Chapter IV

THE FOUNDING AND FIRST PERIOD OF THE COLONY, 1638–1643.

I.

It is not now possible to say, who was the first European to visit the Delaware. Perhaps the Irish or Scotch saw its waters in the early centuries of our era, if the legends of their American voyages be true. Perhaps some bold Viking in the eleventh century ventured as far south along the New England coast as the 39th degree, when the Norsemen planted colonies on this continent, and, according to tradition, established churches here. Possibly some lonely Frenchman or Portuguese driven out of his course by accident touched the lordly Delaware, years before Columbus set sail from Cadiz; or it may be that some Norman, Briton or Basque, coasting along the North American continent on his way to the cod-fisheries of Newfoundland, saw the famous river, long before Hudson made his memorable voyage. Cabot might have passed within sight of Cape Henlopen in 1497; that Verrazzano sailed by the Delaware in 1524 is quite certain. It has been stated “that the coast of New York and the neighboring districts” were known to the Spaniards almost a century before Hudson came here. Estévan Gomes “is said to have visited the country at latitudes 40 and 41 degrees north” in 1525, and a year later Lucas Vasquez de Aillon and Matienzo made landings, and explored the country south and east of New York. De Costa thinks that the French visited New York harbor prior to 1562, and it has been claimed that they had a fort on Castle Island within the present limits of Albany. Is it not, therefore, reasonable to think that they may have visited the Delaware? Bradford wrote in 1627 that the Dutch traded on the Hudson “this six or seven and twenty years.” If so, may we not suppose that some Dutch skipper eager for gain would search for new fields of traffic with the natives, and on his way southward find the “mighty river”? All this merely goes to show, how utterly impossible it is to determine, who was really the first European to get a glimpse of the river, where Dutch, Swedes and English were later to contend for the mastery.

In 1609 we tread on firm and historic ground. Henry Hudson, an Englishman of London, undertook to discover a short route to Asia by the north for the Dutch East India Company. On Saturday, March 25, 1609, he set sail in the _Half Moon_, Robert Jewitt being second mate; and on August 28, at seven in the evening, he “anchored in eight fathoms of water” in Delaware Bay, “weighing at the break of day” the next morning. Returning to Europe in October, he arrived at Dartmouth in November, whence he sent a report to the Dutch East India Company.

This report kindled the interest of Dutch merchants, and several expeditions were sent to the land visited by Hudson. The English were also navigating these waters, and in August, 1610, Captain Samuel Argall anchored in the Delaware, naming the South point of the bay “Cape de la Ware.” About this time the English of Virginia began to call the mouth of the river Delaware Bay in honor of their governor,--a name which was soon applied to the entire river.

In the spring of 1616 Cornelis Hendricksen was sent from New Amsterdam (the Dutch trading post at present New York) in the _Onrust_ (Restlessness) to explore the coast southward. He discovered “certain lands, a bay (the Delaware) and three rivers”, making it probable that he ascended to the mouth of the Schuylkill or at least to the Minquas Kill. On his return to Holland in the same year he presented a report and a figurative map, the first of the Delaware known to exist. The river was soon called the South River by the Dutch to distinguish it from the North River or the Hudson. In 1620 Cornelis May of Hoorn sailed up the Delaware, where he discovered “some new and fruitful lands,” and after him the Dutch called the mouth of the river _New Port May_.

The year 1621 is an eventful one in the history of the Delaware country. The Dutch West India Company, organized by Willem Usselinx, was chartered in June, and from now on trading expeditions were sent at intervals direct to the South River.

In 1623 Captain May of Hoorn erected Fort Nassau on the east side of the river a little below present Camden to protect the beaver traffic and to keep out traders, who had no permit from the West India Company. In a few years, however, the stronghold was deserted. In 1631 Samuel Blommaert in company with others, having purchased certain tracts from the natives, planted a colony on the west bank of the Horn Kill; but all the settlers, except one man, were killed by the Indians, shortly after their arrival, and in 1635 the title was sold to the Dutch West India Company.

English and French vessels likewise visited the river for barter with the natives. Two different royal grants given to Englishmen included the Delaware and attempts at settlements seem to have been made by the English. It has also been said that King Charles I transferred his interests in this territory to Sweden about 1634.

In the summer of 1633 Fort Nassau was re-occupied by the Dutch. A house was built and other improvements were made. About this time the new commissioner Arent Corsen purchased a tract of land on the Schuylkill from several Indian chiefs, and seems to have erected a blockhouse at a place convenient for the beaver trade. But the fort was soon deserted for the fourth time. In 1636 or 1637, however, a new garrison of about twenty men was stationed there with Jan Jansen as commissioner and Peter May as assistant, and this force was maintained when the Swedes arrived in the spring of 1638.

