Chapter VI (1)

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE OF THE COLONY
UNDER GOVERNOR PRINTZ, 1643–1653.

I.

Commander Ridder, with his few soldiers and colonists, was quietly passing the winter of 1642–3 at Fort Christina. The new year’s festivities were over. An occasional hunting expedition, the daily morning and evening prayers, and now and then an Indian visit were almost the only diversions in the monotonous life. Storm and snow swept over the territory of New Sweden on the sixth and seventh of February, and the colonists remained around the fireplaces in their log cabins. But the sun appeared again, the snow melted, and all was as before, half spring, half winter, for the climate of the Delaware is generally undecided at this time of the year.

About the beginning of February we may suppose that the Indians carried news to the little settlement that ships had appeared in the river. Were these Swedish vessels or Dutch? Of course the Indians did not know. But hope revived the drooping spirits; the vessels might be from Gothenburg. Eager eyes spied the Delaware for days and about noon on February 15 two ships plowed slowly up the river with a slight breeze astern. Every man in the fort watched the sails. There was a bustle and hurry everywhere. The news spread, and the colonists came running in from their plantations. Sure enough the Swedish colors were displayed from the topmasts. In an instant the gold-blue cross-banner was flung to the breeze on the flag pole of Christina fort, and a shout of welcome greeted the _Swan_ and the _Fama_, as they passed the mouth of Fish Kill. At two in the afternoon the ships anchored in Christina harbor, and the passengers and sailors went ashore. Rev. Torkillus with his entire flock stood on the bridge to receive them, and Governor Ridder surrounded by his little staff did homage to the arriving governor, while some Indian lurking behind the pine trees on the island was watching the scene. The passengers were greeted with tears of joy, and the hand-shakings seemed never to cease. But to work, to work! There were cargoes to be unloaded and horses and cattle to be landed. Until evening the work went on. Shelter was sought for the new-comers, but some slept on the ship for want of room in the dwellings. The fires were fed longer than usual that evening, and the candles or fir-torches were kept burning till morning hours. News from Sweden, from relatives and friends was desired, the progress of the war, the victories won by Swedish armies, what new decrees had been issued, what new taxes levied, who among the relatives and acquaintances of the colonists had been drafted and sent to German battlefields--such and a hundred other questions we may be sure were asked. And when the settlers were told of the great victories at Glogau, at Schweidnitz and at Breitenfeld, and the glorious exploits of Torstensson and Banér, their patriotism rose within them, and they were proud of belonging to such a nation and of being its representatives in the New World. But the journey across the ocean was not forgotten. The sufferings on the way from Gothenburg to Godyn’s Bay were related, and the storms and mishaps of the Horn Kill were described. Gradually the night came on; the fires went out; the tired travellers were soon asleep and all was quiet.

In the early morn everybody was at work again. In the afternoon all the people were assembled in Fort Christina. Ridder delivered his authority to Governor Printz, and the instructions and orders of the Swedish Government were read in the presence of the people. Within the next few days the commissioners were busy, making an inventory of the merchandise in the storehouse and preparing for the return voyage of the ships.

Spring was rapidly approaching. The newly arrived freemen were anxious to begin the erection of buildings and the clearing of forests, and the governor desired to select the location for a new fort. For these reasons as well as to be able to make a report from personal observation, Governor Printz, in company with Ridder, some soldiers and perhaps an Indian guide, “passed over the territory of New Sweden first from Cape Henlopen unto Bomkin’s Hook and thence all the way up to Sankikan.” This inspection gave the governor a good idea of the land. He took notice of the parts most adapted for farms, and as soon as possible the new colonists were assigned places for clearing ground and building homes.

