Chapter III

THE FOUNDING OF THE NEW SWEDEN COMPANY AND THE
EARLY EXPEDITIONS TO THE DELAWARE.

I.

The South Company, as can be seen from the foregoing, had nothing to do with the Swedish expeditions to the Delaware; it was the commercial ambition of Swedish statesmen and their endeavors to interest Dutch merchants in the copper trade that led to the founding of New Sweden. Copper mining was one of the most important industries in Sweden during the first half of the seventeenth century, and the copper trade was of great significance and a source of large income to the Swedish government. The crown borrowed millions with copper as security and many of its debts to Dutch merchants were paid with this metal. But the price fell occasionally, leaving the crown a heavy loser. The Copper Company was not a success, and the trade was often dull, due to overstocked markets and the manipulation of speculators. Considering the importance of the article and the condition of the Swedish treasury at a time, when the little kingdom was taking a leading part in one of the greatest wars of history, we are not surprised to find that Swedish statesmen paid particular attention to this trade. They were always seeking new markets for the red metal. Their plans were not limited to Europe; they looked even to America and Africa for customers. Conrad von Falkenburg, Swedish commissioner in Holland, had interviews with Dutch merchants about copper exportation to the West Indies, and made reports about it to Chancellor Oxenstierna. One of these merchants was Samuel Blommaert, a prominent businessman of Amsterdam. He had been interested in the Swedish copper trade for years, and had other dealings with the Swedish crown. He had also, together with several others, erected a brass factory at Nacka, near Stockholm. In 1635 his connections with Swedish affairs became closer. Oxenstierna, finding after the misfortunes of 1634–1635 and the miscarriage of his son’s mission in England that there was no “choice but to accept Richelieu’s predominance,” set out for Paris to effect an agreement with France. On his return in April he visited The Hague and spent some time at Amsterdam in May, where he had interviews with some of the principal merchants and exporters of Holland. Being especially desirous of improving the copper and iron trades, as business was poor, he naturally called on Samuel Blommaert, who was apparently well acquainted with the subject.

Oxenstierna’s interview with Blommaert had large results: it became the starting point for the founding of a colony. Markets for the principal metals of Sweden were the main subjects of discussion. The thoughts of Oxenstierna were again directed westward by Blommaert, and here we have the germ of the New Sweden Company. Presenting “three points” for the extension and increase of the Swedish copper and iron business, Blommaert particularly emphasized the desirability of establishing commercial relations with Guinea, where, in his opinion, profitable markets could be found for copper and iron wares. He proposed that the crown of Sweden should give _Octroy_ to a company with special and exclusive trading privileges in Guinea and on the coast of Africa.

Being assured of reward and permanent employment in Swedish service Blommaert undertook to send regular reports to the Chancellor. On June 3 (n. s.), 1635, shortly after Oxenstierna’s departure, he sent his first letter, which summarized the various opinions and observations already set forth at the interview, and he continued to report at brief intervals throughout the summer and autumn, referring in almost every letter “to the Guinean navigation.”

II.

In the autumn a new element was introduced, giving fresh vigor to the plans of Swedish transatlantic trade: Peter Minuit had an interview with Blommaert. Minuit, born at Wesel on the Rhine about 1580–5, was of Wallon or French descent. His education, probably received at the Gymnasium of Wesel, seems to have been Dutch and French. He appears to have had little knowledge of German, for he writes Dutch and in Dutch characters even to Oxenstierna (although his spelling is sometimes German), and it is extremely improbable that he would have used that language in writing to the Swedish chancellor, had he known German. He married the sister of Henrick Huygen and knew and associated with many of the wealthiest and most influential Hollanders of his time. It seems that he removed to Amsterdam about 1624 (or earlier) on account of the Spanish oppression. The following year he was appointed General Director of New Netherland, but he was recalled after a period of seven years, due to a change of policy in the management of the Dutch West India Company. Returning to his native land in the summer of 1632, he found it was harassed with war, making it impossible for him to obtain suitable employment there. As he was a man of great energy he could not be idle. Having a minute knowledge of the west coast of North America and particularly of the Delaware territory, he realized the opportunities for beginning a profitable trade there. The Delaware formed an outlet for the beaver trade of an extensive area. He had registered a colony at the mouth of the river in which Blommaert was a large shareholder, and he had purchased land on Blommaert’s behalf along the sea on the east side of the river. The Dutch West India Company acquired a right to these tracts from the owners about the time Minuit returned to Europe, but it was not powerful enough to properly guard the river against intruders and its trading expeditions thither were small and far between. It seems probable, therefore, that Minuit offered his services to Blommaert in founding a new colony farther from the sea, which by its more favorable location would monopolize the beaver trade with the Indians. Be this as it may, Minuit’s plans found in Blommaert a ready supporter. The latter realized the possibilities. He had hopes of obtaining permanent employment from the Swedish government. He was dissatisfied with the management of the Dutch West India Company, and Minuit had just cause for complaint against the same body. Why not, therefore, found a Dutch-Swedish opposition company, which, under Swedish protection, could send trading expeditions to the Delaware? This should be easy, as Swedish statesmen were interested in the West Indian trade and anxious to extend Swedish commerce; and Dutch capitalists could be readily found to finance such a venture.

