Chapter VIII (2)

The directors expected the conquest of New Sweden to be accomplished in the early part of 1655, and their disappointment was great, when they learned that Stuyvesant had sailed for the Barbadoes in January, without their knowledge and consent. In April they began anew to prepare for the long planned attack on the Swedish settlements, at this time “concluding not only to take up again the expedition in question but also to undertake and carry it out with more assurance of success.” For this purpose a ship was chartered called _De Waag_ (the _Scales_). About two hundred men under the command of Captain Frederick de Coeninck having embarked, the vessel set sail about the beginning of June, and reached New Amsterdam on August 3 (13). Immediately upon the arrival of the ship final arrangements for the expedition were begun; and on the sixth (sixteenth) Stuyvesant, who was indisposed, ordered the council and Captain de Coeninck to take charge of the preparations. At the same time a “proclamation appointing the fifteenth (twenty-fifth) of August a day of prayer and fasting to invoke God’s blessing on the expedition [was issued].” A few days later a call for volunteers was published, offering “a reasonable salary and board money” to the applicants, and promising them a “proper reward” in case of injury. The Jews were exempted from military service, but on the condition “that each male person over 16 and under 60 years [should] contribute, for the aforesaid freedom towards the relief of the general municipal taxes, sixty-five stivers every month.” A special commissary was appointed August 9 (19), who should “see to it and supervise that all ammunition and victuals needed for the intended expedition ... be ordered, shipped and properly taken care of.” On the same date a resolution was passed by the council “friendly to ask some merchant-ships ... [then at New Amsterdam] into the service of the country with the promise of a proper compensation for it,” but “in case the skippers refused [they should be pressed] into the service ... with their ships, ammunition, the people with them, provisions and implements.”

In accordance with this resolution Captain Douwes was ordered on the fourteenth (twenty-fourth) to “keep himself ready” to embark, upon receiving orders; and certain captains of vessels in the harbor were commanded to furnish each “two men and their surplus of provisions and ammunition of war.” Cornelis van Tienhoven and Frederick de Coeninck were commissioned to proceed on board the ships, the _Bontekoe_ (_The Spotted Cow_), the _Beaver_ and the _New Amsterdam_ to enforce the orders. Three sloops and a French privateer were hired, and a loan of “fifteen hundred guilders in black and white wampum” was floated by the council for the expenses of the campaign and presents to the natives.

Towards the end of August preparations were completed, and on Sunday, the twenty-sixth (September 5), the fleet weighed anchor “after the sermon.” “The fleet was composed of two yachts called the _Hollanse Tuijn_ (Holland Garden), the _Prinses Royael_, a galiot called the _Hoop_ (Hope), mounting four guns, the flyboat _Liefde_ (Love), mounting four guns, the vice-admiral’s yacht the _Dolphijn_ with four guns, the yacht _Abrams Offerhande_ (Abraham’s Offering), as rear admiral, mounting four guns” and the _Waag_ (Balance), and it carried a force of “three hundred and seventeen soldiers besides a company of sailors.”[21]

Every precaution was taken to prevent the Swedes from obtaining knowledge of the preparations. Shortly before the expedition left New Amsterdam Edmund Scarborough desired to return to Virginia with his vessel, but he was granted permission to do so only by furnishing bail to the amount of £5,000 sterling as a guarantee that he would not enter the South Bay or South River either directly or indirectly and that his people would promise under oath not to give information to anyone on sea or on land. These and other precautions were so successful that Rising was not aware of the impending danger before it was almost on him.

About the beginning of August, however, news of Stuyvesant’s intentions reached the Indians, who straightway carried the intelligence to New Sweden. Rising immediately called the council together, who decided to despatch two spies, Jacob Sprint and Hans Månsson, to Manhattan. “About the same time Sven Höök with four men was sent down the river to reconnoitre, but he returned on the tenth of August, having observed nothing.” Månsson and Sprint, however, returned five days later from “Staten Island ... bringing a complete and sure intelligence that the director general of New Netherland intended to come ... [to New Sweden] with four large and several small ships and seven or eight hundred men.”