II.

About the fifteenth of March the two little ships of the Swedes, the _Kalmar Nyckel_ and the _Fogel Grip_, appeared in the bay. “Nature was sleeping”, the trees were bare, and the loveliness which summer imparts to the Delaware shores was absent; but, if the legend be true, the beauty of the region in spite of its disadvantages impressed the pioneers, who landed at a particularly charming spot, which they called the Paradise Point. From there the ships undoubtedly proceeded with the first favorable wind.

Arriving at the mouth of the Minquas Kill, Minuit turned westward into this stream. He sailed up as far as present Wilmington, casting anchor before “a wharf of stones,” where the fortress was later built. Indians had pitched their wig-wams there, and it was particularly suitable for a landing place. The Swedish salute of two guns was given, and Peter Minuit went ashore with some of his men. Thereupon the director accompanied by Sandelin, Lucassen, Måns Kling and some soldiers, made a journey up the Minquas Kill for several miles in the sloop to reconnoitre and to establish connections with the Indians. He also went some distance on foot into the woods with his followers, but “saw no sign of Christian people.” Soon after Minuit’s return to the ships several Indian chiefs, probably with a large following, appeared, attracted by the reports of the Swedish cannon. A conference about the sale of land was immediately arranged. Small gifts were distributed to the chiefs, and they “were asked if they were willing to sell the [Minquas] River and as many day’s journey of the land lying about it as would be requested. This the chiefs agreed to with the common consent of the different Indian Nations.” On the twenty-ninth of March, 1638, five sachems, Mattahorn, Mitatsimint, Erupacken (probably the same as Elupacken), Mahomen and Chiton, “appointed by the whole assembly”, were invited into Minuit’s cabin on the _Kalmar Nyckel_, where they sold as much “of the land in all parts and places of the river, up the river and on both sides, as Minuit desired.” Deeds were prepared in Dutch and their contents were explained to the Indians by Andreas Lucassen, the interpreter. “For value received in merchandise the Indians ceded and transferred the title of the land with all its jurisdictions and rights to the Swedish Florida Company under the protection of the great Princess, Virgin and Elected Queen of the Swedes, Goths and Wends.” When the Indian chiefs had traced their totem marks on the documents, and Peter Minuit, Måns Kling, Henrick Huygen, Andreas Lucassen and Jacob Evertssen Sandelin had signed their names below, the merchandise specified in the contracts was distributed among the Indians, who in turn, to legalize the sale, presented beaver skins and _sewant_ to the Swedes. The deeds are now lost, but the extent of the purchase can be ascertained from other documents. Mitatsimint sold his lands lying west of the Delaware below the Minquas Kill southward to Bomtien’s Point or Duck Creek, a distance of about forty miles; and the other chiefs sold their hunting grounds above the Minquas Kill to the Schuylkill, a distance of about twenty-seven miles. In each case the purchase stretched westward indefinitely. Minuit had also been instructed to buy the land as far up as Trenton Falls, but for some reason he neglected to do so.

Landing-place of the Swedes, showing the “wharf of stones,”
also the stone in the back-ground erected by the Delaware
Society of Colonial Dames of America to mark the location of
Fort Christina. The above picture was taken by the author in
February, 1910.]

When the purchase had been concluded the sachems with Minuit and his soldiers and officers went ashore. The coat-of-arms of Sweden was then raised on a pole “and with the report of cannon followed by other solemn ceremonies the land was called New Sweden”, while Minquas Kill was christened the Elbe. Minuit undoubtedly arranged another conference with the chiefs before their departure, and won their goodwill by distributing additional gifts.

As soon as a site for a stronghold had been selected the director set his men to work, preparing timber and other materials. The fort was built on a cape about two miles from the mouth of the creek, where nature provided an excellent wharf, and it was particularly well situated for defence against the Indians. It was surrounded by marshy ground except on the north-west side, where it could be approached by a narrow strip of land. On the south flowed the river, (where a bridge was built for the convenience of passengers and freight) and ships could be moored within a few steps of the walls. The stronghold was built in the form of a square with sharp, arrow-head-like corners, three of which were mounted with artillery; and it was considered able to withstand the attack of a large number of Indians. Since it was two miles from the banks of the Delaware, the fortress was unable to command that river, and Minuit seems to have selected this spot to avoid a collision with the Dutch as much as possible, until the colony could assert its authority.