Almost immediately Blommaert transmitted the project to the Chancellor, before whom Minuit was willing and anxious to explain his proposals in person. Reports were also sent to Peter Spiring, the Swedish agent in Holland, who conferred (May, 1636) with Blommaert and Minuit about “the new navigation” and the copper trade to Africa and Guinea. They expressed the belief that a successful company could be formed, if special privileges were guaranteed, and Spiring “gave them good promises.”

Minuit, who had been requested to visit Oxenstierna at Stralsund before the latter’s return to Sweden, was detained, forwarding a memorial as a substitute, in which we have the first written “project of New Sweden” and the name used for the first time. “The English, French and Dutch”, he says, “have occupied large tracts of land in the New World. Sweden should no longer abstain from making her name known in foreign countries.” The opportune moment had come for the nation to begin a small enterprise, which would grow into great magnitude. A voyage should be made to certain places in the neighborhood of Virginia, New Netherland and other districts adjacent, which were to be occupied and called _New Sweden_. A ship of 120 to 200 tons burden, carrying twelve cannon and a crew of from 20 to 25 men, was necessary. The cargo for trade with the Indians would cost between ten and twelve thousand florins and should consist of “adzes, hatches, kettles, _duffels_ and other merchandise.” Supplies and provisions for twelve months should be furnished. The Swedish government should send twelve soldiers to garrison and guard the places to be occupied, and it should provide ammunition and a bark or yacht, which could be used in the colony for the purpose of trade. The entire expense of the expedition would be about 16,000 florins, half of which would be contributed by Minuit, who also offered to become leader and director of the enterprise. A charter should be given by the crown of Sweden to the participants, prohibiting all others from sailing to these parts for twenty years on pain of confiscation of cargo and ship, also granting the new company exemption from duty in Sweden on incoming and outgoing goods for a period of ten years. The memorial was dated at Amsterdam on June 15, 1636, and probably reached Oxenstierna a week or so later.

Shortly after its arrival the chancellor prepared to leave for Sweden. Peace negotiations were closed for the moment, and his presence in Stockholm was of the utmost importance. The government there wavered. The war was becoming more and more unpopular, and the people were wearied of the many extra taxes and ever recurring conscriptions. Oxenstierna’s enthusiasm was needed to encourage the drooping spirits, his influence and unquestioned authority were wanted to give force and emphasis to the orders and acts of the government. About July 4, he embarked at Stralsund, and on the thirteenth he was in the Swedish capital. With his arrival new life was instilled into the machinery of state. Almost immediately changes were noticed in every department. The conflicting interests of the different estates were to some extent united; many branches of the government were re-organized and new departments were added; the finances were placed on a firmer basis; steps were taken to improve and aid the industries, and commerce and trade were encouraged.

When Oxenstierna had attended to the most urgent matters of state he returned to the commercial plans of Blommaert and Minuit, and “presented some propositions drawn up by Spiring ... concerting another Guinean company” at a meeting of the council of state on September 27, 1636. It seems that the council ventilated the matter at further sessions, for when Spiring departed from Sweden in October, he was instructed to confer with Blommaert and other Dutchmen about the organizing of a trading company. He was also authorized to engage Blommaert as a commercial agent for the Swedish crown. In the autumn of 1636 and in the early part of the following year Spiring arranged new conferences with Minuit and Blommaert about the proposed voyages to America as well as the expedition to the coast of Guinea and other places. Spiring held that the activities of the new company should be directed towards the Gold Coast, where copper would find ready purchasers and where big profits could be expected. He called the New Sweden project, as outlined by Minuit, a small undertaking, and intimated that the profits would accordingly not be large. But neither Blommaert nor Minuit were in sympathy with Spiring’s ideas; their desire was now to found a colony on the Delaware. It was accordingly decided to form a company for trade and colonization on the coast of North America “from Florida to Terra Nova” (Newfoundland). Spiring wished to ascertain the opinions of other merchants and experts on the subject; but Blommaert and Minuit objected to this and advised complete secrecy, until the localities selected for colonization were occupied, fearing that their intentions would become known to the Dutch West India Company and their plans killed in the hatching. Minuit as it seems presented charts and maps of the Delaware region, which in his opinion offered singular advantages, and thither the first expedition was to be sent. Half of the capital required was to be raised in Holland, the other half in Sweden. Minuit was to lead the expedition and manage the colonial affairs. Blommaert was to direct the business of the company in Holland; he was to buy goods for the expeditions and make other necessary preparations, and he was to outline the programme of the company, and draft the papers and proposals for privileges to be laid before the Swedish government. Finally he was to correspond with Fleming in Sweden, and make frequent reports to him.

