
We hunt naze zedeo na il zay.
Ye hunt nazin zedeo nal zin al day.
They hunt owadié tzed na hal zay.
I kill uz éay gha zil tir.
Thou killest uz éay ghan zil hil tir.
He kills ud zeay gha tla in il tir.
We kill uz ugho-ghay uzin tla in il dir.
Ye kill uz ugho ghay uzin zee ool dir.
They kill utza ghay agho tla in il tay.
I laugh utzay rad lotsh naz-lo.
Thou laughest utlint lotsh na-id-lo.
He laughs utroz lotsh nad-lo.
We laugh utlo wod lotshay tlo a-ee-el-tee.
Ye laugh tlodzud udzee tlo gha ee-ol-tee.
They laugh tlodzud udzee tlo-gha-ee-el-tee.
I trade mata oz lay naz nee.
Thou tradest mata an eelay na el nee.
He trades kita od eenla na el nee.
We trade mata ad oz id la na-da-ell nee.
Ye trade mata a la ozayo na ool nee.
They trade ma ta a leeay la eghon a el nee.

Now there is no doubt here as to the difference appearing to be considerable. Yet the two languages--or, rather, dialects--are mutually intelligible.

_b._ The method of _indirect_ comparison--although by some considered illegitimate--supplies us with another means of checking the tendency towards over-valuing glossarial differences as tested by simple collation; since, a language of which the isolation goes beyond a certain point must not only be unlike any single given language, but unlike other languages altogether. Now, taking the Adahi as an illustration, the following table shows its _miscellaneous_ or _general_ affinities.

_English_, man
Adahi, _haasing_
Otto, _wahsheegae_
Onondago, _etschinak_
Abenaki, _seenanbe_=_vir_
" _arenanbe_=_homo_

_English_, woman
Adahi, _quaechuke_
Muskoge, _hoktie_
Choctah, _hottokohyo_
Osage, _wako_
Sack and Fox, _kwyokih_
Ilinois, _ickoe_
Nanticoke, _acquahique_
Delaware, _okhqueh_
Algonkin, &c., _squaw_
Taculli, _chaca_

_English_, girl
Adahi, _quoâtwistuck_
Chikkasaw, _take_
Choctah, _villa tak_
Caddo, _nuttaitesseh_
Oneida, _caidazai_
Micmac, _epidek_

English, _child_
Adahi, _tallahening_
" _tallahache_=_boy_
Omahaw, _shinga shinga_
Otto, _cheechinga_
Quappa, _shetyïnka_

_English_, father
Adahi, _kewanick_
Chetimacha, _kineghie_
Chikkasaw, _unky_
Choctah, _aunkke_

_English_, mother
Adahi, _amanie_
Caddo, _ehneh_
Sioux, _enah, eehong_
Tuscarora, _ena_
Wyandot, _aneheh_
Kenay, _anna_
Eskimo, _amama_

_English_, husband
Adahi, _hasekino_
Chetimacha, _hichehase_
Winebago, _eekunah_
Taculli, _eki_
Tchuktchi, _uika_

_English_, wife
Adahi, _quochekinok_
" _quaechuke_=_woman_
Tuscarora, _ekening_=_do_
Cherokee, _ageyung_=_woman_
Chetimacha, _hichekithia_
" _hichechase_=_man_

_English_, son
Adahi, _tallehennie_
Caddo, _hininshatrseh_
Omahaw, _eeingyai_
Minetare, _eejinggai_
Winebago, _eeneek_
Oneida, _yung_

_English_, brother
Adahi, _gasing_
Salish, _asintzah_
Ottawa, _sayin_=_elder_
Ojibbeway, _osy aiema_

_English_, head
Adahi, _tochake_
Caddo, _dachunkea_=_face_
" _dokundsa_

_English_, hair
Adahai, _calatuck_
Chippewyan, _thiegah_
Kenway, _szugo_
Miami, _keelingeh_=_face_

_English_, face
Adahi, _annack_
Chetimacha, _kaneketa_
Attacapa, _iune_
Eskimo, _keniak_

_English_, ear
Adahi, _calat_
Cherokee, _gule_
Passamaquoddy, _chalksee_

_English_, nose
Adahi, _wecoocat_
Montaug, _cochoy_
Micmac, _uchichun_

_English_, beard
Adahi, _tosocat_
Attacapa, _taesh_=_hair_
Natchez, _ptsasong_=_hair_
Chetimacha, _chattie_

_English_, arm
Adahi, _walcat_
Taculli, _olâ_
Chippewyan, _law_

_English_, nails
Adahi, _sicksapasca_
Catawba, _ecksapeeah_=_hand_
Natchez, _ispeshe_=_hand_

_English_, belly
Adahi, _noeyack_
Winebago, _neehahhah_
Eskimo, _neiyuk_

_English_, leg
Adahi, _ahasuck_=_leg_
Chetimacha, _sauknuthe_=_feet_
" _saukatie_=_toes_
" _sau_=_leg_
Osage, _sagaugh_
Yancton, _hoo_
Otto, _hoo_
Pawnee, _ashoo_=_foot_
Sioux, _see, seehah_=_do._
Nottoway, _saseeke_=_do._
Dacota, _seehukasa_=_toes_
Nottoway, _seeke_=_do._

_English_, mouth
Adahi, _wacatcholak_
Chetimacha, _cha_
Attacapa, _katt_
Caddo, _dunehwatcha_
Natchez, _heche_
Mohawk, _wachsacurlunt_
Seneca, _wachsagaint_
Sack and Fox, _wektoneh_
Mohican, _otoun_

_English_, tongue
Adahi, _tenanat_
Chetimacha, _huene_
Uché, _cootincah_
Choctah, _issoonlush_
Ojibbeway, _otainani_
Ottawa, _tenanian_

_English_, hand
Adahi, _secut_
" _sicksapasca_=_nails_
Choctah, _shukba_=_his arm_
Chikkasaw, _shukbah_=_do._
Muskoge, _sakpa_=_do._
Kenay, _skona_
Attacapa, _nishagg_=_fingers_
Omahaw, _shagai_
Osage, _shagah_
Mohawk, _shake_
Yancton, _shakai_=_nails_
Otto, _shagai=do._