Sven Höök was again sent down the Bay with some soldiers on the sixteenth, but he soon returned without news. Having been ordered down the river a third time to watch the enemy, he appeared on August 30, reporting that he had seen two or three ships in the Bay the previous evening.

A council of war was instantly called. It was decided to defend Fort Trinity, in case the Dutch should attack it, and a written instruction was given to Skute, setting forth his duties. When the Hollanders approached, he “should send [a messenger] to their ships ... to find out, if they came as friends; and in any case warn them not to pass the above mentioned fort, for if they did he would fire at them, which they should not look upon as [an act of] hostility.” “150 lbs. of powder, a number of muskets, swords, pikes, bullets and other necessary things” were taken into the fort on the same day, and the soldiers and freemen were supplied with powder and other ammunition. Provisions were also collected, and forty-seven bushels of rye, fourteen gallons of brandy, quantities of beer and other necessaries were carried into the storehouse of Trinity Fort within the next few days.

Stuyvesant arrived in the bay about three o’clock in the afternoon of August 27 (September 6), but on account of the tide and a calm he was unable to proceed up the river before the following day. In the evening of August 29 he cast anchor before Fort Elfsborg, landed his men and bivouacked for the night, while his little force was reviewed and divided into five companies, “each under its own colors.”[22] During the night, which was very dark, hiding the manoeuvres of the Dutch, a sloop was sent up to Sandhook. Here a number of Swedish freemen were captured, who gave information about the condition of the colony. On August 31 the fleet moved on, “passed Fort Casimir [Trinity] about 8 or 9 P. M. without any act of hostility on either side, [and] cast ... anchor above the fortress.” Skute with his officers and men were at the guns, but though every Dutch vessel was within range of the Swedish cannon, the commander withheld orders to fire, for he saw the hopelessness of the situation. The Dutch troops were soon landed, and “the passage to Christina [was] occupied by fifty men” to prevent the exchange of communication between the Swedes. Shortly after the fleet had come to anchor, Lieutenant Smith with a drummer and a white flag was sent ashore to demand the surrender of the fort. Smith, being met on the bank by Lieut. Gyllengren with two musketeers, delivered the orders of his commander, stating that the Dutch were informed through the Swedish authorities that Fort Casimir had been taken “neither by the orders nor the consent of the Swedish government or of the Swedish Crown,” and that it was therefore the duty of the commander to return the fort to its rightful owners. But Gyllengren informed him that since they had received no instructions to that effect, they would fight to the last man. Smith, desiring to speak with the Swedish commander, was thereupon blindfolded and led through the fortress into Skute’s dwelling. Skute wished to write to Director Rising, and requested some delay; but it was denied, and Smith returned to the ships.

Meanwhile Stuyvesant landed his artillery, and prepared to besiege the fortress. Smith was sent with a second message, requesting Skute “not to wait the attack of their troops,” but to give up the fort. “The Dutch envoy” was again met by Gyllengren, who made the same reply as before to his demands, warning him not to come a third time, “for the land belonged to the crown of Sweden.” Later the armorer Kämpe was sent to confer with the Dutch governor, who requested a personal interview with Skute. Skute, having agreed to a conference, met his opponent with four musketeers in the valley about half way between the fortress and the Dutch battery. A second request for permission to send an open letter to Director Rising was refused, but an hour’s delay for a final answer to the summons of Stuyvesant was granted. After an hour Kämpe once more appeared at the Dutch camp, requesting a delay until the next morning. This concession was likewise granted, but on the condition that Skute would again meet the Dutch governor at eight o’clock; “because we could not finish our battery [before that time],” says Stuyvesant.