Meanwhile reports had been sent to the government by Spiring about his activities on behalf of “the new navigations.” These reports imparted new interest to the subject in Sweden, and Klas Fleming was appointed to take charge of the work at the capital.

III.

In the early part of 1637, when definite conclusions had been reached by the Dutch participants, Minuit was sent to Sweden to superintend the preparations of the expedition as well as to give all necessary information to Fleming and other members of the government interested in the new company. Shortly after his arrival in Stockholm, however, he became ill, somewhat delaying the work.

About the beginning of May Minuit was able to resume his duties. The original plans having been altered, the council of state decided to furnish two vessels and a sloop and to fit out a larger expedition than the memorials called for. Consequently the preliminary preparations in Sweden consumed more time than the Dutch organizers expected. Other circumstances also caused delays. Finally the government granted a charter, which (together with other papers) Minuit carried to Amsterdam in August, when he returned there to complete the preparations.

Blommaert had been busy during the summer buying cloth and other merchandise for the Indian trade. He had also engaged a number of experienced sailors, as these were difficult to hire in Sweden. The sailors and officers together with a large part of the cargo were sent to Sweden in the summer; and on August 22, Blommaert wrote that “the rest of all necessary supplies was being shipped to Gothenburg and Minuit with two barbers and other officers was going on the same vessel.”

The preparations in Sweden advanced slowly, although Fleming did his utmost to get the expedition under way. Ammunition and considerable cash was supplied by the government. Two ships (also furnished by the crown), the _Kalmar Nyckel_, commanded by Captain Anders Nilsson Krober, and the _Fogel Grip_, commanded by Lieutenant Jacob Barben, were at last ready and set sail from Stockholm about the middle of August. They arrived at Gothenburg about three weeks later, for in the beginning of September, Minuit was busy loading the boats. The cargoes consisted of several thousand yards of duffels and other cloth, several hundred axes, hatchets and adzes, several hundred knives, dozens of tobacco pipes, mirrors and looking glasses, gilded chains and finger rings, combs, ear-rings and other ornaments,--all for the Indian trade. Spades, hoes and other implements of agriculture were also included for the use of the colony.

Probably half of the sailors were Hollanders, the other half, Swedes. The majority of the soldiers sent to garrison the forts were Swedes, commanded by Måns Nelsson Kling. Henrick Huygen, a relative of Minuit, was appointed commissioner of the colony. Jan Hindricksen van der Water was skipper on the _Kalmar Nyckel_, and Michael Symonsen was first mate, who, in case of Minuit’s disablement, should take command. Andreas Jöransson was skipper on the _Grip_. Memorials and instructions were given to the officers, and several secret articles were drawn up for Peter Minuit, giving minute details as to his journey. He was to sail in the summer, taking course “behind England and Scotland”, and crossing the ocean about the 44th degree. His first destination was to be Sable Island, if such a course were possible. The island was to be thoroughly explored and carefully mapped and sketched, with clear indications of all rivers, harbors and roads. It was to be called Christina and occupied in the name of the Swedish crown, by the erecting of the Swedish coat-of-arms. Minuit was to hunt the black foxes reported to be plentiful on the island, and he was to capture calves or cattle, which were to be taken to the South River. Having performed his duties at Sable Island, he was to proceed to the South River, buying _sawant_ from the Indians along the coast. In case, however, the wind proved too westerly for such a course, he was to go by way of the Caribbees between Cuba and Spaniola and thence to the South River.

Arriving there he was to sail up to the Minquas Kill, where he was to establish communications with the Indians. Having done so he was to explore the river as far as the Sankikan Kill, “seeing to it that his people did no harm to the savages,” and he was to buy the land on the west side of the Delaware between the aforesaid two streams. He was to erect the Swedish coat-of-arms at the northern and southern limits of the land, which was then to be called _New Sweden_. His basis of operations was to be the Minquas Kill, where he was to erect a stronghold, giving it, with the firing of cannon, the name of New Stockholm. He was to begin the beaver trade with the Indians, and he should buy cattle, horses, sheep, goats and pigs at New Amsterdam for the establishment of his colony.