_English_, blood
Adahi, _pchack_
Caddo, _baaho_
Passamaquoddy, _pocagun_
Abenaki, _bagakkaan_
Mohican, _pocaghkan_
Nanticoke, _puckeuckque_
Miami, _nihpeekanueh_

_English_, red
Adahi, _pechasat_
Natchez, _pahkop_

_English_, feet
Adahi, _nocat_
Micmac, _ukkuat_
Miami, _katah_
Taculli, _oca_
Chippewyan, _cuh_
Ilinois, _nickahta_=_leg_
Delaware, _wikhaat_=_do._
Massachusetts, _muhkout_=_do._
Ojibbeway, _okat_=_do._

_English_, bone
Adahi, _wahacut_
Otto, _wahoo_
Yancton, _hoo_
Dacota, _hoohoo_
Ojibbeway, _okun_
Miami, _kaanih_
Eskimo, _heownik_
" oaeeyak

_English_, house
Adahi, _coochut_
Natchez, _hahit_
Muskoge, _chookgaw_
Choctah, _chukka_
Catawba, _sook_
Taculli, _yock_

_English_, bread
Adahi, _okhapin_
Chetimacha, _heichepat chepa_

_English_, sky
Adahi, _ganick_
Seneca, _kiunyage_

_English_, summer
Adahi, _weetsuck_
Uché, _waitee_

_English_, fire
Adahi, _nang_
Caddo, _nako_
Eskimo, _ignuck_
" _eknok_
" annak

_English_, mountain
Adahi, tolola
Taculli, chell

_English_, stone, rock
Adahi, _ekseka_
Caddo, _seeeeko_
Natchez, _ohk_

_English_, maize
Adahi, _ocasuck_
Natchez, _hokko_

_English_, day
Adahi, _nestach_
Muskoge, _nittah_
Chikkasaw, _nittuck_
Choctah, _nittok_

_English_, autumn
Adahi, _hustalneetsuck_
Choctah, _hushtolape_
Chikkasaw, _hustillomona_
" _hustola_=_winter_

_English_, bird
Adahi, _washang_
Choctah, _hushe_
Sack and Fox, _wishkamon_
Shawnoe, _wiskiluthi_

_English_, goose
Adahi, _nickkuicka_
Chetimacha, _napiche_
Ilinois, _nicak_
Ojibbeway, _nickak_
Delaware, _kaak_
Shawnoe, _neeake_

_English_, duck
Adahi, _ahuck_
Eskimo, _ewuck_

_English_, fish
Adahi, _aesut_
Cherokee, _atsatih_

_English_, tree
Adahi, _tanaek_
Dacota, _tschang_
Ilinois, _toauane_
Miami, _tauaneh_=_wood_

_English_, grass
Adahi, _hasack_
Chikkasaw, _hasook_
Choctah, _hushehuck_
Uché, _yahsuh_=_leaf_
Chikkasaw, _hishe_=_do._

_English_, deer
Adahi, _wakhine_
Uché, _wayung_

_English_, squirrel
Adahi, _enack_
Sack and Fox, _aneekwah_
Nanticoke, _nowckkey_
Abenaki, _anikesses_
Knistenaux, _annickochas_

_English_, old
Adahi, _hansnaie_
Caddo, _hunaisteteh_
Nottoway, _onahahe_

_English_, good
Adahi, _awiste_
Dacota, _haywashta_
Yancton, _washtai_

_English_, I
Adahi, _nassicon_
Cherokee, _naski_

_English_, kill
Adahi, _yoeick_
Caddo, _yokay_
Catawba, _eekway_

_English_, two
Adahi, _nass_
Algonkin, &c., _nis, ness, nees_

Now the Adahi is so far from being a singular instance of an American language having miscellaneous affinities that there are not half-a-dozen vocabularies for either North or South America for which I have not similar lists.[138]

Such is the imperfect sketch of my reasons for believing that any statement which places the glossarial differences between the American languages, as ascertained by the simple inspection of their vocabularies, so high as to involve the idea of a unique and unparalleled philological phænomenon is an _over_-statement.

In thus limiting the extent of a remarkable characteristic I am not denying its existence. That the difference, even when cut down to its proper dimensions, is still more considerable than the usual investigations of philologists prepare them to expect, is shown by the necessity (which I freely admit) of resorting in America to the indirect method of comparison, where in many (perhaps most) other parts of the world, simple collation would suffice.

Why is this? The following facts help us to an answer--fragmentary and partial though it be.

_The paucity of general terms._--What shall we say to a language where a term sufficiently _general_ to denote an oak-tree is exceptional; a language where the _white-oak_ has one _specific_ name, the _black-oak_ another, the _red-oak_ a third, and so? Yet such is the ease with the Choctah;[139] where, _a fortiori_, the still more _general_ name for _tree_ is more exceptional still. This is the case with a noun.

Verbs, however, are equally _specialized_. Where we in England talk of _fishing_, the Eskimo has a distinct name for every _mode of fishing_; and this is only part and parcel of the system which "designates with a peculiar name animals _of the same species_ according to their age, sex, or form."

This is a character, which, though illustrated from two languages, is common to all the American ones.

Now the more specific the name the less extensive its application, and the less extensive its application the smaller the probability of its appearing in more languages than one. No one would expect the word _brother_ to occur in the Gaelic (_brathair_), and in the Latin (_frater_), if Gaels, Englishmen, and Romans, without any name for brother in general, had merely known an _elder brother_ by one separate single name, and a _younger one_ by another, as is really the fact in America. What we should look for in such a case would be the equivalents to words like _cadet_, and these might differ in languages otherwise allied.

Names, then, for common objects are often of so specific a kind in the American languages, that they differ in cases where, if more general, they would agree.

_The numerals._--Another class of words, which in many languages agree, differs in the American, viz., that of the numerals. In the Indo-European tongues these agree even where other words differ.[140] The converse, however, takes place with the tongues in question. Languages, alike in other points, shall count differently. Can this be explained? I submit the following doctrine, based upon the difference between absolute numerals like _two_ and _three_ (words which mean two units, and three units exclusively and irrespectively), and concrete numerals like _brace_ and _leash_.