To safeguard the colony against attacks, however, were the first duties of the governor. His instruction directed him to build “a new stronghold either at Cape Henlopen or on Jaques’ Island or at any other suitable place, so that the South River could be closed and guarded by it. He was ordered to keep the title of the territory at Varkens Kill intact and to assert the authority of the Swedish Government over the English residing there. To erect a fortress near the British settlement would be one of the most effective means of asserting this authority, and the stronghold could serve the main and additional purpose of closing the river against intruders. Accordingly about March 1, a convenient spot was selected on the eastern shore of the Delaware, a little south of Mill Creek on an island of Upland (the present “Elsinburg Fort Point”), and preparations for laying the foundation timbers were at once begun. The work was rushed to such an extent that on May 6, foreign vessels were compelled to strike their flag before the fort. When the cannon had been placed in position a Swedish salute was given, and the stronghold was called _Fort Elfsborg_. It was an earthwork constructed “on the English plan with three angles close to the river,” and “the carpenter made a beautiful gate to it.” “Eight twelve-pound iron and brass guns and one mortar,” the largest ordnances in the colony, were planted upon its walls. It was the best garrisoned fort of New Sweden and Sven Skute, next in rank to Printz, was placed in command.

In the spring of 1643 the English settlement at Varkens Kill was on the point of breaking up, being harassed by sickness. It is therefore probable that these colonists were not unwilling “to swear allegiance to the crown of Sweden” when Gov. Printz arrived. At any rate some remained “as Swedish citizens” and continued to cultivate their maize and tobacco.

Printz lived at Christina for a few months, but he had a right to choose his place of residence, and as soon as the work at Varkens Kill was under way, he began the erection of a dwelling on Tinicum Island, and made provision for the fortification of the place. This fortress was ready towards the end of July or the beginning of August and the name _New Gothenborg_ was given to it. It was “made of hemlock beams, laid one upon the other,” and it was armed with “four small copper cannon.” It was built near the water’s edge on a high point of Tinicum, and its guns commanded the river. As it was not favorably located for protecting the little settlement on the island against Indian attacks, a large storehouse was built on the land side, in such a manner that the soldiers could hold the savages at bay from there, if the war cry should ever startle the peaceful community.

A blockhouse was also built on an elevated part of Upland, about twelve miles north of Christina, where some colonists had been given land, and Christer Boije was placed in command there.

In the meantime Fort Christina was repaired and put in a state of defence, but the armament remained the same as before. The principal storehouse continued to be there, and it was the center of activity in New Sweden for a long time.

Storehouse, (now at Skansen, Stockholm), showing the extended
“balcony” and the “log-ladder” leading up to it.]

Governor Printz also turned his attention to other matters. About the middle of April he made his first report to the government concerning the condition of the colony and the situation and nature of the land. He found that “it was a remarkably beautiful country with all the glories a person could wish for on earth, and a pity and regret that it was not occupied by true Christians. It was adorned with all kinds of fruit-bearing trees. The soil was suitable for planting and sowing, and if Her Majesty would but make a serious beginning, the colony would soon become a desirable place to live in.”

Printz was anxious to make proper use of this “suitable soil” and of the many advantages found there, and it is probable that land was allotted to some of the colonists as early as March. New settlements were made at Finland, Upland (Chester), Tequirassy, Tinicum and Province Island (within present Philadelphia), and here the freemen labored to found new homes surrounded by fertile fields. Tinicum Island was cleared and prepared for Printz’s private use, and a plot of ground was set aside on the mainland for the company, where the hired or indented servants worked.

A strange sight met the eye of the savage chief, who visited the western banks of the Delaware from Christina to New Gothenborg in the spring of 1643. His ancient hunting grounds were being transformed; his primeval forests were giving way to fields and cultivated acres. The stillness of the early morning was broken by the sound of the woodman’s axe, whose echoes, answered from various quarters, were interrupted now and then by the crash of falling trees. For a moment all was quiet, the woodman looked at the felled tree as if to measure its length, then the axe was again put into play, the branches and limbs were stripped from the trunk and thrown into a pile to be burnt, the trunk was measured and the top cut off,--a log fit to be placed in the wall of a new building was ready. Gradually the branches and other rubbish were burned or removed from the clearings, and the freemen in due time sowed their grain or planted their corn and tobacco.