After completing his business in the South River, he was to proceed on board the _Kalmar Nyckel_ to the coast of Florida. Here he was also to take possession of land in the name of the Swedish government by erecting the Swedish coat-of-arms and by calling the territory _New Sweden_.

A letter containing thirty-two articles directed to the commander as well as the sailors and soldiers was also given to Minuit. The officers and men were to keep good watch day and night and they were always to be prepared for every emergency, having their arms in readiness to fight if necessary. Stealing was to be severely punished, no fighting between the sailors was to be allowed and all drunkenness was strictly prohibited, breakers of this rule being put into irons for three days. Playing at dice as well as all other games of chance were forbidden; no one was to barter on his own account, or to handle goods belonging to private merchants. Prayers were to be conducted morning and evening, and any one absent from these exercises without due cause would be fined six _styvers_.

The preparations dragged on in spite of all the efforts of Fleming and Minuit and the cold northern winter was gradually advancing, threatening to retard the expedition for months. In the beginning of November, however, the two gallant little vessels left the harbor of Gothenburg with the first Swedish-American emigrants on board and were soon ploughing into a heavy sea. Fearful storms separated the ships and only after “a month’s cruising about” did the _Kalmar Nyckel_ arrive at Texel, leaking, minus its prow and a mast. A week later the _Grip_ arrived, also badly used. The suffering of the poor people must have been intense, and it was fortunate that repairs and contrary winds gave them a chance to recuperate.

The ships were repaired with all speed, a new pilot was assigned to them and about December 20 everything was in readiness for the continuation of the voyage; but contrary winds interfered a few days. In the meantime Kiliaen van Rensselaer, a friend of Minuit, availing himself of the occasion, sent several cases of merchandise on board the _Kalmar Nyckel_, and engaged passage for six colonists. Towards the end of the month the wind turned, and on December 31 (n. s.), the last day of the year, 1637, the little expedition gave itself “to the broad ocean with its dead calms and howling tempests, its tornadoes and its billows mountain high.”

We know nothing about the journey across the Atlantic--Minuit’s diary and log are lost; but the ships reached the Delaware in good condition, and sailed up the river about the middle of March, 1638.[9]

Having established his colony according to his instructions, Minuit left the Delaware some time in June on board the _Kalmar Nyckel_, destined for the island of St. Christopher. Arriving there he exchanged his cargo of wine and distilled liquors for tobacco. While in the harbor Minuit with his skipper was invited as a guest on board “the _Flying Deer_ from Rotterdam.” A sudden storm arose which drove the ship out to sea. She was heard of no more, and Minuit with the other passengers disappeared for ever. The _Kalmar Nyckel_ was also blown out of port, but she returned with some other ships, having suffered only slight injury. After waiting for Minuit a few days the vessel set sail for Europe. About the beginning of October she arrived in the North Sea near the coast of Holland, where she was again overtaken by a severe storm. The carpenter was forced to cut the main mast, and the vessel was so severely damaged that it became necessary to put into Vlie for repairs. Here the ship was seized by officers of the Dutch West India Company, as the skipper refused to show his commission, and import duty was demanded on the cargo. Word was sent to Spiring, who presented a protest to the States General. His intercession became unnecessary, however, for the ship was liberated, as soon as it was ascertained that the skipper sailed under the authority of the Swedish crown (the relations between Sweden and Holland being very cordial at this time).

In December Spiring caused four officers from the _Kalmar Nyckel_ to appear before Peter Ruttens, a notary public, in Amsterdam to report under oath about Minuit’s proceedings in New Sweden.

The circumstances attending the land purchase were especially emphasized and related in detail, as they formed the basis for the maintenance of the Swedish title to the new land against possible protests and contention of the Dutch West India Company. A document was drawn up in Dutch giving the testimony of the four men, “in the sight and presence of the honest Cornelius Vignois and David Willet, called in for this purpose as creditable witnesses.” A certified translation into German was also made.

The _Grip_, having cruised about in Central American waters for a period, left New Sweden towards the end of April, 1639, and arrived at Gothenburg about the beginning of June, an exceedingly fast journey for those days.

When the _Grip_ returned it was possible to estimate the success of this first venture of the company. Pelts valued at 15,426 florins and tobacco estimated at 7,423 florins made up the cargo of the two ships, while the expenses reached the sum of over 46,000 florins. The expedition therefore proved a financial failure as far as the immediate returns were concerned. The Dutch shareholders, who were dissatisfied even before the ships left Europe, on account of the late start and the heavy expense, were now thoroughly discouraged and desirous of withdrawing from the company. They refused to contribute to a second expedition, but were finally persuaded to do so.