Skute now encouraged his people, tried to arouse them to a sense of duty and exhorted them to make all possible resistance, but the soldiers were mutinous and would not obey orders.[23] Several escaped over the walls, carrying news to Stuyvesant of the conditions in the fort. One of these fugitives, Gabriel Forsman, was shot through the leg by Lieutenant Gyllengren, as he climbed over the embankment and died from the wounds (the only casualty through “the war”). About fifteen soldiers were then placed under arrest, whereupon order and obedience was restored. During the night Anders Dalbo and Karl Julius were sent in a canoe to Fort Christina with reports and requests for aid. Rising directed Skute to hold out, as assistance would soon arrive, but if he was compelled to capitulate he should do so on as good terms as possible.

The Swedish commander “did not go to the camp of the Hollanders” on Saturday morning (September 1), as Governor Stuyvesant had requested. In his stead, however, he despatched Anders Kämpe at the appointed hour, but the Dutch governor insisted on Skute’s coming. Accordingly a second conference was arranged by the two commanders half way between the fort and the Dutch batteries. Governor Stuyvesant once more demanded the surrender of the stronghold, but Skute still talked of resistance, promising to make it uncomfortable for the Dutch soldiers, if they should dare to approach within reach of a Swedish bullet. Stuyvesant replied with characteristic vigor. If he lost a man, he said, he would not spare a soul in the fort. At last Skute came to terms, “but he desired to see Stuyvesant’s orders before he would agree to anything.” Having been brought on board the ship _De Waag_, where the orders of the Dutch West India Company were laid before him, he resolved to surrender, whereupon the conditions and terms of capitulation were discussed.

In the meantime Rising “sent nine or ten of the best freemen to aid in defending Fort Trinity”; but as they had crossed Christina River they were surrounded by about forty Dutch soldiers and ordered to surrender. The Swedes made opposition and a fight ensued, but they were overpowered and captured except two, who escaped across the river in a boat amid a shower of bullets. These reached Fort Christina in safety, while the soldiers who pursued them were caused to withdraw into the woods, by a ball from one of the guns on the battlements.

Finally the conditions of surrender between Skute and Stuyvesant were agreed upon and the capitulation was signed on board the _Waag_ the same day (September 1, 1655). “When the clock struck two in the afternoon,” says Lindeström, “a Dutch salute was given in their camp, and answered ... from the ships, and it was easy to understand that an accord had been made with our commander.” The capitulation consisted of four articles, which contain two general conditions. In the first place, all property including cannon and ammunition, belonging to the New Sweden Company, the Swedish Crown or private persons, was to be preserved intact, and could be removed by the owners at any time; but “all pieces of ammunition, materials and other effects, belonging to the General Incorporated West India Company,” must be delivered into the hands of the Dutch commander; secondly, the garrison was accorded the honors of war. But two important points were omitted: Skute neglected to insert an article, specifying the time of the capitulation and the treatment of the soldiers after the surrender.

When Skute returned to the fort about 75 Dutch soldiers followed him.[24] Some time between two and four the gates were opened; and the commander marched out of Fort Trinity with the Swedish flag and twelve men in full accoutrements as his bodyguard, the others having only their side arms. Thereupon the Dutch troops filed into the fortress, the Swedish flag was replaced by the Dutch, the Dutch salute was given and Fort Trinity was again called Fort Casimir.[25] The Swedish soldiers were retained on board the ships, and September 7 they were taken to New Amsterdam on the flyboat _Liefde_; but the officers were guarded in the fort, each in charge of two musketeers, being well treated by Stuyvesant, who dined them at his own table.

After the surrender the Dutch forces were given a rest. On September 2 (12) Divine services were celebrated in Fort Casimir. Thereupon Stuyvesant reported his success to the council of New Amsterdam, ordering the same to appoint “a special day” of thanksgiving for the victory.

Meanwhile Rising had been busy preparing to receive the enemy at Fort Christina. In the early morning of August 31 Elswick visited the settlements northward along the river.[26] At Kingsessing he called together the colonists and told them “that the time had now come in which they could show their fidelity to Her Royal Majesty of Sweden by helping to defend Her Majesty’s fortresses.” The people were ready and willing to aid in the defence, and five men, Mats Hansson, Peter Rambo, Sven Gunnarsson, Hans Månsson and Mats Bengtsson, followed him at once. At “Tenakong Island” they were joined by a few soldiers and settlers, and from there they went by boat and canoes to Christina, arriving at the fortress an hour before daybreak the next morning.