Printz was instructed to plant tobacco, so that it would not be necessary to buy it from the English merchants, when the ships returned to Sweden. But Ridder advised the governor to plant corn in large quantities, saying that “one man’s planting would produce enough corn for nine men’s yearly food.” With this in view Governor Printz planted corn on almost all available ground in 1643; but a number of small tobacco patches were also prepared, and an expert tobacco planter was engaged at a wage of thirty-five florins a month. The Swedish freemen probably followed the example of their governor, largely planting corn on their fields and but little tobacco. It is likely that they also sowed at least some grain. The English at Varkens Kill principally cultivated tobacco.

Printz was instructed to keep peace with his neighbors, as far as possible, and to give free and undisturbed course to the correspondence already begun by his predecessor. He was to try to supply the Indians with such articles as they needed and desired, and he was to endeavor to win their trade by underselling the English and Dutch. He was to treat them with humanity and kindness, and to prevent his people from doing them any harm, so as to gain their confidence and good will. The beaver traffic was to be conducted for the benefit of the company, and freemen and others were prohibited from trading with the savages. In all this Printz was successful as long as means were at his disposal. He arrived in New Sweden on February 15. In May he had begun dealings with the Indians, and presents worth twenty-two florins, large for those days, were presented to the Minquas to induce them to trade with the Swedes, as well as to inspire their confidence. At the same time _sewant_ valued at 607 florins were exchanged for 972 bushels of Indian corn, and additional gifts were given to some Indians for carrying the corn to Christina. Many other commercial transactions were made with the natives during May.

The _Swan_ and the _Fama_ were probably ready to get sail for Europe in April, although but a small cargo had been obtained. Several officers and soldiers left the colony on the vessels, some, however, with the intention of returning. Printz sent his first relation, made requests for large supplies and more people, and despatched Johan Papegoja to give an oral report.

Since the _Swan_ and the _Fana_ carried only small cargoes to the colony in 1643, Printz found it necessary to buy cloth and other merchandise from the English and Dutch. In May John Willcox, who had been informed of the arrival of the Swedish expedition, came from Virginia, and offered a great variety of goods for sale at reasonable prices. On May 22 he sold a bark of 10 lasts burden, 2 fowling pieces, 82 yards of sail cloth, 862½ yards of _sewant_, 144 knives, 3 kettles, 15 axes and a variety of other things, in all valued at 7,224 florins. Henrick Huygen, who was now making strenuous efforts to obtain cargoes for the returning ships, bought 3,000 lbs. of tobacco from a “Virginian merchant by the name of Moore”, then trading in the river. Towards the end of May a commercial journey was made to New Holland. Henrick Huygen and Christer Boije were sent there to buy supplies for the colony, and to capture several deserters. Beaver skins and _sewant_ were used for the current expenses of the voyage, for beaver skins and _wampum_ were the currency in these early days. Huygen’s board, which consisted of smoked pork, bread and butter and peas, cost nine beaver skins, valued at sixty-three florins and for his lodgings at the inn in New Amsterdam he paid five skins. The sails of the bark, which had been torn by the wind, were repaired at the cost of six beaver skins. Several purchases of cloth and _sewant_ were also made.

Bill of lading, showing the number of beaver skins and
hogsheads of tobacco shipped from New Sweden in July, 1644.
Original, signed by Johan Printz and Hendrick Huygen,
preserved in N. S. ’I. (R. A.), Stockholm.]

The deserted settlers could not be captured immediately, as they were in hiding about twenty miles from New Amsterdam. They had been discovered by some Indians, however, who informed Huygen of their whereabouts. There was an understanding between the governors of the neighboring colonies that deserters should be detained and returned, or at least given up when officers arrived to fetch them back. Accordingly the Dutch governor placed no obstacles in the way of Huygen and Boije. In fact the Dutch provost marshal was employed to capture the runaways, who were taken to the Swedish sloop and guarded by Dutch soldiers, until the vessel sailed for New Sweden.