Between these two classes of words there is the following difference. Absolute numerals give no choice, concrete numerals do. Out of two tribes, wherein the intelligence of each is so little capable of generalization as not to have evolved abstract and absolute numerals like those of the Indo-European nations (_one_, _two_, &c.), the only way of counting is by the adoption of some material object in which the _number_ of its parts is a striking characteristic; in which case there is so much room for arbitrary selection that allied languages may take up different words. It is not to be supposed that unless the English, Greeks, Gaels, Slavonians, and the members of the Indo-European stock in general, had broken off from the common stem at a period subsequent to the evolution of absolute numerals that their names for the first ten units would be so like as they are. On the contrary, there would most certainly have been a difference; _two_ being expressed in one quarter by a word like _brace_, in another by such a term as _couple_, in a third by _pair_, and so on. Now this latitude exists and bears fruit with the American languages. One takes the name for (say) _two_ from one natural dualism, another from another--one calls it by the name for _a pair of hands_, another by that of _a pair of feet_, a third by that of _a pair of shoes_, &c.

Names, then, for numerals in the American languages differ as much as the natural objects from which they may be derived, the separation from the parent-stock of the tongues in which they occur having taken place before the evolution of fixed absolute and abstract terms.

_The verb-substantive._--In the Indo-European languages the verb-substantive agrees even where other words differ; the English _be_ is the Latin _fu-_; the German _ist_ is the Greek ἐστ-ι; the English _am_ is the Latin _sum_, and the Greek εἰμι. This induces us, in languages where there is no such agreement, to argue in favour of a fundamental dissimilarity. And naturally. Tongues as far apart as the English and Sanskrit _agree_, where tongues as close to each other as the Adahi and Chetimacha _differ_. But to expect likeness on this point simply because we find it in Europe and Asia, is to make bricks without straw. In most of the American languages, an idea so abstract as that conveyed by the verb-substantive has yet to be evolved; in other words, there is no verb-substantive at all in the generality of them: according to some writers, it is wanting in all.

Such are some of the facts and suggestions which help to account for the glossarial difference between the American languages, a phænomenon which, even though occasionally overstated, is still a reality to a certain degree. I am fully aware that, at the first view, they seem to prove too much; _i.e._ they seem, by accounting for the differences, to admit them; just as, in common life, the person who excuses himself for an imputed action, admits the truth of the imputation. How far this is the true view will be seen after the notice of some of the antagonistic phænomena of agreement in the way of grammatical structure.

_Negative points of agreement._--_Case-endings_, properly so called, are either rare or wanting throughout the American tongues. Possession is expressed by the pronouns; just as if we said, _father his_, or _pater suus_ instead of _patri-s, ather-'s_. In like manner the pronoun expresses the objective relation; _I strike him horse_=_ferio equu-m_.

_Signs of number_, properly so called, are wanting. The general American equivalent for such a form as the _-s_ in _patre-s_, or _father-s_, is a word signifying _number_, as _father many_=_father-s_.

_Signs of gender_, properly so called, are wanting. This, however, is no more than what occurs in the English adjective.

_Signs of the degrees of comparison_ are wanting. This, however, is no more than what occurs in the French adjective.

Notwithstanding, however, this list of negations--a list capable of being considerably increased--the American grammar is complex; a fact which brings us to the positive characteristics of the language in question. These, also, are very general.

_a._ _The distinction between animate and inanimate objects._--The plural of the name of such an object as _a star_ is of one form; the plural of the name of such an object as _a sheep_, another. In some languages this distinction extends farther, and applies to the _rational_ and _irrational_ divisions of the _animate_ class.

_b._ _The incorporation of the possessive pronoun._--Certain words like _hand_, _father_, _son_, express, all the world over, objects which are rarely mentioned except in relation to some other object to which they belong--_a hand_, for instance, is _mine_, _thine_, _his_, and so is _a father_, _a son_, _a wife_, &c. In other words there is almost always a pronoun[141] attached to them. Now in the American languages this is almost always incorporated with the substantive; so that an American can only talk of _my father_, _thy father_, &c., being incapable of using the substantive in a sense sufficiently abstract to dispense with the pronoun.

_c_. The incorporation of the objective pronoun with the verb. The Latin word _a-ma-nt_ contains, beside the part which represents the action, a second element representing the _agent_. An American verb would, besides this, contain an element representing the _object_, so that what the Latin expressed by _amant illas_ (two words) would be denoted in most Indian tongues by a single form. Now when we remember that the name of the object is thus reduced to an inflection, and also that the pronoun expressive of it, varies with the sex, we see how American tongues may be both copious in the way of grammar and complex as well. And such, notwithstanding many facts to the contrary, is really the case.

_Inclusive and exclusive plurals._--A word like _we_ in English, is a much more abstract word than it appears to be at first sight. What should we say if instead thereof we only said _I+thou_, or _I+they_? What if _both_ these expressions were used? In such a case we should have two plurals one _exclusive_ of the person spoken to (_I+they_), and one _inclusive_ of him (_I+thou_). Now the phænomenon of the _exclusive_ and _inclusive_ plural is very general throughout the aboriginal languages of America.

Such are the chief points wherein languages differ in respect to their lexicons, and agree in respect to their grammars.[142]

* * * * *

The Californias, New Mexico, and the provinces of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Cohuahuila, Durango, Zacatecas, and the northern part of the Anahuac, will now conduct us to the centre of the Aztek civilization--or semi-civilization of the city of Montezuma. And here the enumeration of the divisions and sub-divisions of the population must be almost exclusively geographical, _i.e._ we must take the tribes as they come in their order on the map, and not in the order wherein they are related to each other. The reason of this lies in the unsatisfactory character of our knowledge. Preeminently scanty, it is unsystematic as well. What follows then is but little better than an undigested list of references, more than one of which may refer to the same tribes under different names, and more than one of which may be incorrect. Still it is a contribution towards a monograph, the necessity of which gives it place in a systematic work, which it would not have otherwise; and lest the value of such a monograph, if properly drawn up, be undervalued, the reader is reminded that most of the elements of our criticism in regard to the civilizational phænomena presented by Mexico, Guatimala and Yucatan, depend upon the facts known concerning the Californias and the parts to the south of them.