IV.

As early as the spring and summer of 1638 Fleming made proposals for a second voyage, and in the autumn, when some of the results of the first voyage became known, he advised the sending of a large expedition to the new colony. A little later the council resolved that the _Dove_ and other ships “which were suitable should be employed for the benefit of the company.” At this time Fleming also invited Willem Usselinx to Stockholm as an adviser, but the veteran projector of companies was detained in Germany, it seems, and could not go. Furthermore he thought that the New Sweden colony would never be a success, since not much besides peltries and tobacco could be purchased there.

When the papers, Indian deeds and other documents, from New Sweden arrived in Stockholm, Fleming’s enthusiasm was still further kindled. The preparations for a new voyage, which had rested for a while, were at once resumed. The colony was to be populated. Funds were to be raised by selling the stock of the South Company or otherwise, and an able manager was to be engaged, who could take charge of the work. Fleming ordered a certain ship bought by the city of Norrköping to be rebuilt at Västervik for the transportation of “cattle and people”, and he proposed the repairing of other vessels for a journey. He suggested that Swedish colonists should be prevailed upon to migrate, and that some Dutch might be allowed to settle in New Sweden, so that the land would be speedily peopled.

A successor to Minuit could not be found, however, and Usselinx, who had been requested to suggest a proper person, wrote that he “knew of no one he could recommend.” But a factor was appointed at Gothenburg in the person of Timon van Schottingen, who “as a capable person was to manage the West Indian trade” at that place. He was to have a salary of 200 D. annually, beginning on January 1, 1639. Hans Weis was also commissioned to aid in the preparations, and he manifested great interest and diligence in the work.

Captain Cornelis van Vliet was appointed commander of this _the second expedition_. He had been in Swedish service for about ten years (being skipper on the Looff expedition, 1632–3), and he seems to have gained the full confidence of Fleming and other members of the government. “The Crown and Queen”, says his instruction, “having made a serious resolution not only to continue the Virginian navigation but to carry it on with more vigor than before”, desired him “to go to the West Indies on board the _Kalmar Nyckel_ to find out the location of the colony.” He was charged to learn the condition of the inhabitants, their trade and occupation, the kind of clothing they used and the articles they most needed; he should observe the fisheries and the best way to populate the country and finally he was to hire several officers and sailors in Holland for the journey.

After long delays money was furnished to Blommaert, who purchased supplies and a new cargo. As these were about to be loaded into the _Kalmar Nyckel_ (the vessel was still at Amsterdam), orders were received from Fleming that the ship should intercept, and if possible, capture Count Kurtz, who was on his way to Denmark and Poland on a diplomatic mission for Emperor Ferdinand III. The return voyage was thus unduly deferred. The supplies, being partly consumed by the crew in Holland, were completely exhausted when the ship plowed into the port of Gothenburg in June, 1639. About the same time the _Grip_ also cast anchor in the harbor. Consequently the treasury of the company was drained by the long pay rolls of the returning officers and men who demanded their wages. But the preparations went on, although Fleming’s intentions were not carried out, and only one vessel, the _Kalmar Nyckel_, was to be sent. Money was supplied from the customs at Gothenburg, and after some mishaps the ship was in readiness for its second voyage.

Meanwhile great efforts to gather colonists had been made. Several governors and other officials had been enlisted to look for emigrants. Governor Hindrickson of Elfsborg was especially requested to engage some artisans, such as blacksmiths, shoemakers, brickmakers, carpenters and others, three or four of them to be married, who should take their wives along to cook, make beer and wash for the settlers. As it was difficult to find people willing to migrate on their own accord, it was decided to deport to America, with their families and property, deserted soldiers and others, who had committed some slight misdemeanor. After one or two years they were allowed to return, if they so desired. We do not know how many such colonists were sent on the vessel, but their number must have been very small.

Several new officers went to New Sweden on this expedition, among whom were Rev. Torkillus, Commander Ridder, Van Dyck and Van Langdonk. The Rev. Reorus Torkillus was commissioned to look after the spiritual needs of the settlement. He had been educated at Lidköping and Skara and had been employed as lecturer and chaplain in Gothenburg before his charge in New Sweden. He became the pioneer of Lutheranism in the new world and the first Lutheran clergyman within the United States. Peter Hollender Ridder was appointed commander at Fort Christina. Ridder entered the Swedish service about 1635 and was employed in various capacities before his present appointment. His instruction, which was dated July 1, 1639, directed him to rule over the people gathered at Fort Christina, and “to work for the good and success of the company and the crown.” Joost van Langdonk was sent out as factor in the place of Henrick Huygen, and Gregorius van Dyck, whose name will often be found in the following pages, was to serve as assistant commissioner.