In the beginning of May an English bark sailed up before Fort Elfsborg. The fort was in course of construction, and Printz was there to superintend the work. The governor demanded the pass of the skipper and the crew, and “when he observed that they were not right in their errands he took them (yet with their own will) to Christina to buy flour and other provisions from them, examining them until a maid confessed and betrayed them.” Thereupon they were arrested, and an inventory was made of their goods. They were servants of “Governor Edmund Plowden”, who was then in America. In the winter or early spring of 1643, Plowden bought one-half part of a bark from Phillip White at Kikitan. About May 1 he loaded his ship with flour and other provisions and sailed from Heckemak to Kikitan with a crew of sixteen people. But the skipper conspired with the sailors against him, and made for Cape Henry instead of Kikitan. On their way, however, they landed Sir Edmund on Smith’s Island “without food, clothes and arms, where no people nor other animals except wolves and bears lived.” Two young noblemen, having been educated by Plowden, escaped from the bark and remained with their master. Four days later an English sloop by chance sailed within calling distance of the island, and rescued the unfortunate victims. Plowden was taken to Heckemak, where he soon recovered, although “he was half dead and black as the ground.” Shortly afterwards the sloop which rescued the party was sent out to look for the criminals, carrying letters, not only to Governor Printz but to all the governors and commanders along the coast. The vessel visited New Sweden some time in the summer. Printz delivered the prisoners, bark and property to the English commander, and presented a bill of 425 R. D. for incurred expenses. The prisoners were taken to Virginia, where the principal instigators were shot as traitors. Edmund Plowden, although not successful in his attempts at settlements on the Delaware, gave commission to English ships to trade freely in the river; but Printz “allowed none of them to pass Fort Elfsborg.”

In June and July William Cox and Richard Lord traded in the South River and sold large quantities of goods to the Swedes. Lamberton also continued his trade there, even after his plantation on the Schuylkill had been destroyed; and about the middle of June he arrived in the Delaware with his pinnace the _Cock_. On June 22, 1643, he presented a protest to the Swedes, asserting that he had bought the lands on the Schuylkill from the rightful owner, and in a second protest he laid claim to the land at Varkens Kill. It is not known whether or not Printz answered these protests, but he was soon given an opportunity for testing these rights and definitely disproving them, at least from his point of view.

Lamberton was riding at anchor with his ship the _Cock_ about three miles above Fort Christina, where he was trading with the Indians. Early in the morning on June 26, as the governor came from his prayers, Timon Stidden and Gotfried Harmer brought a report that Lamberton had bribed the Indians to murder the Swedes and Dutch and to destroy their settlements. The governor immediately set about to investigate the report. He sent Stidden and Harmer as spies on board the Pinnace, and wrote a letter to Lamberton, stating that a savage “the day before had stolen a gold chain from the governor’s wife, and that the governor did entreat Mr. Lamberton to use means to get it again of the Indians.” Since many savages were about to trade with Lamberton the following day, the Swedish agents desired to stay on board the vessel over night, “so that they might see those who came to barter their skins and try to discover among them the one who had stolen the chain”, he being easily recognized by a “mark in his face.” Their request was granted, but of course no Indian with “a mark in his face” appeared. Through a second letter Lamberton was induced on some “fained and false pretences” to appear in Fort Christina with his men. The English were arrested on their arrival and put into prison for about three days. In the meantime preliminary examinations were conducted by Governor Printz, Van Dyck and others, who tried to draw all information they could from Lamberton’s men concerning the “planned massacre.” Lamberton’s Indian interpreter, John Woollen, was specially subjected to close examination, but nothing definite could be ascertained.

The English were finally set free, presumably on the promise that they would appear at the court of inquiry to be held in Fort Christina within a few days. The court was called on July 10, 1643, and was made up of English, Swedish and Dutch commissaries. The subject of inquiry embraced three main paragraphs: 1. Lamberton’s title to the Schuylkill (being most important); 2. the English title to Varkens Kill; 3. the accusations against Lamberton personally. After lengthy examinations and the hearing of witnesses, the court handed down its decision. In the first place the court found that “four approved witnesses, on oath and by relating circumstances, had proved that Lamberton in truth had bribed the Indians to kill the Dutch and Swedes”; but since he would not confess to the charge, the court at the request of the plaintiff dismissed the case. Secondly the court was agreed that “it had been completely established from the documents that Lamberton by right possessed no place at, in or around” Delaware River. Thirdly since Lamberton now, a second time, had purchased beavers from the Indians without a commission, the court had a right to confiscate not only the beavers but his other goods and ship as well. Yet leniency would be observed also in this particular and only a double duty would be demanded on the 400 beavers in Lamberton’s possession, with the understanding, however, that if he traded in the river a third time without permission, his ketch and cargo would be confiscated. After the dismissal of the court Lamberton paid the duty “of twelve pounds sterling in the hundred” on his purchases as well as a few other bills and returned home with his people.