When Rising saw that the Dutch were getting the upper hand at Fort Trinity, he delegated Hendrick Elswick[27] to enquire what their real intentions were. “Factor Elswick came from Fort Christina,” says Stuyvesant, “and asked in a friendly way and in the name of his director the cause of our coming, and ... [desired to see] the orders of our superiors.... He requested us to be satisfied with what we had accomplished, without advancing further upon the other Swedish fort, using at first persuasive and friendly words, afterwards mingled with menaces.” Stuyvesant was on the point of detaining Elswick as a spy, but finally dismissed him with the reply that he had come to occupy the whole of New Sweden, and would not desist before he had accomplished his object. On receiving this message Rising collected his people in the fort, and set them to work on the walls and battlements day and night. On Sunday, September 2, divine services were conducted as usual, but afterwards they “worked busily on the fort.” During the day an Indian, who sold a pig in the fort, related that he had seen the Swedish soldiers of Fort Trinity carried prisoners to the Dutch vessels. This disheartened the garrison and only with difficulty could Rising keep up its courage.

On the same day a division of the Dutch force was marched up within sight of Christina, but Stuyvesant remained at Fort Casimir. On Monday morning the Dutch raised their flag on the Swedish sloop in the river above the Swedish fort, and since they prepared to take a stand by a house in the neighborhood Lieutenant Höök with a drummer was sent there to inquire what their intentions were, and why they stationed themselves there. From his boat he was assured by the Dutch that he would be treated according to the rules governing the reception of messengers by belligerents, but upon landing he was made a prisoner and sent to Fort Casimir in chains.[28] The Dutch rushed the work on the trenches to such an extent during the night that their battery was ready the following day. The Swedes now supposed that Stuyvesant intended to build a fort there, so as to be able to control the whole district below Christina River, for it was not yet believed that he had come to subjugate the entire colony.

On September 5 Fort Christina was surrounded on all sides. Three companies were entrenched to the southwest across the river around the little batteries with four cannon which were erected there,[29] at some hundred feet apart to the north-west were four companies and two batteries, each with three cannon;[30] directly north of the fortress, on the ground laid out for the city of Christinehamn there were six companies with two batteries and six cannon[31]; two companies were stationed on Timber Island, a little to the east of the town with two batteries (one “in a new house”) and four cannon.[32] The river was closed a short distance below the fort by the ships _De Waag_ and the _Spiegel_ (_Dolphijn?_). The other vessels were anchored below these. The strength of Christina had been somewhat increased when the Dutch began to invest it, but provisions were scarce, and the director as well as Elswick were obliged to supply various wants by their own means. Beer was especially used in large quantities and five barrels of it came from Rising’s private store during the siege.

When Stuyvesant had enclosed Christina on every side, and cut off all means of escape, he sent an Indian to the Swedish director with a letter, stating that the fort and the entire river must be surrendered, and all the Swedes must leave the country or come under the jurisdiction of the Dutch government. Rising replied with the Indian that a deputation would call on Governor Stuyvesant to answer his demands in full. A council of war was then convened to decide on a course of action. The walls of the fort were in poor condition, and only one round of ammunition remained. The soldiers were out of spirits, some were mutinous, a few had escaped over the embankments, and the besieged were in miserable plights. Yet there was no thought of surrender at present. On the contrary it was decided to hold out against the enemy as long as possible. No hostilities should be begun by the Swedes, and no occasion for action should be given; but all attacks should be repulsed, until resistance was useless.