Fleming at first intended to ship over a large number of horses and cattle, but, as the settlers had no fodder, it was later thought advisable to wait until the following spring. “Only four mares and two young horses and a number of farming implements are now sent over”, writes the admiral, “so that the colonists can make a trial with seeding in the autumn.”

In the beginning of September the _Kalmar Nyckel_ left the harbor for its long journey “with people, horses, fodder and provisions.” In the North Sea she sprang a leak and had to run into Medemblik for repairs. Twice the ship set sail, but was twice compelled to return to harbor, as the repairs had been badly done. The vessel was then taken to Amsterdam, where it was discovered that various frauds had been perpetrated. The captain was removed from his service, and Pouwel Jansen appointed in his place. Some new sailors were also hired and paid two months wages in advance. Finally the ship was again ready, but new troubles were in store for it. A great storm swept over the coast on December 27 still further delaying the expedition. Consequently the expenses were increasing, and the total cost of the voyage had now reached nearly 16,000 D. On February 7, however, the ship glided out of the harbor under full sails, setting course through the English Channel and thence probably direct across the ocean.

Fleming and Blommaert were unfortunate in their selection of officers for the expedition. Joost van Langdonk cared little for the vessel, and left her to the charge of Van Dyck and the lieutenant. On the journey Van Langdonk and the skipper passed their time in smoking and drinking and in scolding Van Dyck and the Swedes. They were especially bitter against the Lutheran religion, even forbidding Van Dyck to attend service, and they treated Rev. Torkillus in a most disrespectful manner. “As our preacher came”, wrote Van Dyck, “in order to make prayer, they ran away, as if they had seen the devil. And when, on March 17, a youth asked for a little wine for the preacher who was sick I am ashamed to write the answer [he got].” The factor and the skipper managed things to suit themselves, and took no council with the other officers. Consequently the discipline was poor, and drunkenness was common, the steward himself being intoxicated daily.

The ship encountered severe storms, causing great hardships to the people and cattle; but she arrived safely in New Sweden on the seventeenth of April, 1640. She was speedily made ready for her return journey and on or shortly after May 14 she left the colony with a large cargo, destined for Sweden. She reached Gothenburg about the beginning of July. Here Hans Weis took charge of the ship, until her cargo was sent to Stockholm, where it was to be sold. Several colonists returned to Sweden on the _Kalmar Nyckel_ in 1640, among whom were Henrick Huygen and Måns Kling.

The Dutch members desired to withdraw from the company, when the first expedition returned; but their investments forced them to remain. They reluctantly agreed to pay for half of the provisions and cargo bought in Holland for the second expedition, but they would incur none of the expenses of the _Kalmar Nyckel_ on her outward voyage in the winter of 1640. They were stockholders in the Dutch West India company, and their membership in the Swedish organization was becoming uncomfortable for them.

The Swedish government finally decided to buy the Dutch shares. In February, 1641 “His Excellency the Treasurer said that the government has found it expedient to release the Dutch participants from the New Indian or Florida company, since they are a hindrance to us.” The Dutch stockholders agreed to be satisfied with 18,000 florins, which was a little less than the money they had furnished, above the proceeds of the first voyage, and on February 20 Peter Spiring was instructed to pay them the above sum.

The company was now operated entirely by Swedish capital. It was re-organized and several new officers were engaged. Blommaert, although no longer a stockholder, continued to aid the expeditions until he severed his connections with the Swedish crown, and Peter Spiring and other Swedish agents in Holland served the company, as before, in various capacities. Sometime in 1640 Johan Beier was appointed treasurer at Stockholm, and late in the summer Benjamin Bonnel was made factor. He was to have a salary of 600 D. a year, besides traveling expenses and his duties were to sell all cargoes coming from America and to manage the company’s tobacco-trade in Sweden. In January 1641 Hans Kramer was engaged as bookkeeper at a salary of 400 D. a year. Klas Fleming remained president and director, and continued to sign the memorials and instructions for the other officers.

About this time a certain Robert Smythe (an English merchant), having observed that Oxenstierna “was a lover of the foreign trade” which had been established with America, offered his services to the chancellor, and selected thirty Swedes (among whom were two students from Upsala and two noblemen), willing to go on an expedition. He stated that New Sweden could be settled by foreign people, if desirable privileges, freedom from duty for some years and religious liberty, were granted and he made various suggestions concerning Swedish commerce and trade. Nothing, however, seems to have come out of his plans, but one of his suggestions soon materialized--“a colony of foreign people” was about to be planted in New Sweden under special privileges.