_New California._--_For the parts between the mouths of the rivers Clamet (or Lutuami) and Sacramiento_.--Physical geography gives us for these parts three divisions: _a_, the coast and western boundary of the valley of the Sacramiento; _b_, the valley of the Sacramiento itself; _c_, the eastern watershed of the Sacramiento.

_a._ For the coast we have a notice as to the miserable condition of the natives about Trinity Bay in N. L. 41° with the special statement that they file their teeth. Probably they constitute an extension of the Southern Tototunes. On the other hand, the later writers have remarked, that the boundary between the Oregon and California is not only a political but an ethnological one as well; in other words, that the physical appearance of the Indians changes as soon as the frontier is passed. Except so far as there is a difference in the physical geography, this coincidence is unlikely.

_b._ In respect, however, to the valley of the Sacramiento, such a difference exists. The Desert of California, like that of the Sahara, has its _oases_, and these are the valleys of its rivers. However narrow these may be, the conditions of physical and social development which they afford, are always improvements upon those of the desert table-land. Here our only data are Mr. Dana's, which consist of--

1. A vocabulary of the occupants of the river about 250 miles from its mouth, and 60 miles south of the Shasti, whom they resemble, being a mirthful race, with no arms but bows and arrows, and with little intercourse with foreigners.

2, 3, 4. Four vocabularies from the occupants of the river, about 100 miles to its mouth, _i.e._ of the Puzhune, Sekumne, and Tsamak dialects. Allied to these and like them occupants of the western bank, are the _Yasumnes_, the Nemshaw, the Kisky, the Yale_sumnes_, the Yuk, and the Yukal.

5. A Talatui vocabulary. Captain Suter, a settler in these parts, informed Mr. Dana, that the Talatui and the Indians just named, resembled each other in every thing but language, and that the Talatui was spoken by the following bands:--The Ochek_amnes_, the Seroush_umnes_, the Chup_umnes_, the Omutch_umnes_, the Sec_umnes_(?), the Walag_umnes_, the Cos_umnes_, the Solol_umnes_, the Tureal_emnes_, the Sayway_menes_, the Nevich_umnes_, the Match_emnes_, the Sagayay_umnes_, the Muthel_emnes_, and the Lopotal_emnes_. Probably the Chochouyem tribe of the Mithridates belongs to this quarter. Probably, also, the Youkiousme of Mofras(?)

6. A notice of Major Sand's, in Gallatin,[143] carries us over the eastern watershed of the Sacramiento to one of the streams of the great Californian Desert, which have no outlet to the ocean, called Salmon-trout River. Here the chief sustenance is of a lower order than that of tribes on the Sacramiento. With the latter it is nearly exclusively acorns made into a not unpalatable bread; with the former grass-hoppers or locusts dried and pounded, mixed with the meal of grass-seeds, and baked.

_Parts about San Francisco._--_a_. A Youkiousme(?) Paternoster of Mofras, seems to belong to the same division with--

_b._ A vocabulary of the language of San Rafael in the United States' Exploring Expedition. If so, and if also the position of the Youkiousme just suggested be correct, further information will bring the languages enumerated by Dana, to the neighbourhood of San Francisco; for which parts we also find in Mofras--

_c._ A _Tularena_ Paternoster.

_d._ A notice of a MS. _Tularena_ grammar by Arroyo.

_e._ _f._ The Santa Inez, and Santa Barbara, Paternosters of Mofras.

_g._ _h._ The Severnow and Bodega vocabularies (apparently representing mutually unintelligible languages) of Baer's Beiträge.

Lastly, in the Mithridates[144] we find enumerated, as inhabitants of these parts, the Matalan, the Salsen, and the Quirotes, followed by the statement of Lasuen, that between San Francisco and San Diego _seventeen_ languages are spoken, which cannot be considered as dialects of a few mother-tongues. On the other hand, however, in respect to the three sections just mentioned, Humboldt expressly states that, whilst they are separated as peoples (Völkerschaften), their speech is from a single source.

_Parts about Monterey._--The vocabularies of the Mithridates, taken from the Voyage of the Sutil and Mexicana of--

_a._ The Eslen or Ecclemachs.

_b._ The Rumsen--East of the Eslen. To which add a notice of--

_c._ The Achastlier probably a section of the Rumsen, or _vice versâ_.

_Parts about N.L. 35°._--Vocabularies of the American Exploring Expedition for--

_a._ La Soledad.

_b._ San Miguel, about fifty miles south-east of La Soledad.

_c._ The San Antonio of Dr. Coulter. Published in the paper of Dr. Scouler's, already quoted.

_d._ The San Luis Obispo.--_Ditto._

_e._ The Santa Clara of the Mithridates.

_For the parts between N.L. 35° and N.L. 32-1/2°._--Here, as hitherto, our knowledge is limited to the tribes on the coast.

_a._ The Santa Barbara, of Dr. Coulter.--Journal of Geographical Society.

_b._ _c._ The San Juan Capistrano, the same as the Netela of the United States' Exploring Expedition.

_d._ The San Gabriel of Dr. Coulter, the same as the Kij of the United States' Exploring Expedition.

_e._ The San Diego of Dr. Coulter.

The SS. Gabriel and Juan Capistrano, are more closely allied than any other two of Dr. Coulter's. Besides which there seems to be between them, a regular letter-change of the _l_ and _r_. In San Juan Capistrano, whilst but one word ends in _r_, _maharr=five_, several end in _l_; as _shul=star_, _ul=arrow_, _nol=chief_, _amaigomal=boy_, _shungal=woman_; whereas, the San Gabriel has no terminations in _l_, but many in _r_, as _touarr=arrow_, _tomearr=chief_, _tokor=woman_, &c.

ENGLISH. SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO. SAN GABRIEL.
_Moon._ mioil. muarr.
_Water._ pal. paara.
_Earth._ ekhel. ungkhur.
_Salt._ engel. ungurr.
_Hot._ khalek. oro(?).