The Swedes were busy during the summer completing their cottages, and caring for their small plantations. Hay was cut in June and July, and the grain was harvested a little later. We have no means of knowing, what the summer of 1643 was like nor what the grain crop yielded; but the corn crop was poor. Printz writes: “I got as well on the one plantation as on the other from the work of nine men, hardly one man’s nourishment.” The Swedes undoubtedly learnt from the Dutch and Indians how to cultivate and use the corn, and it is probable that later years brought better results. The tobacco crop was fair. The English colonists at Varkens Kill, who had sworn allegiance to the Swedish crown, could sell some 2,451 lbs. from their growth of 1643, and the expert tobacco-planter, engaged by Printz, “showed good proofs of his skill.”

In agriculture as in other respects the customs of Sweden and Finland were largely adhered to by the colonists in New Sweden. “Old rye”, says Per Brahe in his _Oeconomia_, “should be sown from Olaf’s Mass until Lar’s Mass and New rye is sown in August.”[13] A great deal of rye was thus put into the ground in Sweden and Finland. The grain sprang up, and the fields stood green for some time in the autumn. When the frost came the sheep were often let loose to graze on the rye acres, if the sprout was thick and long enough. The winter months covered the field with a white sheet of snow, protecting the roots of the grain against the severe cold, and when the sun melted the snow and brought warm weather to the north, the rye sprouted again.

This method was now to be employed in the colony on the Delaware. Indian corn could be planted without plowing or much work, but for rye the ground had to be broken and somewhat prepared. There were too few horses and oxen in the colony for farm work, and too little grain for seed, but the deficiency could be supplied in New Netherland. Accordingly another journey was made thither by sea towards the end of August. Henrick Huygen was again in charge, and beaver skins were the ready money, as on the former trip. Huygen bought 7 oxen in New Amsterdam for 124 beaver skins, valued at 868 fl., and 1 cow for 22 skins worth 154 fl. He also purchased 75 bushels of rye for 32 beaver skins. Some of the cattle were led across the country to New Sweden by two Hollanders, who received 5 beaver skins for their labors; the other oxen were taken by sea to the colony on Governor Kieft’s sloop, also at the cost of 5 beaver skins.

The seed and the oxen arrived rather late, and it probably took some time (perhaps towards the middle of October) before the plantations were ready to be sown. One bushel of seed is usually required to the acre. At this rate at least 75 or 100 acres were put into rye in the fall of 1643 on the farms belonging to the company. The freemen also sowed winter rye on certain tracts, but to what extent is unknown. In the late autumn more ground was cleared and prepared for fields. The oxen could now be used for skidding the logs into piles to be burnt, or for hauling the timber, and the building of houses was made easier.

In September a journey was made to New England to buy supplies for the winter. Some Dutch and English merchants also came to the colony during the autumn for purposes of trade. The Minquas and other Indians likewise bartered with the Swedes, but the trade was not large. In October the well known Peterz. de Vries visited Governor Printz and was hospitably entertained.

Late in the fall “neither Christian nor savage traders came to New Sweden.” Fort Elfsborg was completed, and several thousand feet of oak planks were bought from the English for use in the stronghold, while the other forts were repaired. Barns were built for the shelter of the cattle, and the dwellings of the freemen were improved. Many of the swine that ran wild were shot, and hunting expeditions brought in a supply of deer, wild geese and other game. Some provisions were also bought from the Indians. In December wood was cut to last till spring, and ale was brewed and other preparations made for Christmas.

The supply of food was poor in 1643, and the hard labor and change of climate was too much for the people. As a result many of the settlers were ill in the summer and autumn. Printz supplied Spanish wine and various other articles to the sick at the different forts and settlements, and did his utmost to alleviate their suffering; but one officer, five soldiers, three freemen and ten servants, besides the Rev. Torkillus, died between July and December.