The Dutch soldiers were now overrunning the territory above Christina River, killing the cattle, swine and goats of the settlers, breaking open the houses and plundering everything they could get at. Several of the colonists had stored their possessions in Printz Hall for better protection; but the Dutch went there also, carried off the property of Madam Papegoja and the others, and broke into the church, taking away “the cordage and sails for a new ship.” The Indians did their share of the depredation, and on September 2 they ransacked the house of Clement Mickelsson and stole all his belongings.[33]

Every hour the Dutch lines were drawn closer around the doomed fort. On September 7 a Dutch flag was raised on the new ship in Fish River, and “Dutch banners were waving everywhere.” In the morning a commission from Rising waited on Stuyvesant at Fort Casimir. The deputation consisted of Hendrick von Elswick, Gregorious van Dyck, and Peter Rambo. A memorial in seven paragraphs had been given to them, defining their powers and method of their procedure. Elswick, who was to give an oral answer to Stuyvesant’s demand of surrender, should see to it that the honor of the crown of Sweden and of the Commercial College was respected, and that Rising and the other officers were given their proper titles for the dignity of their superiors. The commissioners were to refute Stuyvesant’s demands by presenting the Swedish claims to the country, saying that they would defend it to the last; they were to endeavor to persuade him to desist from further hostilities, on the ground that a continuation of the siege would cause a rupture in the relations of the two nations in Europe, and as they were closely akin in religion they ought to be friends, the country being large enough for both. Elswick was further to insist that the dispute about the boundaries could best be settled in Europe, and lastly he should protest against the imprisonment of Höök. The deputation presented these remonstrances as well as several other protests and demanded that Stuyvesant should withdraw his troops from the fort at once. But Stuyvesant simply replied that he was following the orders of his superiors, who must shoulder the consequences. On September 9 Elswick was ordered in the name of his superiors to protest in writing against the robberies and atrocities of the Dutch soldiers. Stuyvesant answered the letter the same day. He allowed the Swedes _no rights_ in the river, refuted Rising’s arguments, and again demanded the surrender of the fort. Another council of war was thereupon called. It was decided that Rising should request an interview with the Dutch governor, “especially since he had on two successive days ... demanded a conference,” and a messenger was sent informing Stuyvesant of this decision. As the proposal was agreeable to Stuyvesant, the two governors met for a conference between the fort and the Dutch camp.][34] “A complete reply was made to ... [Stuyvesant’s] lengthy letter of the previous day,” and more vigorous protests were uttered against his procedure. But they could come to no terms, and Rising returned to Christina to await further developments. On the following day the Dutch batteries were brought to completion. Stuyvesant “daily demanded Rising’s surrender with great threats”; sent a drummer on the twelfth (twenty-second) and thirteenth (twenty-third), requiring another colloquy with Rising, and demanded that the fort should be surrendered before sunset on the last mentioned day.