South of San Diego, the land narrows itself into the peninsula of Old California. Here we have--

1. _The Cochimi._--If the area of the Cochimi dialects (of which there are four, said to differ from each other as much as the Spanish and the French) extend as far north as N.L. 33°, the San Diego vocabulary most probably represents one of them.

2. _The Waikuru._--called also the _Monk_[145] or _Moqui_(?), and of which the following dialects are enumerated--

_a._ The _Cora_(?)[145]. Extinct, or nearly so.

_b._ The Uchitee, or Utshi. Extinct.

_c._ The Aripe. Probably extinct.

_d._ The Layamon of Loretto, known to us by a vocabulary.

3. The Pericu.--Probably extinct. Spoken at the southern extremity of the island from N.L. 24°, to Cape St. Lucas.

4(?). _The Ikas._--By the unknown author of the _"Nachrichten von der Amerikanischen Halbinsel Kalifornien_" (Mannheim, 1773), who was a Jesuit missionary in the Peninsula, the _Ikas_, a fourth family, is enumerated amongst the Old Californians.

5(?). The _Picos_, too, or _Ficos_, of Bägert, may possibly represent a separate family. More probably, however, they are _Ikas_, or sections of some better known division of the Old Californian population.

If we now take a review of what has been investigated, it is only a coast and a peninsula. What, however, is the state of the interior of that great tract which, politically, lies between Mexico, the United States, and the Pacific, and of which we have the ethnological limits in the areas of the Tototune, the Shasti, the Palaiks, the Paducas, and lastly the Indians of Sonora--for thus far south must we go before we get clear of the _terra incognita_ of California?

I am better prepared with suggestions as to the method of investigating these parts than with facts concerning them.

1. In the way of physical geography it is convenient to draw a distinction. The great interior basin (or table-land) of California is one division; the great triangular watershed between the rivers Gila and Colorado another.

2. In the way of new facts we must expect the phænomena of _stone_ architecture, as manifested in the ruins of ancient buildings.

3. In the way of inference we must guard against over-valuing the import of them. They are not upon light grounds to be considered as the measures of a civilization so different from that of the tribes hitherto enumerated, as to suggest the machinery of either unnecessary migrations, or unascertained degradations or annihilations of race.

The difference between the great interior basin of California, and the valleys of the rivers Gila and Colorado, with their feeders, is that of a desert and the oases that lie within it. The tribes that inhabit the former are under some of the most unfavourable conditions for sustenance in the world. Some of them, such as those to the east and north, are known to be the more miserable members of the Paduca class. Those of the west are probably extensions of the imperfectly known tribes of the coast, and their analogues in the way of physical influences are to be sought for in Australia rather than in America.

It is not surprising that the water-system of two considerable rivers should furnish strong elements of contrast to those which exist in what is either a table-land or a basin, according as the attention of the investigators is struck by its elevation above the sea, or by its depressions forming salt-lakes--Dead Seas in the way of ethnology. Nor yet is it surprising that such contrasts should have full justice done them in description. Ruins in stone, too, in districts where the most we expect is the embankment or tumulus, strike even the cautious observer with surprise; and fragments of art, however imperfect, create wonder when they represent an industry different from what is found amongst the existing populations of their locality. Whatever may be the exaggeration as to particular descriptions, however, the ethnological deduction is well summed up in the following extract. In describing the tribes of the Gila, the Colorado, and of New Mexico, Gallatin writes, "At the time of the conquest of Mexico, by Cortes, there was _northwardly_, at the distance of 800 or 1,000 miles, a collection of Indian tribes, in a state of civilization, intermediary between that of the Mexicans and the social state of any of the other aborigines."[146]

What was the civilization? what the tribes? It is best to express both these facts in as general a way as possible. The _Casas Grandes_ represent the first. The _Pimos_ Indians the second.

_The Casa Grande_, or _Great House_.--On the south bank of the Gila, in the midst of a large and beautiful plain, are the ruins of what was called by its discoverers, Fathers Garcias and Font,[147] the _Casa Grande_, a building 445 feet in length, and 270 feet in breadth, with three stories and a terrace; the walls being built of clay, and a wall interrupted with towers investing the principal edifice.

Later descriptions of Casas Grandes, by eye-witnesses, are those of Lieutenant Emory and Captain Johnston. That of the latter, of one on the River Gila, is as follows:--

"Still passing plains which had once been occupied,[148] we saw to our left the 'Casa de Montezuma.' I rode to it, and found the remains of the walls of four buildings, and the piles of earth showing where many others had been. One of the buildings was still quite complete, as a ruin; the others had all crumbled, but a few pieces of broken wall remaining. The large casa was fifty feet by forty, and had been four stories high; but the floors and roof had long since been burnt out. The charred ends of the cedar joists were still in the wall. I examined them and found they had not been cut with a steel instrument. The joists were round sticks about two feet in diameter. There were four entrances--north, south, east, and west,--the doors about four feet by two; the rooms as below, and had the same arrangement in each story. There was no sign of a fire-place in the building. The lower story was filled with rubbish, and above it was the open sky. The walls were four feet thick at the bottom, and had a curved inclination inwards to the top. The house was built of a sort of white earth and pebbles, probably containing lime, which abounded on the ground adjacent. The walls had been smoothed outside, and plastered inside; and the surface still remained firm, although it was evident it had been exposed to great heat from the fire. Some of the rooms did not open to all the rest, but had a hole a foot in diameter to look through; in other places were smaller holes. About two hundred yards from this building was a mound, in a circle one hundred yards around the mound. The centre was a hollow, twenty-five yards in diameter, with two ramps or slopes going down to its bottom. It was probably a well, now partly filled up. A similar one was seen near Mount Dallas.

"A few yards further, in the same direction, northward, was a terrace one hundred yards by seventy, about five feet high. Upon this was a pyramid about eight feet high, twenty-five yards square at the top. From this, sitting on my horse, I could overlook the vast plain lying north-east and west, on the left bank of the Gila. The ground in view was about fifteen miles--all of which, it would seem, had been irrigated by the waters of the Gila. I picked up a broken crystal of quartz in one of these piles. Leaving the casa I turned towards the Pimos, and travelling at random over the plain (now covered with mezquite), the piles of earth and pottery showed for miles in every direction. I also found the remains of a zequia (a canal for irrigation) which followed the range of houses for miles. It had been very large."