V.

It was Minuit’s intention to settle a large number of Dutch colonists in New Sweden, but his idea died with him. A similar plan, however, originated from another direction. “Certain people in Utrecht, seeing that the burdens on the land fell heavier for every year and that the farmer could hardly meet his expenses”, determined to go to New Netherland, but satisfactory terms could not be arranged with the Dutch West India Company. It was then decided to seek permission to locate in New Sweden under a so-called _Patronat_ government. Several influential stockholders of the Dutch company, interested in the Utrecht people, applied as patrons, through Blommaert, to the Swedish government for necessary rights and privileges. As there was great delay in Sweden a special agent, Joost van Bogaert, was sent to Stockholm to lay the matter before the council of state. On January 24, 1640, a charter was finally issued by the government. The original draft was made out to Godard van Reede, Heer van der Nederhorst; but his name was later withdrawn and Hendrik Hooghkamer’s substituted in its place. The charter stated that the colony should be placed on the west side of the South River at least “four or five common German miles” (about twenty English miles) above Fort Christina; that is to say about four to nine miles below Philadelphia. The patrons should be granted as much land on both sides of the river as was necessary for their settlement, on the condition, however, that it be improved within ten years. If the lands at first chosen proved unsatisfactory, other places could be selected with the consent of the Swedish governor. The _patrons_, their associates and their posterity, should enjoy and possess “for ever as an allodial or hereditary property” all fisheries, woods, minerals, springs and other natural resources, as well as “wind mills and other such advantages and utilities”, which were already found there or would be established. They were granted the right to found all kinds of manufactories; they could carry on commerce, and, with ships built in New Sweden, they were at liberty to trade in the West Indies, on the coast of Africa and in the Mediterranean Sea. They were assured religious liberty, but were admonished to avoid all strife and unnecessary disputes. They were under obligation to support as many ministers of the gospel and school masters as the number of inhabitants made necessary, and they should especially appoint persons, who had the conversion of the poor pagans at heart. They were granted authority to exercise “higher and lower justice in their district”, to establish and issue statutes and ordinances, to appoint magistrates and officers, and to “use the titles and coat-of-arms of their colony” on all official documents; but they were to acknowledge the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the Swedish crown and of the governor of New Sweden, and all statutes and laws passed by them were to be approved by the aforesaid governor. They were to be under the protection of the Royal Swedish Government, but they were to suffer no encroachments upon their liberties by the same; they were to pay a tax of three florins a year for each family, as an acknowledgment of Swedish authority, but they were to be free for ten years from duties, excises and all other contributions. After the expiration of that period a duty of five per cent., or more, if necessary, was to be collected on all exports and imports for the support of the government and the defense of the colony. The inhabitants and their descendants were never to be pressed into military service, but they were expected to aid in defending the settlement against attacks. Finally they were guaranteed exemption “from all confiscations of their property” and fines, imposed for various reasons, were never to exceed 100 florins or 40 R. D., but the government reserved the right to mete out “all kinds of punishments other than fines according to the nature of the offence.”

Joost van Bogaert, who was hired to act as agent in the colony at a yearly salary of 500 florins, paid by the Swedish government, departed from Sweden in the early spring of 1640 to take charge of the Utrecht expedition. The _patrons_ intended to dispatch “two or three ships with people, cattle and other things belonging to agriculture”, so as to establish a firm settlement, which was later to be augmented by a great number of colonists. But difficulties arose and finally only one ship was prepared. Hollanders were at this time prohibited by law from entering the service of foreign powers and severe punishment was prescribed for the breaking of the statute. Consequently Bogaert found it impossible to execute his commission. But Peter Spiring readily obtained permission from the States General to equip a ship in the Netherlands and to hire Dutch sailors, as the relations between Denmark and Holland were becoming strained and the States were bidding for the friendship of Sweden. The Dutch West India Company, however, endeavored to frustrate the Utrecht plan without offending the Swedish government. To this effect a report was circulated that the garrison at Fort Christina had deserted for want of sustenance and repaired to New Amsterdam. Another rumor was floated that the _Kalmar Nyckel_ had been captured by Turks on its second voyage. The first article of the Dutch charter, which granted to the West India Company sole right of trade within the limits of New Netherland, was also a serious obstacle. The Company excepted the territory surrounding Fort Christina out of respect for Sweden, but “those, who settled on other places of the South River outside of Minquas Kill, should be treated as trespassers of the _Octroy_ and would not only have their ships and goods confiscated, but would also be prosecuted.” Dutch skippers were therefore unwilling to let their ship for fear of confiscation.