The illness of the people was a great drawback to the colony, and caused the governor to abandon many of his plans. In the spring of 1643 timber had been cut and sawed at Elfsborg for a keel-boat or barge, and work was begun on it in June. The indisposition of the carpenters delayed the construction, and later “the Indians set fire to the island during the night and burnt some of the timber.”

We have now no means of knowing, how Governor Printz and his colonists spent their first Christmas and New Year in New Sweden, for on these things the governor did not think it worth while to enlarge; but these holidays were probably observed with more strictness than before and “in the good old Swedish manner.” The winter seems to have been passed quietly. The grain was thrashed and ground, logs were cut for new dwellings, barns and graineries; and when sowing time came the area of “improved land” had somewhat increased.

We have seen that Lamberton and his men were unfairly dealt with, at least in their opinion. When they arrived in New Haven they complained of ill-treatment at the hands of the Swedish governor. The complaints were presented to a court held in New Haven on August 2, 1643. Lamberton made an oral relation of his experiences before the court, and accused Printz of “reviling the English of New Haven as runigates” and of trying by threats, the promise of gifts and by “attempting to make them drunk to press the witnesses to testify that Lamberton had hired the Indians to cut off the Swedes.” John Thickpenny, “mariner in the _Cock_ with George Lamberton, being duly sworn and examined,” was called upon to testify before the New Haven court. He gave a long report of the “outrages” committed by Governor Printz, and testified on oath that the Swedes tried to make John Woollen drunk, so as to make him confess what he did not know, and by threats of execution on the charge of treason and by promise of gifts endeavored to make him reveal something about Lamberton’s dealings with the Indians.

It was decided to present the complaints before a general court held at Boston in September, and Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Greyson, members of the New Haven Delaware Company, were appointed to argue the case. Eaton and Greyson summarized the complaints before the general court, which took up the matter among its first transactions. It was decided “that a letter be written to the Swedish governor, expressing particulars and requiring satisfaction.” Accordingly Governor John Winthrop, “as Governor of the Massachusetts and President of the Commissioners for the United Colonists of New England”, wrote a lengthy letter to Governor Printz, setting forth the English title to the whole continent and to Delaware Bay in particular, and complaining that the English already settled on the South River had been driven away from their property or forced to “bind themselves by an oath to the Swedish Crown.” The complaints of Thickpenny and Lamberton were repeated in brief, and satisfaction was demanded for the injuries done “to the allies of New Haven.” “If you afford this satisfaction”, says Winthrop in closing, “New Haven will send at the first opportunity those who will treat with you concerning the division of the boundaries and the exercise of trade.” Special envoys were to be sent to New Sweden to deliver the letter, and “Lamberton was given commission to go and treat with the Swedish governor about satisfaction for his personal injuries.”

Captain Nathanael Turner, who apparently had been appointed to deliver the letter to Governor Printz, arrived at Christina in the beginning of 1644. The governor was greatly concerned about the matter, and seems to have called a court almost immediately to disprove the accusations against him.

The court was convened in January, 1644. A copy of the minutes (in Dutch) reads as follows: “Anno 1644, on January 16, the following case was examined on oath upon the letters of the governor of New England to the governor of New Sweden in the presence of the following good men: Governor Johan Printz, Captain Christer Boije, Captain Måns Kling, Henrick Huygen, Gregorius van Dyck, Carl Jansson, Nathanael Turner, Isaac Allerton.” The witnesses called before the court denied the accusations against Governor Printz. John Woollen also confessed that he had in no manner been prevailed upon by any of the Swedes to testify falsely against Lamberton. On the contrary he had been admonished to speak the truth and told “that, if he were found false, it would risk him his life.” The other charges against Printz were similarly denied by the witnesses, and the English at Varkens Kill “confessed in the presence of the messenger” that they had not been driven off nor urged to become Swedish subjects, but of their own accord were “inclined to devotion to Her Royal Majesty.” The testimony of Timon Stidden and “Gottfried Harmer, the merchantman”, also substantiated the Swedish charges against Lamberton that he had promised to sell arms and powder to the Indians, an act against the laws of all Christian peoples.