_The Pimos._--Without at present fixing their locality, it is sufficient for the sake of showing the character of their civilization, to make the following extracts, directly from Mr. Squier's paper on New Mexico and California, but indirectly, or in the way of first-hand evidence, from Lieutenant Emory:--

"At the settlement of the Pimos, we were at once impressed with the beauty and order of the arrangements for irrigating and draining the land. Corn, wheat, and cotton are the crops of this peaceful and intelligent race of people. At the time of our visit, all the crops had been gathered in, and the stubble showed that they had been luxuriant. The cotton had been picked and stacked for drying in the sheds. The fields are sub-divided by ridges of earth into rectangles of about 200 feet by 100, for the convenience of irrigation. The fences are of sticks wattled with willow and mezquite, and in this particular give an example of economy in agriculture worthy to be followed by the Mexicans, who never use fences at all.

"The dress of the Pimos consists of a cotton _serape_, of native manufacture, and a breech cloth. Their hair is worn long and clubbed up behind. They have but few cattle, and these are used in tillage. They possess a few horses and mules, which are prized very highly. They were found very ready to barter, which they did with entire good faith. Capt. Johnson relates that when his party first came to the village they asked for bread, offering to pay for the same. The bread was furnished by the Pimos, but they would receive no return, saying, 'Bread is to eat, not to sell; take what you want.'

"'Their houses,' says Lieut. Emory, 'were dome-shaped structures of wicker-work, about six feet high, and from twenty to sixty feet in diameter, thatched with straw or corn-stalks. In front is usually a large arbour, on top of which is piled the cotton in the pod for drying. In the houses were stored water-melons, pumpkins, beans, corn, and wheat, the three articles last named usually in large baskets; sometimes these baskets were covered with earth and placed on the tops of the domes. A few chickens and dogs were seen, but no other domestic animals except horses, mules, and oxen. Their implements of husbandry were the axe (of steel, and obtained through the Mexicans), wooden hoes, shovels, and harrows. The soil is so easily pulverized as to make the plough unnecessary.'

"Among their manufactures is a substance which they call _pinole_. It is the heart of Indian corn, baked, ground up, and mixed with sugar. When dissolved in water it is very nutritious, and affords a delicious beverage. Their molasses, put up in large jars, hermetically sealed, is expressed from the fruit of the pitahaya.

"In manufacturing cotton they display much skill, although their looms are of the simplest kind. 'A woman was seated on the ground under one of the cotton sheds. Her left leg was turned under, and the sole of her foot upwards. Between her large toe and the next was a spindle, about eighteen inches long, with a single fly of four or six inches. Ever and anon, she gave it a twist in a dexterous manner, and at its end was drawn a coarse cotton thread. This was their spinning machine. Led on by this primitive display, I asked for their loom, pointing first to the thread, and then to the blanket girded about the woman's loins. A fellow stretched in the dust, sunning himself, rose up leisurely, and untied a bundle which I had supposed to be a bow and arrows. This little package, with four stakes in the ground, was the loom. He stretched his cloth and commenced the process of weaving.

"They had salt among them, which they obtained from the plains. Wherever there are 'bottoms' which have no drainage, the salt effloresces, and is skimmed from the surface of the earth. It was brought to us both in the crystallized form, and in the form when first collected, mixed with earth.

"The plain upon which the Pimos village stands, extends fifteen or twenty miles in every direction, and is very rich and fertile. The bed of the Gila, opposite the village, is said to be dry, the whole water being drawn off by the _zequias_ of the Pimos for irrigating their lands; but their ditches are larger than necessary for the purpose, and the water which is not used returns to the river, with little apparent diminution in its volume.

"It is scarcely to be doubted, that the Pimos are the Indians described by Father Garcias and Pedro Font, as living on the south bank of the Gila, in the vicinity of the Casas Grandes. They lived in two villages, called Utuicut and Sutaquisau, and are described by these explorers to have been peaceable and industrious cultivators of the soil. When Father Font tried to persuade them of the advantages which would result from the establishment of Christian missions, where an Indian alcalde would govern with strict justice, a chief answered that this was not necessary for them. 'For,' said he, 'we do not steal, we rarely quarrel; why should we want an alcalde?'"[149]

This is enough for a characteristic; to which it should be added that the area of the Casas Grandes, and that of the agricultural (or semi-agricultural) industry of the Pimos and other tribes coincide.

So little, however, are these parts known, that our evidence comes almost exclusively from two quarters--the early Spanish explorers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the very recent American surveyors, the circumnavigators (to use an expression of Gallatin's) of the Californian Desert of the last decennium.

Some of the most western of the tribes that have any (though not all) of the elements which make the Pimos the representatives of a provisional ethnological division, are:--

1. _The Yumas._--These are placed near the junction of the rivers Gila and Colorado, and although at enmity with, are stated to speak the same language as, the--

2. _Coco-maricopas._--Except that the Coco-maricopas are the taller, that their noses are more aquiline, that their intelligence is, perhaps, superior, and _that their language is different_, they agree in all respects with--

3. _The Pimos._--Both the Pimos[150] and the Coco-maricopas are on the south bank of the River Gila, bounded on the south by Apaches. The former are considered as aboriginal to their present locality. Not so, however, the Coco-maricopas, whose immigrations are said to be recent, and whose language is akin to the Californian of San Diego.

ENGLISH. COCO-MARICOPAS.[151] SAN DIEGO.
_Horse_ quactish ----
_Man_ apache epatch
_Woman_ seniact seen
_Child_ comerse jacuel
_Corn_ tarichte ----
_Water_ ha-ache kha.
_Fire_ house ----
_Foot_ ametche ----
_Hand_ issalis eshall.
_Eyes_ adoche ----
_One_ sandek siha.
_Two_ haveka khahuac.
_Three_ hamoka khamoc.
_Four_ champapa tchapap.
_Five_ sarap khetlacai.
_Six_ mohok khentchapai.
_Seven_ pakek ----
_Eight_ sapok tchapap-tchapap.
_Nine_ humcamoke sinhtchahoi.
_Ten_ shahoke namat.