Finnish _pörte_ and bath-house of the eighteenth century
built of hewn logs. (From Tavastland, Finland, R.)]

Interior of the _pörte_ from Tavastland having the
fireplace to the right. R.]

About May 10 the ramparts, which were constructed of palisades and earth, were completed. Guns were taken from the _Kalmar Nyckel_ and mounted on the walls; the Swedish banner was raised on the flag-pole, and “with the report of cannon the fort was named Christina.” Two houses were erected inside the palisades, one of which was probably used for a dwelling house, the other for a magazine or store house. They were built of unhewn logs, and the dwelling house had loopholes and probably two or more little windows. The roof was gabled and most likely covered with small timbers split in two. In the corner of the dwelling a fireplace was made of bricks brought over on the ships. Rough benches, chairs and tables were constructed from split timber, and it is likely that beds of some sort were made.

The Swedes came in contact with the Dutch shortly after their arrival. In the beginning of April Minuit sent his sloop up the river to examine the position and strength of the Hollanders, and to establish relations with the Indians north of the Schuylkill. The sloop sailed above Fort Nassau unobserved, but on its way back to Christina it was discovered by the greatly surprised Dutch commander, who at once set about to ascertain the identity and business of the new-comers. Shortly afterwards Minuit himself attempted to pass the Dutch stronghold; but the garrison was now on the alert and “Peter May sailed down” to meet him. May demanded to know the reasons for his presence in the river, and wished to see his commission, warning him not to pass the fort. Minuit refused to exhibit his papers, “saying that his Queen had as much right there as the company”, and desired to proceed on his journey. He was compelled to return to his camp, however, and he probably made no further attempts to go above Fort Nassau.

Peter May reported the occurrence to Governor Kieft and, when Jan Jansen, who had been absent at New Amsterdam for some time arrived at the South River about the middle of April, he immediately protested in writing against the Swedish occupation. Minuit replied to the protest, styling himself “Commander in the service of Her Royal Majesty of Sweden”, and paid no heed to Jansen’s warnings. When Governor Kieft was informed that the words of his commissary had no effect, he drew up a protest himself “against the landing and settling of the Swedes on the Delaware.” He reminded “Peter Minuit that the whole South River of New Netherland had been many years in their possession and secured by them above and below by forts and sealed with their blood”, and informed him that the Dutch would not suffer him to intrude between their forts and that “the blame for all future mishaps, damages, losses, disturbances and bloodshed”, which might arise as a consequence of his actions, would fall upon him. The protest was read before Minuit, but he made no reply to it, and continued his work as before.

An Indian family according to Lindeström. From Lindeström’s
_Geographia Americae_. (Preserved in the Riksarkiv,
Stockholm.)]

As soon as circumstances allowed Minuit made provisions for selling his cargo. The _Grip_ was dispatched to Jamestown in Virginia to exchange her merchandise for tobacco, but the captain was denied freedom of trade. The vessel remained in the harbor “about ten days to refresh with wood and water.” She returned to Fort Christina in the beginning of May, unloaded her cargo and spread sails again on the twentieth to prey on Spanish commerce. The commander also endeavored to begin trade with the savages, and soon succeeded in establishing connections with the River Indians as well as the Minquas.

The Indians with whom the Dutch and Swedes came in contact belonged to two large families, the Algonquian and the Iroquoian. The Algonquian tribes were spread over a very large area. They occupied the eastern coast of North America from Newfoundland and Nova Scotia to the 35th degree in Carolina, stretching westward to the Pacific coast and northward to the Hudson Bay, except a wedge-like territory along the St. Lawrence river, Lake Ontario, Lake Erie and parts of Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio and Maryland, which were inhabited by tribes of the Iroquoian family.

The Indians of the Delaware basin, New Jersey, Delaware and districts of New York and Pennsylvania formed the most important confederacy of the Algonquian stock. They called themselves Lenâpe or Leni-Lenâpe which means real men. “The Lenâpe or Delawares proper”, who inhabited New Sweden, were divided into three tribes, the Minsi or Munsee, the Unami and the Unalachtigos. The Swedes, who called them “Renappe” (Lenâpe), “the River Indians” and “Our Indians,” bought most of their lands from them. They supplied large quantities of maize, fish and venison to the settlers, but their beaver and _sewant_ traffic was small, “since they were poor and had nothing but corn to sell.”

Delaware Indian woman of to-day in costume. Photographed at
Bartlesville, Oklahoma. Cut used through the courtesy of Dr.
Gordon of the University Museum.]