Copies of this examination and court proceedure as well as that of the previous year were sent to Governor Winthrop, accompanied by a letter in which the “Swedes denied what they had been charged with and used large expressions of their respect to the English and particularly to the Massachusetts Colony.” Governor Winthrop acknowledged the receipt of the letters and documents on March 21, “accepting and thankfully receiving the spirit of good will and greatest friendship displayed towards the English people”, and stating that he was not at liberty to reply at length, but that “a full and particular response [could be expected] at the next meeting of the commissioners [of the United Colonies].”[14]

II.

The year of 1643 was successful commercially and otherwise, but the colony suffered a setback in the beginning of 1644. The Swedes lacked merchandise and the anticipated expedition failed to arrive. As a result the company sustained a loss of over 20,000 fl., for the beaver trade went to the Dutch and English, who had merchandise in abundance. The Dutch and English traders continued to visit the colony with their cargoes, but they demanded and received very high prices, as the Swedes had no alternative but to buy from them.

In March the _Fama_ at last arrived with a large cargo. A quantity of cloth and stockings had been ruined, while lying in a cellar at Gothenburg, but a large number of articles necessary in the settlement were landed safely, among which may be mentioned three large saws for a sawmill, eight grind-stones, one pair of stones for a handmill, one pair of large mill-stones, five anchors, six pumps with necessary repairs and a hide of pump leather, twelve small and eight large augers, four compasses, thirty-six blocks, two hundred and fifty copper kettles, several barrels of lime and pitch, a few thousand bricks, two hundred barrels of flour, twenty barrels of Spanish salt, ten hogsheads of French wine, one hogshead of brandy, several hundred yards of cloth for flags and for clothes for the people, ten gilded flag-pole knobs, three hundred pairs of shoes, two hundred pairs of stockings, one hundred and forty-five shirts, besides a variety of other goods and merchandise. Johan Papegoja, two young nobleman, Per and Knut Liljehök, the barber-surgeon Hans Janeke, a number of soldiers and a few colonists arrived on this expedition; but the population was only slightly increased, since others returned to Sweden with the ship. In the spring of 1643 Printz applied to the government for a grant of Tinicum Island. The council of state complied with his request, and a “capital donation of that place called Tinnaco or New Gothenborg for Printz and for his lawful heirs”, dated November 6, 1643, was on the vessel.

Towards the end of March Huygen inventoried the stock in the storehouse. The Indian trade could begin anew. Messengers were sent to the aborigines with gifts for the chiefs and _sachems_. The traffic was so lively that 300 beaver skins were bought in the Schuylkill before the _Fama_ sailed, and several hundred skins were purchased at other trading posts. Yet the greater part of the cargo had to be made up of tobacco. Only about 5,000 pounds were available in the colony, but English merchants, being informed of the matter, came to the rescue, and offered for sale several thousand pounds more than were necessary. These merchants also sold quantities of other goods, partly for beavers, partly on credit.

But trade and commercial activities were not allowed to interfere with agriculture and other domestic duties. The old plantations were enlarged during the winter and early spring, and the forest had been removed on comparatively big areas when seeding time came. New ground had been cleared “in the Schuylkill”, where a strong blockhouse was erected for the safety of the settlers who resided there. The blockhouse probably served the double purpose of a dwelling house for the lieutenant and his men and of a store house and trading post. It was located on “the island in the Schuylkill”, where Korsholm was later built, “and little stone cannon[15] were placed upon it.” Lieutenant Måns Kling was stationed there, but without soldiers, as the freemen and servants of the place were called upon to do service in case of need. As time went on several dwellings seem to have been erected in the neighborhood of the blockhouse.