4. _The Moqui_.--The peculiarities of the Moqui have had full prominence given to them; being, though not the best authenticated, some of the first described. No living writer seems to have seen them; whilst the evidence of Mr. Gregg, and Lieutenant Emory, which in both cases is especially stated to be founded on the communications of others, simply places them in the same category with the tribes which have preceded them. By more sanguine writers, however, they have had attributed to them white skins, long beards, towns containing from 2000 to 3000 inhabitants, public squares, parallel streets, and stone houses.

5. _Zuni._--East of the Moqui, in numbers from 1,000 to 1,500 souls, and about 150 miles west of the Rio del Norte. Evidence modern. "They profess the Catholic faith, cultivate the soil, have manufactures, and possess considerable quantities of stock."--Gregg. "The Soones build houses in the solid rock. Many of them are Albinos, the probable origin of the report of a race of white Indians in this quarter. They resemble the Pimos in habits."--_Lieut. Emory, from the communication of a Coco-maricopas Indian._

The Zuni, or Soones, bring us out of California, and into New Mexico. The character of the civilisation is, however, the same. So are the difficulties of the ethnography.

Conterminous with the Zuni, and amongst the most western, though not the most northern of the New Mexican aborigines, are--

6. _The Indians of the Rio San José._---This is a feeder of the River Puerco, itself a westernly feeder of the upper part of the Rio del Norte. Their villages are _seven in number_--1. _Cibólleta_,[152] 2. _Moquino_,[152] 3. Poquaté, 4. Covero, 5. Laguna, 6. Rito (now deserted), and 7. Acomo.

7. _The Indians of the parts about Abo and Quarra._--South-east of the Indians of the San José, and on the opposite bank of the Rio del Norte, lie the _seven_ villages of 1. Chititi, 2. Tageque, 3. Torreon, 4. Mansana, 5. Quarra (deserted, and with ruins), 6. Abo (the same), 7. _Quivira_.[152] The ruins, both of Quarra and Abo, are of stone, with foundations above 100 feet in length, and in the shape of _crosses_. One of the easiest passages across the ridge that divides the prairie country belonging to the water-system of the Mississippi is along the stream on which Abo is situated.

North of these, and nearer the head-waters of the Rio del Norte (or Rio Grande) come--

8. _Indians speaking the Piro language._--These are the Taos, Picuri, and others.

9. _Indians who speak (or spoke) the Hemez_[153] (or _Yemez_) _languages_.--The Pecos, Cienega, and others in the highlands east of the Rio del Norte, and between that river and the River Pecos. These were anciently known as Tagnos, whilst their language is said to be that of the _Hemez_.[153]

Now the names _Taos_, _Tagnos_, _Tigue_, and _Tegua_, create a difficulty. Gallatin remarks that the last two are forms of the same words. I think so, too. But then I also think that _all_ four words are the same, or, if not, that _Taos_ and _Tagnos_ are, at least, so. If this be true, the Taos are made to speak the Piro language and the Hemez as well. Nay more, a third language distinguished from both (the Piro and Hemez) is mentioned, viz., the Tegua, spoken by a large portion of the others, all of whom had, originally, this general name, though some seem to have been distinguished as _Queres_, probably the Quivix or Quirix of Castañeda.

Be this, however, as it may, the northernmost Indians of New Mexico bring us in contact with a section of the Indians of the Mississippi system already mentioned, the Arrapahos, whilst the southern are in contact with the ill-ascertained tribes of Texas. In Texas, however, we have traces of the Casas Grandes; in the high-land between New Mexico and Texas we have the famous _Llano Estocado_. This means a trail or line of road marked out by stakes placed in nearly a straight line, and at intervals to indicate its course. Under the name of the _Cross-Timbers_, this has attracted the notice of several travellers, and has been especially described in a paper laid before the Geographical Society, by Mr. Catlin.

The reason why certain names have been printed in italics, a fact to which the reader's attention was directed by notes,[153] will now be explained. They all agree in introducing complications in the ethnology from the fact of their occurring elsewhere. Thus--

_a._ The term _Moqui_, as a synonym to _Waikuru_, appears as the name of the _Monki_ of the Gila.

_b._ The name _Moquino_ does the same.

_c._ The _Cora_, of California, is the name of a language in New Galicia.

_d._ The _Yemez_ of New Mexico reappears in California. And--

_e._ Lastly, the word _Cibólleta_, the name of a village on the Rio del Norte, is inconveniently, like the term Cibola, expressly applied by the early Spanish writers to a country on the Rio Colorado.

This last remark suggests a new train of facts, viz., the comparison between the early Spanish and the recent American accounts. Upon the whole they _agree_. At any rate, the former bear evidence that the civilization--such as it is--which is under notice, is of home growth, rather than European in its origin, a view that _cross-shaped_ ground-plans, as well as other circumstances, might suggest.

Finally, we find by comparing one account with another either real additions to our divisions of the populations, or else new names. Such are, probably, amongst others--

1. _The Nijoras._--Mentioned by Sedelmayer, in 1748, as occupying the River Azule(?) a feeder of the River Gila.

2. _The Tompiras._--Mentioned by Benavides, Superior to the Franciscan mission in New Mexico, in a work printed in 1630, and stated to amount to 10,000 souls, in fifteen villages. Conterminous with the Taos and--

3. _The Pecos._--On the head-waters of the river so-named, inhabitants to the amount of 2000, of a single village. This also is on the authority of Benavides.

4. 5. 6. _The Xumana, Lana, and Zura._--Mentioned by Prichard, whose list is taken from Hervas rather than from the Mithridates, as being New-Mexican languages.

We are now free to return to the south of the Gila, or rather south of the Pimos and Coco-maricopas of its southern bank.

Due south of these come an irregularly distributed branch of the Paducas--the Apaches.

South of these, and engendering a complication which arises from the name, come

_The Pima._--Of these we find, in the Mithridates,[154] notice of three dialects or languages--_a._ The Pima Proper, _b._ the Opata, _c._ the Eudeve. Said to be allied to--

THE TARAHUMARA.