About seventy-five miles west and north from the Swedish settlements, tribes of the Iroquoian stock had their villages and forts. The Delawares called them Mingwe, which means treacherous, and this name was adopted by the Dutch, who applied it distinctively to the south-eastern Iroquoian tribes, with whom they came in contact on their first trading expeditions to the South River. The Swedes recognized two divisions, the Black and the White Minquas. The White Minquas were the same as the Susquehannas, who came down to the Delaware along the Minquas Kill (hence the name) to trade with the Dutch, Swedes and English. They had been greatly reduced in strength through wars with the five nations and with the Delawares, but they seem to have been in allegiance or at least on friendly terms with the Indians of New Sweden in 1638–1655.

The Black Minquas (so called “because they carried a black badge on their breast”) seem to have been the Conastogas of western Pennsylvania and the Eries west of the Ohio River, who came down the Schuylkill as far as the Delaware to trade.

In his description of the Indians Campanius Holm, largely using Lindeström, says that the Minquas lived “twelve miles [80 English miles] from New Sweden and they were daily with the Swedes bargaining. The way to their country was bad and stony, full of sharp granite rocks among morasses, hilly and at some places crossed by streams, so that the Swedes had to walk and march in water up to their arm-pits, when they had to go there (which generally happened once or twice a year) with frieze, kettles, axes, hoes, knives, mirrors and corals to exchange for beavers and other valuable peltries. They lived on a high mountain which was hard to climb. They were strong and hardy, both young and old, a tall and brave people.” This description seems to refer particularly to the White Minquas.

When the Swedes and Dutch spoke of “the Minquas Country” they referred to a district inland, north and west of New Sweden, about 50 to 150 miles. Trading expeditions by both Swedes and Dutch were made into this country, often more than 150 miles from the settlement. The Minquas supplied most of the beaver skins, and they always called themselves the “special friends and protectors of the Swedes.”

Bands of these different Indian tribes came to barter with the Swedes in April and May, and the Dutch governor complained that Minuit monopolized the trade and “attracted all the peltries to himself by means of liberal gifts.”

The country was not an entire wilderness, when the Swedes arrived. The Delaware Indians, being largely agricultural, had cleared big tracts near their villages on which they planted corn. In 1654 Lindeström wrote that the savages had cultivated their corn fields at Trenton Falls until the soil was too poor to yield good crops. Quantities of corn were also planted by the natives near the Schuylkill, at the Horn Kill and other places. The settlers adopted many practices from the savages; and Indian corn often proved a valuable article for the sustenance of the colonists, who early learnt to cultivate and use it.

“Two barrels of wheat and two barrels of seed corn” and perhaps other grains had been taken over on the ships, and when the proper time came plots of ground were prepared around the fort and on the mainland, which were sown and planted with Indian corn.

When the storehouse was ready, provisions were taken from the ships and quantities of fish, deer, turkeys, geese “and all sorts of suchlike provisions” were laid up. Måns Kling was given command of the fort with its garrison of twenty-three men, and Henrick Huygen was left in charge of the merchandise and provisions.

When Minuit had provided for the maintenance and safety of the garrison and the fort, he began to prepare for his return voyage. He made a map of the river and sketches of the fort, and drafted a report to the government. In due time the skins purchased from the Indians and the cargo intended for the tobacco trade were loaded into the _Kalmar Nyckel_, and about June 15 the director left his little settlement. Huygen continued the Indian trade after Minuit’s departure, and exchanged a large number of skins and a quantity of corn for merchandise and _sewant_ in the autumn and spring of 1638 and 1639. At this time English and Dutch merchants from the north began to trade with the Swedes. They offered all kinds of supplies to the settlers, but always asked very high prices. Commercial relations were also established with the English of Virginia and Maryland.

During the late spring and early summer the _Grip_ cruised about in West Indian waters, searching Spanish prizes. In June the ship was at St. Christopher, sometime later “she spied the Spanish silver fleet together with one Peter van Bruggen”, and went to inform Admiral Jol about it (while Van Bruggen watched the course of the Spaniards). Later she went to Havana and from there to the South River, arriving at Fort Christina early in 1639. Nothing more is known about this expedition. Years afterwards the skipper was accused of reaping all the benefits from the cruise, and a negro slave seems to have been the only addition it made to the colony’s wealth. On April 10 the _Grip_ was ready to set out for Europe with its cargo of furs, but contrary winds delayed the departure until the end of the month.

The colony was then left to itself, awaiting supplies and reinforcements. The traffic with the Indians continued, and Governor Kieft reported to his superiors that the Dutch trade had “fallen short full thirty thousand [florins], because the Swedes, by underselling, depressed the market.” A new ship was expected towards the end of 1639, but the little garrison waited in vain.