The condition of the besieged was daily growing worse. Some were mutinous and many were ill. The fort had been reduced to its last extremity, the guns of the Dutch were pointed at the walls, and everything was ready for an attack. The officers saw the futility of further resistance. It was decided to capitulate on the best terms that could be had. At sunset Stuyvesant was informed that Rising was willing to meet him on the fourteenth. Time and place of meeting having been agreed upon, the “director of New Sweden” and the general director of New Netherland met “on the place of parole between Fort Christina and the headquarters of General Peter Stuyvesant in a large and beautiful tent erected for that purpose.” Rising was accompanied by Von Elswick and Jacob Svensson and Stuyvesant was followed by Vice-Governor de Sille and Major Friedrich de Coeninck. The conference lasted for about an hour. Rising warned his opponent not to press his demands too far, as the consequences might have far-reaching results in Europe, but Stuyvesant would listen to no other terms than “complete and unconditional” surrender. Finally Rising agreed to give up the fort. The articles of surrender, which had been drafted by Elswick at Rising’s request, undoubtedly according to the propositions and suggestions of the different members of the council of war, were presented to Stuyvesant for his approval. Very few changes were made, it seems, so that the treaty became a most favorable one to the Swedes. The capitulation (in eleven articles), which was to be signed by the two governors the next day (September 15), contained the following main points: The garrison should march out of the fort to Timber Island with all the honors of war; all chattels, “belonging to the High Crown of Sweden and the South Company ... in and about Fort Christina,” should remain the property of said parties and should be turned over to the owners, whenever demanded; likewise “all writings, letters, documents and deeds of the High Crown of Sweden and the South Company or of private persons, found in Fort Christina,” were to “remain untouched without hindrance and visitation in the hands of the governor and his people, to take them away, whenever they please”; “the officials, officers, soldiers and freemen ... [were to be allowed to] keep their own movable goods unhindered and undamaged,” and they were permitted to dispose of them in any manner they saw fit; the Swedes were to have liberty to leave the country without restriction, and all who returned home should be transported to Gothenburg free of expense; Rising should have the right to admonish his own people to return to their native land in case some were inclined to remain, the length of 1½ years to be granted to such as could not go at once, in which “to dispose of their movable and immovable property”; all who wished to remain in the country under Dutch jurisdiction could do so, and they were to “enjoy the privilege of the Augsburg Confession and [have] a person to instruct them therein”; none of the officers, who might have contracted debts in behalf of the crown or of the company, should “be arrested on account of them, within the jurisdiction of the general [director] and finally Rising was to have full liberty to “inquire into the behavior of Skute and other officers during the surrender of the Fort on the Sandhook,” and the capitulation should take effect on September 15 (25). “A secret article” was also included, which, however, Rising maintained was not secret, but made with the knowledge of his people and signed by Stuyvesant “in their presence on the place of parole.” According to this “secret and separate article,” Rising and Elswick were to be landed either in England or in France, and Stuyvesant promised “to advance to Director Rising either in cash or in bills of exchange the sum of £300 Flanders.” Property of equivalent value, belonging to the Swedish crown and the New Sweden Company, were to be mortgaged and left in the hands of the general director against receipt, and Rising promised to repay the sum at Amsterdam within six months.

In the forenoon of September 15 (25) the two governors again repaired to the place of parole. The articles “were re-examined and found to be correct,” whereupon two copies were signed, and New Sweden was a Swedish colony no more. At three o’clock in the afternoon the little garrison (“about thirty men”) marched out of the fort “with beating drums, playing of fifes, flying banners, burning matches, musketballs in their mouths and hand and sidearms.”[35] The Dutch soldiers took possession of Christina as soon as the Swedes had departed, and raised their flag above it. The Swedish soldiers were quartered in the houses on Timber Island, but the officers were lodged in their own dwellings in the fort.

Stuyvesant was lenient in his demands, but he had special reasons for being so. A few days after his leaving New Amsterdam the Indians attacked several settlements in the Dutch colony, “murdering 100 men in nine hours.” On September 2 (12), the day after the surrender of Fort Trinity and the date on which Stuyvesant reported his success, the council informed the governor by letter that the Indians had begun hostilities and committed many murders.[36] They questioned the sagacity of subduing distant places at the risk of losing “the old property.” They promised to do their utmost in defending the colony against the savages, leaving it with Stuyvesant to act according to his judgment in the matter; but they requested him to send a speedy reply, and from the tenure of the missive it is clear that they would rather have him return to defend New Netherland than to gain some slight advantage on the Delaware. The letter was handed to him in the afternoon of September 13 (23), the day before Rising agreed to surrender. It is clear that these misfortunes influenced Stuyvesant’s dealings with the Swedes, and had the letter arrived shortly after Fort Trinity was captured and before Christina was besieged, it is more than likely that he would have returned to New Amsterdam, without further molesting the Swedish colony.