_Locality._--New Biscay, Eastern part of Sinaloa, north part of
Durango, Chihuahua as far as 30° N.L., _i.e._ the upper portion
of the Sierra Madre, or the watershed to the western feeders
of the Rio Grande and River Yaqui, and others falling into the
Gulf of California.

Casas Grandes occur in the Tarahumara area. The following descriptions, probably applying to the same building, certainly apply to a very remarkable one.

"This edifice is constructed on the plan of those of New Mexico, that is, consisting of three floors, with a terrace above them, and without any entrance to the lower floor. The doorway is in the second story, so that a scaling ladder is necessary; and the inhabitants of New Mexico build in this manner, in order to be less exposed to the attacks of their enemies. No doubt the Azteks had the same motives for raising their edifices on this plan, as every mark of a fortress is to be observed about it, being defended on one side by a lofty mountain, and the rest of it being defended by a wall about seven feet thick, the foundations of which are still existing. In this fortress there are stones as large as a mill stone to be seen: the beams of the roof are of pine, and well-finished. In the centre of this vast fabric is a little mount, made on purpose, by what appears, to keep guard on, and observe the enemy. There have been some ditches found in this place, and a variety of domestic utensils, earth pans, pots, jars, and little looking-glasses of _itztli_ (obsidian)."

"Casas Grandes is one of the few ruins existing in Mexico, the original owners of which are said to have come from the north, and I, therefore, determined to examine it. Only a portion of the external walls is standing; the building is square, and of very considerable extent; the sides stand accurately north and south, which gives reason to suppose that the builders were not unversed in astronomy, having determined so precisely the cardinal points. The roof has long lain in the area of the building, and there are several excavations said to have been made by the Apache Indians to discover earthenware jars, and shells. A specimen of the jars I was fortunate enough to procure, and it is in excellent preservation. There were also good specimens of earthen images in the Ægyptian style, which are to me at least so perfectly uninteresting, that I was at no pains to procure any of them. The country here, for an extent of several leagues, is covered with the ruins of buildings capable of containing a population of at least 20,000 or 30,000 souls. Casas Grandes is, indeed, particularly favourable for maintaining so many inhabitants. Situated by the side of a large river which periodically inundates a great part of the low surrounding lands, the verdure is perpetual. There are ruins also of aqueducts, and, in short, every indication that its former inhabitants were men who knew how to avail themselves of the advantages of nature, and improve them by art; but who they were and what became of them, it is impossible to tell. On the south bank of the Rio Gila there is another specimen of these singular ruins; and it may be observed, that wherever these traces are found, the surrounding country invariably possesses great fertility of soil, and abundance of wood and water."[155]

_The Papagos_, or _Papabi-cotam_.--These speak the same language as the Pimas, by whom they are, nevertheless, despised.

_The Tahu, Pacasca, and Acasca._--Mentioned by Castelnada, writing about A.D. 1560, as being spoken near the Culiacan.

TEPEGUANA.

_Locality._--The coast of Sinaloa, north of the Cora area.

_Dialects_(?)--Tepeguana, Topia (Tubar), _Acaxee_(?) Xixime,
Sicuraba, Hina, and Hiumi.

The Tubar occupied the head-waters of the River Sinaloa; as such they were conterminous with the western Tarahumaras.

The Acaxee is, probably, the Acasca of Castelnada.

MAYA(?).[156]

_Locality._--Coast between the River Sinaloa and River Yaqui.

_Language._--Spoken by the natives of the River Yaqui,
Zuaque(?), and Maya.

_Guazave._--The Guazave language is mentioned as being that of the coast of Sinaloa. Whether it was different from the Maya dialects is doubtful.

The _Ahome_ was a dialect of the Guazave.

ZOE(?).

HUITCOLE(?).

Probably the same as the Huite, stated by Hervas to speak a
different language from the--

CORA.

_Locality._--Southern part of Sinaloa; _i.e._ the valley of the
Culiacan.

_Dialects._--Three.

The Cora and Tarahumara have each been recognized as presenting signs of philological affinity with the Astek of Mexico.

PIRINDA.

TARASCA.

_Localities._--Mechoacan.

TOTONACA.

_Locality._--Parts about the present city of Vera Cruz.

Although lying nearly within the same latitude as Mexico, the Totonaca area is that of the low coast, rather than of the lofty table-land, consequently it is part of the _Sierra Calida_, with a tropical climate, rather than of the _Sierra Templada_ or _Fria_, where the elevation of the Anahuac mountain-range effects a change in the physical conditions within the same latitude, which has doubtless been a considerable ethnological influence.

The Huasteca, spoken between the Totonaca area and the Texian frontier, in the parts about the present town of Tampico, has yet to be noticed. It is, however, a language whereof the geographical and ethnological positions are at variance; its affinities of the latter kind being with a language spoken far south of it, and separated from it by the Totonaca area.

Is the preceding list exhaustive, _i.e._ for the parts between Mexico Proper and California, for Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Cohuahuila, Tamaulipas, Zacatecas, and Durango? I am not able to say. The following may be, _a._ the names of mere dialects; _b._ of separate substantive languages; _c._ or, finally, synonyms for some tongue already noticed.

_The Guaima._--Mentioned by Prichard--whose list of the Mexican languages is taken from Hervas, rather than the Mithridates--as being spoken in Sinaloa.

_Pame._--Mentioned by Prichard, &c., as being spoken in Huastecapan, or the country of the Huasteca language. If other than the latter, it has a place in the present part of the work. If not, it comes, more properly, amongst the Maya tongues.

_Matlazinga._--Mentioned by Prichard as being spoken in the valley of Toluca in Mexico.

_Cuitlateca._--Mentioned by Prichard as being spoken in the diocese of Mexico.

_The Mokorosi._--This term is noticed because I find, in Jülg, a "Vocabolario de la Lengua Mocorosi. Mexico, 1599."

_The Capita._--This term is noticed because _an Arte de la Lengua Capita_ (Mexico, 1737), is mentioned in Jülg, accompanied with the notice that it represents a language (or dialect) of the north of Mexico.