The friendly relations with the Indians were maintained, and it seems that the autumn of 1640 passed without disturbance. Governor Kieft had no orders to oppose the Swedes and his forces on the South River were inadequate; but he tried to persuade them to abandon their stronghold and leave the country. According to his own words he was successful, and “the Swedes were resolved to move off” and go to Manhattan; but “on the day before their departure a ship arrived with reinforcements.” About a year elapsed after the sailing of the _Grip_ and nearly two after Minuit’s departure, before the next ship came from Sweden, and the colonists had some cause for alarm; but it is hardly probable that they decided to remove from the settlement and repair to New Amsterdam. So important a fact would have been mentioned by Ridder or Van Dyck in their letters to the Chancellor and the Vice-Admiral. At any rate, when the second expedition arrived at Fort Christina on April 17, 1640, Peter Ridder, the new commander, found the colony well preserved. The ship brought new settlers, a few domestic animals, large supplies for the people and the Indian trade, additional soldiers, new officers and a minister of the gospel. Måns Kling surrendered his command to Peter Ridder; and Henrick Huygen prepared an inventory of the goods in the fort, and delivered the keys of the storehouse and the books into the keeping of Joost van Langdonk.

III.

Shortly after his landing, Ridder inspected the country for several miles around the fort. In his opinion it was well suited for cattle-raising and farming; but the seed had spoiled on the journey, and little new ground could be planted or sown, before other supplies were received. The fort was in poor condition, the walls being ready “to fall down in three places”; but the skipper forbade him to make any extensive repairs, and he had no orders from Sweden to do so. He mended the cracks and improved the parapets, however, wherever necessary, reporting that “on the land side the wall ought to be lengthened and on the water edge it should be raised.” Moreover supplies of cannon, powder and bullets were wanted for the proper defence of the fort. As the stronghold was located too far from the Delaware to be of much service, he recommended that a new one be built near the river, “so that the crown’s fort would be the key to New Sweden.” Ridder also suggested that the national coat-of-arms of stone or wood be sent over and placed above the gates of the fort. Within the paling three new houses were built for the shelter of the people, and two old ones were moved to the east embankment.

“Two horses and a colt which were in the colony fared well”, but three more mares for work and breeding were needed. Ridder further requested the company to ship over several cows and “two pair of strong oxen” on the next expedition, as there was plenty of pasture and more than enough work, oxen being most serviceable on the plantations. He complained bitterly that he had not a man, able to build a common peasant’s house or saw a board of lumber. The general condition of the colonists was such he said, that “it would be impossible to find more stupid people in all Sweden.” Carpenters and other workmen were therefore sorely wanted. Ridder’s complaints were overestimated, for we know that he built some houses, but they give a fair idea of the class of settlers that were in the colony before 1641. Ridder also proposed to make bricks, “for there was good clay to be had”, and to manufacture lumber, as there was an inexhaustible supply of trees and splendid water power. In addition he made a list of desirable and essential commodities, such as “glass windows”, steel, hemp, salt, brandy, a few barrels of tar, grain for seeds (as rye, barley, beans, peas, cabbage), turnips and parsnip seed and provisions for a year.

The friendly intercourse with the Indians begun by Minuit were continued by Ridder. The latter distributed gifts among the chiefs, and assured them of his good will and kindly intentions, which was reciprocated by the savages in their usual way. The Indian trade was renewed in May, shortly after the arrival of the _Kalmar Nyckel_, causing great injury to the Dutch; and a big cargo of furs was bought from the natives, largely through the efforts of Huygen.

The relations with the Dutch, however, were anything but cordial. On the day after his arrival in April, 1640, Van Langdonk was prevented from passing Fort Nassau. Commander Ridder then prepared his sloop, and went up the stream with a favorable wind. Three cannon balls and a musket bullet were fired across the bows of the vessel from the Dutch stronghold; but Minuit continued his journey. On the twenty-fifth of April he went ashore and delivered some letters to the Hollanders, but was unfavorably received. On May 2, the sloop was sent above the Dutch trading post for the fourth time “to see what they would do.” Jan Jansen, the Dutch commander, again pointed his guns at the vessel and fired a few balls across her course. He also protested against “the intruders”, claiming that the whole river belonged to the Dutch West India Company. Ridder answered the protests, which in turn were followed by Dutch counter protests. Ridder could easily have opposed any attempts of the Dutch to be masters of the river, as Fort Nassau was garrisoned by only about twenty men; but he preferred to follow his instructions and keep on as good terms with them as possible.