In spite of all interference, however, a ship carrying twenty-five cannon and fifty colonists was ready to lift anchor on July 28, 1640. The date of sailing is uncertain and the circumstances of the voyage across the ocean are unknown, but the ship reached Christina on November 2. She left the colony a month later with a cargo of skins, the property of the New Sweden company. The skins were sold in Amsterdam for 5,360 florins.[10]

VI.

Meanwhile activities had been in progress for a new voyage from Sweden, and a cargo (again bought in Holland) had been stored at Gothenburg. Fleming once more planned to fit out a large expedition, and the government hoped that “New Sweden would in time redound to the benefit and honor of the Swedish Crown and to the prosperity and improvement of its citizens.” Governor Hindrickson, who had aided former expeditions, was instructed through letter to “collect people with wives and children, cattle and horses, and all other goods, and prevail upon them to go to” the colony. A great many Finns had for half a century or more migrated to northern Sweden, where they lived a vagrant, unsettled life by hunting, fishing and destroying the forests. As their numbers increased complaints against them became frequent, and their removal from the country was often demanded. Since voluntary emigrants failed to appear it was decided that some of these vagrant Finns, who could not be entrusted with uncultivated farms, should be compelled to settle at Fort Christina. But even these efforts proved insufficient and it became necessary to order Måns Kling, who knew “what a splendid and productive country New Sweden was”, on two different occasions “to collect and hire a multitude of roving people, that nowhere have a steady residence and dwelling.” Johan Printz, later governor of the colony, was likewise asked to look for skilled workmen and young people, willing to go to America, and at least one colonist, the bookkeeper Karl Jansson, came through him.

The colonists of northern and central Sweden assembled at Stockholm, where the ship _Charitas_ was being prepared for the voyage. The _Charitas_ left the capital on May 3, 1641, en route for Gothenburg with thirty-five souls on board, and she cast anchor near Elfsborg about the beginning of June. Here the trusty _Kalmar Nyckel_, the second ship of the _fourth expedition_, was being put in a seafaring condition.

It seems probable that the _Kalmar Nyckel_ carried the majority of the settlers, while the horses, goats, cattle, sheep and the farming implements were stowed in the _Charitas_. The majority of the sailors and soldiers on the vessels were Swedes, but the officers with one or two exceptions were Dutchmen, and there was a sailor boy from Dublin among the messmates. The expedition went to sea in July, touching at Holland and France, and on August 19 the colonists said farewell to the shores of Europe. The voyage was a stormy one. Two of the emigrants and some cattle died, and when the vessels arrived at Fort Christina, November 7, “the remaining people were very weak and powerless.”

Huygen tried his best to buy a cargo for the ships, but the fur trade had been ruined by the English, and only a small quantity of tobacco could be obtained. The ships returned to Sweden about November 29, 1641, by way of Rochelle, France. After loading a quantity of salt into the ships at Rochelle the captains sailed for Holland. As usual provisions were almost exhausted, and the men and officers clamored for pay. Money was supplied through Spiring, and assistance was given by Blommaert and Trotzig, enabling the vessels to proceed to Sweden. They ran into Gothenburg about April 15, and arrived at Stockholm in the early part of June, 1642.

About this time all reference to Samuel Blommaert in connection with the company ceases, and in the autumn he severed his relations with the Swedish government, for on October 7, 1642, the minutes of the council say that Blommaert’s salary could be used for the paying of two new commissaries, “since he _now_ withdraws from the service.”

VII.

The trade of the company in Europe was not an entire success. The first cargoes of skins were sold in Holland at a good price, but the peltry trade in Sweden was not remunerative. The tobacco trade, however, soon assumed great proportions. A storehouse was rented, where tobacco and skins were stocked under the charge of Bonnell, who began his work as factor shortly after his appointment. In spite of prohibitions and ordinances smuggling and illegal trade was conducted on a large scale. Yet the company’s tobacco trade went so well that several ship loads were imported from Holland, and the profits amounted to over 14,000 D. The heavy expenses of the expeditions, however, not only wiped out these earnings, but even left a deficit of over 32,000 D., and when the _Charitas_ and the _Kalmar Nyckel_ returned from New Sweden in June, 1642, the company was obliged to borrow 3,000 R. D. for immediate expenses.

We have come to the end of the first period of the company’s life. It is now in place to see what was done on the Delaware, and how the colony planted there grew and developed.

The research room in the Royal Archives, showing some
of the volumes relating to New Sweden, preserved in the
Royal Archives and in the Archives of the Exchequer (The
Kammararkiv), Stockholm.]