The council sent a second letter to the governor some time after September 3 (13), advising him to destroy Fort Christina in case it was given into his hands, causing the Swedes to remove from there, otherwise “for the preservation of the most important object and the consolation of the inhabitants ... [to] make speedily a provisional treaty with the governor of the Swedes in regard to the fort and the land of Christina ... and then ... [return home] on the first opportunity with the ships and troops, to preserve what is left.” It is not known whether or not this letter reached him before the treaty was signed, but it may have come into his hands on the fifteenth (twenty-fifth). At any rate half an hour after the Swedish soldiers had marched out of the fort, he appeared “with his officers and entire council” before Rising in Christina, offering to hand over the fort to the Swedes and to make with them an offensive and defensive league on the condition that the Dutch be allowed to dwell undisturbed in possession of the land below Christina River and that the present troubles “be forgotten and forgiven.” The Swedes were to remain in possession of all the land north of the fortress along the Delaware, “the country was large enough for them both.” Rising was naturally surprised at this unexpected turn of affairs, and answered the Dutch governor that the proposition seemed somewhat strange to him. He thought it was too late to come to any such agreement, but he requested Stuyvesant to present the offers in writing, and promised that a reply would be delivered as soon as the Swedish council had considered the matter.[37]

As it was late and since all the members of the Swedish council were not in the fort, it was decided to postpone the decision until the next day. The council, which assembled in the forenoon of September 16 (26), consisted of Director Rising, Lieutenant Sven Höök (who had been released), Hendrick von Elswick, Gregorius van Dyck, Johan Danielsson, Peter Wendell and Peter Rambo, besides some other freemen. The unanimous opinion of the council was, however, that Stuyvesant’s offer could not be accepted. The arguments of the different members against repealing the capitulation may be summed up as follows. They had no authority to enter into an alliance with Stuyvesant, guaranteeing that no consequences would follow as a result of the Dutch attack, nor to waive the rights and pretences of the Swedish crown to damages for the losses caused by the Dutch; they could not subsist in the country, since their provisions were gone, a great part of their cattle and swine were killed and many of the plantations laid waste; and finally it would be disgraceful to their superiors to reoccupy the fort. A vote was taken and an answer was drafted to Stuyvesant’s proposal. The reply stating that the Swedish council had decided to abide by the capitulation was carried to the Dutch governor by two soldiers.

The Dutch therefore arranged to carry out the articles of surrender. An inventory of the property belonging to the Swedish company and the Swedish government was made (from September eighteenth to the twenty-second). After it had been signed and sealed, the keys of the storehouse were delivered to Stuyvesant’s servants by the gunner Johan Danielsson.

The Dutch soldiers plundered many of the plantations at Finland and Upland during the siege, and committed other acts of violence, but order was restored soon after the signing of the treaty, and most of the settlers returned to their homes.

By an article of the treaty Rising retained the right to inquire into the conduct of the Swedish officers at the surrender of Fort Trinity. Accordingly a court-martial was held on Timber Island September 24. Lieutenant Sven Skute was made the scapegoat. He was blamed for not giving orders to fire on the Dutch ships as they passed, although Lindeström and Stålkofta stood by the guns ready to apply the match; he was accused of not taking council with his officers and Rising told him openly that he had disobeyed his orders, while several other charges were made against him by Utter and Räf. But he denied them all, and it was brought out during the examination that the soldiers were mutinous, and that he had tried to encourage them to “fight like men.” It seems that Skute expected that he would be held to account for giving up the fort, as he prepared a statement, which, being signed by Lieutenant Elias Gyllengren, Rev. Peter Hjort, Constaple Johan Andersson and others, exonerated him from all blame. It was sent with a report of the surrender to Eric Oxenstierna on September 29, 1655, and is preserved in the Royal Archives at Stockholm.

“Preparations were now made with all diligence for the departure of the Swedes.” Some of the property belonging to the New Sweden company was sold to the servants and freemen on credit, while the remainder was placed under the care of the Vice-Commissioner Jacob Svensson to be sold in the best way possible. Only a small number of the colonists desired to return to Sweden. Those who remained, however, were required to swear allegiance to the Dutch. A “call upon the Swedes to take the oath” was drawn up, but only nineteen freemen signed the documents preserved to us. It is likely that many other inhabitants of New Sweden took the oath later.