As the barter with the Indians had been lively during the spring, the ship could be quickly dispatched on its homeward journey with reports, journals, memorials and lists by Van Dyck, the commander and others. Huygen, who had been very successful in his dealings with the aborigines, and who had proved himself an honest and faithful servant of the Swedish crown and company, returned to Sweden to make an oral report. Måns Kling, as well as a number of soldiers, also left the settlement, but the colony was somewhat augmented by the late arrivals, to what extent, however, is unknown. On May 14, 1640, the little colony was again left to take care of itself. The _Kalmar Nyckel_ spread her sails and pointed her prow towards Europe, bearing the blessings and hopes of the lonely pioneers for a safe voyage and speedy return with new supplies and new settlers.

The limits of New Sweden were greatly extended in the spring and summer of 1640. It appears that Van Langdonk had instructions to buy land north of the Schuylkill, but he was prevented, as we have seen, from passing the Dutch fort. Ridder was more successful. During a conference with the Indians in April, somewhere south of Trenton Falls, he purchased the land on the west bank of the Delaware from the Schuylkill up to present Trenton (or about forty-miles of river frontage). The purchase price in merchandise and liberal gifts were distributed among the chiefs; the usual ceremonies followed, and four limit-poles were erected, one near the mouth of the Schuylkill, the other three at the upper boundary of the tract. About the same time or a little later Ridder acquired title to a territory south of Duck Creek “from the rightful owner”, the Sachem Wickusi.

The harmony between the Dutch and Swedish officers in Fort Christina was not the best before 1640 and it did not improve after the arrival of the _Kalmar Nyckel_. Van Langdonk lacked the qualities necessary for a commissary in New Sweden. He was not in sympathy with the Swedes, nor was he on friendly terms with the commander. Quarrels and strifes were therefore common, and the general discipline was bad. Provisions were low in the summer and autumn of 1640, and the Indian trade was poor. Under such conditions little could be accomplished and the settlement merely existed.

November 2 was an eventful day in Fort Christina; the Dutch immigrants from Utrecht disembarked. We may suppose that their arrival somewhat improved the conditions. Van Bogaert delivered his commissions and papers to Ridder, and the Dutch colonists were settled “on beautiful land” a few miles below present Philadelphia, being lodged in the fort and the dwellings of the Swedes, however, until they could erect their own houses and necessary farm dwellings. They undoubtedly had cattle and various supplies with them, and they cleared land and prepared fields during the winter. Their ship, which was quickly made ready for her journey back to Holland, went to sea about December 3.

The winter of 1640 and 1641 and the following summer came and went, but no ship from Sweden made its appearance. The colony suffered another drawback in the spring and summer of the last mentioned year. A company of traders from New England came into the river and ruined the Indian traffic. Some merchants and planters of New Haven, finding that their colony was inconveniently situated for barter with the Indians, looked for other places, where they could settle and establish trading posts. Two or three of the principal ones, who had sent ships to the Delaware for years, observing that this vast territory was but sparsely colonized and that the Swedish and Dutch forts and trading stations did not control the river nor the country, decided, perhaps in the autumn of 1640, to extend their activities more systematically to this locality. Accordingly Theophilus Eaton, George Lamberton, Nathanael Turner and several others formed a Delaware Company for the purpose of trade and colonization on the South River. Two agents, Lamberton and Turner, with assistants were sent in the spring of 1641 “to view and purchase part of the Delaware” not yet occupied by Christian nations. The bark or sloop, which had been fitted out for the expedition during the winter, arrived in the bay about April 1. Turner and Lamberton then “sailed up the river in order to select a convenient spot for erecting a stronghold and making a settlement; and, when a suitable landing place had been found, they endeavored to obtain a title to the land”. But the Indians refused to deal with them, says Governor Winthrop. A Pequod sachem, however, interceded in their behalf, whereupon the owner “entertained them and let them have what land they desired.” “In the presence of witnesses” Lamberton and Turner contracted “several deeds of bargain and sale of land on both sides of the Delaware.” The tracts extended “from a small river or creek called Chesumquesett (Racoon creek) northward, where the land of the said Usquata, Sachem of Narratacus, doth begin, unto the seacoast southward” on the east side of the Delaware and “from a riverlet called by the Indians Tomquncke unto another riverlet on the west side of the great river called by the English Delaware.”

Having discovered the intentions of the English, Ridder prepared his sloop and sailed down the river to thwart the designs of Turner and Lamberton. He landed at a certain _kill_ in the neighborhood of the wig-wams of Wickusi, who professed to be the true owner. The sachem was called, “a bargain was made with him”, and he was given “good remuneration” for the land. A pole with the arms of Sweden upon it was then set in the ground in the presence of Wickusi and other Indians, and a Swedish salute was fired from the sloop. It seems, however, that the full amount stipulated in the deed was not paid at the time, for in 1647 claims were presented to Printz.[11]

When Ridder had planted his limit-poles, he sent Van Dyck to the English “with information that the land had been purchased by the Swedes and that that was the reason why the shots had been fired.” He also protested against the English trade in the river. But Turner and Lamberton paid no heed to the Swedes and went on as before. A few days after the purchase, Usquata removed the Swedish coat-of-arms and carried them to Fort Christina, but, as soon as Wickusi became aware of it, he sent a messenger to the Swedes, requesting them to “put up the coat-of-arms again”, as _they_ had bought the land from the real owner. From Varkens Kill Lamberton and Turner proceeded to the Schuylkill, where they bought another tract of land extending a few miles along the eastern shore of the Delaware north of Philadelphia.

In the meantime the English built a blockhouse and some dwellings at Varkens Kill. The settlement numbered twenty families, in all sixty persons. They were probably mostly traders, but some of them went there for the purposes of agriculture and tobacco planting, and it is likely that they laid out small gardens and farms around their log cabins as early as in the summer of 1641.

IV.

In October, 1641, the long expected succor was approaching New Sweden. In the first week of November the _Kalmar Nyckel_ and the _Charitas_ sailed up the Delaware and on the seventh they anchored in front of Christina. The first few days were occupied in nursing the sick people, caring for the animals and unloading the goods. Most of the articles which Ridder had asked for were on the ships, a better class of colonists arrived and a period of prosperity was in sight. On the fifteenth of November an inventory was made by Langdonk, who delivered the goods under his charge into the hands of his successor. The store was very small, only a few hundred bushels of corn, some 4,000 fish hooks, about 600 axes and a few other small wares being on hand. But large supplies were now carried into the warehouse. Only six beaver skins were in the salesroom and Huyden was unable to buy furs from the Indians, since the English had ruined the trade, consequently the ships returned almost empty towards the end of the month.

The garrison was strengthened by several soldiers and Måns Kling arrived in the capacity of a Lieutenant. A few freemen, who intended to begin new plantations came on the ship, besides a preacher, a tailor, a millwright and perhaps a blacksmith and other skilled workmen.

Five horses, eight cows, five sheep and two goats were landed alive, but two horses and one cow died soon after the arrival of the ships. The pigs, which had been taken over on previous voyages or bought from New Amsterdam, increased rapidly, and many of them ran wild. They were shot in the autumn, and the pork was smoked and salted for winter food. Ridder himself shot a pig eight miles from the fort, and eight others were captured alive at the same place. Hunting was an important means of obtaining provision, especially in the autumn and winter, and the settlers always carried their guns with them. Fishing was likewise important, but Ridder complained that necessary fishing implements were lacking (hooks, nets and probably spears, being the commonest fishing implements). Nets and fishing tackle were imported on later expeditions and the supply of fish became more plentiful. Thousands of hooks were sold to the Indians, who in turn supplied fish to the freemen. New dwellings were built outside the fort, plots for settlements were selected and new land was cleared and prepared during the winter for farms and tobacco plantations.

In the spring the English continued their activities, and the Delaware Company of New Haven sent another vessel with colonists and supplies to the South River. After touching at Varkens Kill the ship (in command of Robert Cogswell) proceeded to the Schuylkill, where Lamberton had erected a log house. The lively traffic with the Indians was renewed and much damage was done to the fur trade of the Swedes and Dutch.

We have seen that the Dutch interfered with the Swedish operations, when Minuit and Ridder arrived. But in 1642 the Swedes and Dutch were drawn closer together and made common cause against the English. Jan Jansen, through orders from his superiors, proceeded to the Schuylkill with armed men, probably assisted by Ridder; and, since the English were unwilling “to depart immediately in peace”, he burnt their storehouse and dwellings, and sent the settlers as prisoners to Manhattan. Lamberton, however, “who was on his guard” escaped with his vessel. The damages sustained by the English were estimated at £1,000, and, if this is not too exaggerated, the settlement must have been considerable.

The English settlement at Varkens Kill was undisturbed. It was situated some distance from the Dutch and English forts, far from the paths of the fur trade, and was probably too strong for the weak forces at the disposal of Ridder and Jansen. The English assured Commander Ridder, however, that they would submit “to the one who was strongest and most able to give them protection”, and when Governor Printz arrived they were incorporated into the Swedish colony, as we shall see.