From September 25 to 29 the baggage of the officers, soldiers and colonists, who returned to the fatherland, was loaded upon the Dutch ships and, when Rising had gone on board the _Waag_ with his men on October 1 (11), the vessels set sail for New Amsterdam, where they arrived nine days later. Rising remained on the _Waag_ until Sunday afternoon, October 14 (24). He was then advised by Elswick to make complaints in person to Governor Stuyvesant about various damages done to the property of the New Sweden Company. He also accused Stuyvesant of breaking “the stipulated capitulation”, because he did not provide proper lodgings, “and disputes with [unfriendly] words were said to have occurred between them.” Two days later Stuyvesant drew up “an answer and counter-protest”, which was presented to Rising on October 18 (28). Rising replied the following day, denied the accusations of Stuyvesant, repeated some of his former complaints, “requested in all justice that, according to the capitulation, the troops ... should not be influenced to remain, while those, conformable to ... [the] agreement [who desired to go], ought to come with [him] in the same ship”, and finally he again protested against all that had been done “to His Majesty’s subjects by the invasion, beleaguering and taking of the whole South River.” The protest was delivered to Stuyvesant by Elswick, who was accompanied by Lieutenant Sven Höök and Peter Hansson Wendell; but it seems to have remained unanswered.

Preparations were now speedily made for the transportation of Rising and his men to Europe. Orders concerning their passage and landing were given to the skippers in whose vessels they were to go, but the Dutch prevailed on most of the Swedes to locate in the colony. The officers and people (37 in all),[38] who desired to leave were finally placed on board three vessels[39] with their baggage, and on October 23 (November 2) they went to sea.

The weather was fair and the wind seems to have been favorable, for the vessels managed to keep close together and crossed the Atlantic in about four weeks. Peter Lindeström gives the following account of his voyage:

“By a misunderstanding my belongings and bed-clothes got onto
the ship called the _Spotted Cow_ and I, with Commissary
Rising, onto the ship _Bern_. As we neared the western
passage tame doves, which were on the _Spotted Cow_, always
came flying onto our ship. Once I enticed the doves onto the
deck with a few peas and captured one of them, whereupon I wrote
a letter to the Ensign Peter Wendel (who was on the ship The
_Spotted Cow_) binding it around the neck of the dove,
and let her free. The dove immediately flew back to her ship.
When the passengers there saw that the dove had a letter round
her neck they enticed her onto the deck and took the letter.
Thus while we were in the western passage, I and the ensign
continuously corresponded with one another, and the doves were
the letter carriers.

Finally I wrote to Wendel, requesting him to send my things, if
possible, from his ship to mine. Hence the first of November,
1655, sailors from the ship the _Spotted Cow_ let down
their boat, and the said Wendel came with my things to our
ship. As the sailors were to hoist the chest, which was large
and heavy, from the boat onto the ship, they pulled with such
vigor that the chest swung and struck against the side of the
ship four times. The fifth times it struck, the cover flew open,
so that all my things fell into the sea; and I thus lost all
my instruments of fortification, which were very beautiful,
and cost me 150 R. D.; my library of books on fortification,
together with many other valuable things, which cost me big
money. And I saw with anguish how they were sucked under
the ship by a wave and went down to the bottom. I did not
reclaim more than the drafts of my maps and sketches and other
documents, which floated on the waves. These were picked up and
I dried them in the sun.”

The ships arrived at Plymouth on December 7 (17), whence Elswick wrote to Commissioner Joachim Pötter, briefly relating the circumstances of the capture of New Sweden. Rising went “overland to London,” drew his money and made a report to Christer Bonde, the Swedish Ambassador to England. From there he went to Amsterdam.

The other passengers were taken direct to Holland, where they arrived in January. Here they were cared for by Commissioner Croon at the expense of the Dutch West India Company. Shortly after their arrival Lieutenant Höök made a report before Peter Trotzig in Amsterdam, and several officers, soldiers and servants, who had money due them from services in the colony, applied for aid. Elswick almost immediately set out for Stockholm, where he arrived February 6. The following day he appeared before the Commercial College, presented a letter from Rising and made a report.[40]