Sir Edmund Plowden, who had been given a grant including the eastern shore of the Delaware, made preparations to send settlers there in 1641. He protested against the doings of the New Haven Delaware Company, and, through the aid of Parliament, interested the English of Virginia in his venture. On the eighteenth of March, 1642, Governor Berkeley addressed a letter and protest to “the right worthy Governor of the Swedes and to Henrick Huygen in charge of the South River”, giving a short account of the real and imaginary discoveries, settlements and occupations of the English on the Delaware and their rights there, and admonishing the Swedes to submit to the authority of the English crown and to “recognize the title and dominion” of Governor Plowden. The letter goes on to say that Sir Edmund Plowden wished to establish “friendship and good peaceable correspondence” with the Swedes, and that he desired them “not to sell or give to the native Indians there any arms or ammunition, nor hinder the free trade, passage, residence or commerce in the said South River.” The protest probably elicited a reply from Ridder, and there was the end of the matter.

The land in the neighborhood of Fort Christina had greatly changed in the spring of 1642. New cottages could be seen around the trading post; new clearings were beginning to break the monotony of the forests, and grain was sprouting from the fresh furrows. Tobacco was cultivated here and there, and vegetables of various kinds were growing for the supplies of the colony. We know nothing about the crops of New Sweden in 1642, but a windmill was built near or within Christina, where flour was ground throughout the autumn and winter. “Sickness and mortality”, says Governor Winthrop, “befell the Swedes in 1642”; but there is no mention of it in the extant Swedish records, nor do the preserved documents give us any information of other internal events before the arrival of Governor Printz.

It is a curious fact that Joost van Bogaert, with the exception of a single reference in Plantagenet’s _New Albion_, “disappears from history” with his settlement after 1642. It therefore seems possible that Bogaert and some of his people died in that year. We may then assume that the surviving Dutch colonists gradually removed to their countrymen at Fort Nassau or in New Amsterdam (a few possibly settling among the Swedes), for Printz makes no mention of these Dutch in his reports, which he surely would have done, had their colony been intact in 1643.

“The houses which the Swedes erected for themselves, when they first came here, were very poor”, says Kalm, “a little cottage built of round logs with the door so low that it was necessary to bend down when entering. As the colonists had no windows with them small loopholes served the purpose, covered with a sliding board, which could be closed and opened. Clay was plastered into the cracks between the logs on both sides of the walls. The fireplaces were made from granite boulders found on the hills, or, in places where there were no stones, out of mere clay. The bakeoven was also made inside the house.” This description, based on the accounts of an old settler, gives, I think, a fairly accurate picture of the dwellings in New Sweden before Printz arrived. As time went on more pretentious buildings were erected.

As to the administration of justice in the colony during this period we know nothing, but it is probable that courts were held at Christina from the beginning of the settlement in 1638.

Facts about the religious life are also meagre before 1643. Rev. Reorus Torkillus who arrived in 1640 conducted services in Fort Christina in accordance with the Swedish Church law. He was abused by some of the Dutch who were of the reform faith, and in his letters to the council he complained of his troubles with “those who confessed to the Calvinistic heresy”; but harmony seems to have been restored after Van Langdonk’s return to Europe. In November, 1641, Rev. Christopher arrived. He had no commission to serve in the colony; but, as the work was too much for Rev. Torkillus, he remained until 1643, doing the duties of a clergyman, and when he returned to Sweden he was paid by Beier for his labors. It is probable that Reverend Torkillus conducted services in the fort, while Christopher looked after the religious needs of the freemen and servants, who lived in the neighborhood of the stronghold.

One of the houses built by Minuit undoubtedly did duty as a “meeting-house” for a time, but it is quite certain that a chapel was erected about 1641 or 1642, when a mere dwelling was too small for the accommodation of the colonists. It was an age when religion was taken with great seriousness, and when duties of worship and piety were the first requirements of a community; when generals began their reports and letters to their superiors in the name of God and ended them with His blessings, when politicians _prayed_ for success and pirates began their expeditions only after the grace of Heaven had been invoked to favor their undertakings, and we may feel certain that the authorities in Sweden did not fail to instruct Ridder to build a place of worship, and that he obeyed the order, although we have no record to tell the tale. We know that there was a house of worship in the colony in 1643, for Brahe, answering Printz’s letter of April 12, admonished the governor to decorate their “little church in the Swedish custom”. Since a church in those days could not be built in a month and a half, it must have been there before Governor Printz arrived.