When planting time drew near the newly cleared plots were broken, and the slow steady oxen could be seen plodding their way among the stumps, where the plough, “turning over the sod,” prepared the soil for the grain, while laborers were at work, planting tobacco at several openings in the wood. Since the Indian corn failed to produce desired results and since it could be bought cheaply from the savages, none was planted this spring; and all the corn plantations of the previous year were put into tobacco. There were now three large plantations in New Sweden besides one or more smaller ones. The most important field was at Upland, where twelve men, including the expert planter, were engaged, Christina was the next largest tobacco tract, and eleven planters were stationed there, while seven men were employed to cultivate the plant near “the blockhouse in the Schuylkill.”

Not only was agriculture improved and placed on a more prosperous footing with the arrival of Printz, but cattle and horse raising was looked after. The swine which had been allowed to run wild were partly kept in pens or herded by Anders Mink and his son. The horses were always grazed on enclosed pastures, but the cattle were allowed to roam at large through the woods in the neighborhood of the settlements herded by Sven Svensson. The sheep were probably confined within fenced areas, as it was difficult to keep them away from the fields under cultivation, and the goats were likely chained to posts, and moved from place to place, or allowed to follow the cattle or sheep. We may assume with a fair degree of certainty that the orchards and other smaller tracts were enclosed with wooden fences to keep out the cattle, when these were driven home at night. The cattle were kept in “the barn-yard” during the night to prevent them from being lost. In Sweden the milking was done by the women, but men often did it in the colony, where they were compelled to perform all kinds of “women’s labor.”

In accordance with his instruction Printz also attempted to establish manufactories. Two of the three regularly employed carpenters had been ill most of the winter and spring of 1643–4, but the third one was kept busy on lighter work, and, as soon as the others were able, they made “two large beautiful boats, one for use at Elfsborg the other at Fort Christina.” The boats were built near Fort Christina, where a wharf had been erected, the first on the Delaware. At this place Lauris, the Cooper, and Lucas Persson made barrels, wooden milk pails, tubs, tobacco casks “and other cooper’s articles.” There were two blacksmith-shops in New Sweden at this time, one at the Upland settlement and one within the walls of Fort Christina. The blacksmith Michel Nilsson worked at the former place and Hans Rosback at the latter. These two men made new tools and farm-implements, and did the necessary repairs in the colony.

New Sweden was now on a prosperous footing. As summer approached the conditions greatly improved. With the new supplies health and happiness returned, to the people, and the hope for the future was bright. The colony had been re-organized and divided into districts, which were well protected by three strong forts and two blockhouses against the savages and the attack of foreign vessels.

Two sloops and two large boats were available for trading expeditions to the neighboring colonies and for the transportation of goods; and it is likely that the freemen had small boats and canoes for fishing and for going from place to place. The windmill ground most of the corn bought from the Indians as well as the grain harvested in the colony. In June Printz wrote that “Anders Dreijer was continually in the mill”, and it is probable that he continued his work there throughout 1644.

Much was still wanting in the settlement, however, and Printz asked for a brickmaker, a wagon-maker, a tanner, a mason and a fortification engineer (?) besides 20,000 bricks and various other supplies; and Papegoja suggested that the company should send over more “good axes, good thick iron spades, good hoes to hoe up the ground with and another kind of broad hoes with which to hoe the grass.” But the most pressing need was for people. “There is a great cry for people, for here are few,” says Papegoja, and Printz likewise complained that there were entirely too few colonists.

Several improvements were also suggested by Printz. The soldiers and servants were often supplied from the goods bought from foreign merchants, who visited New Sweden, but the governor found this system to be impractical, since the company in this manner not only reduced its profits but at times even suffered a loss. Hence he proposed the erection of “a trading place and a shop,” supplied “with all sorts of provisions, small wares, cloth and other goods.” “A wise and faithful man [should be appointed to superintend it], who could give them on their salaries as much [of the goods] as each one needed.” The trade with the Indians could not be conducted to advantage without a supply of _sewant_. As the South River Indians were poor and had little or no “money,” the Swedes were compelled to buy “_sewant_ from New Amsterdam and from New England, where it was made.” Here it could be bought cheaply from the savages, and, in order that the company might be able to watch the market and buy the wampum direct from the makers, Printz suggested that a “faithful agent” should be permanently stationed at the above mentioned places.

Black and white _sewant_ (wampum) of the Delawares
on strings. From the Heye Collection, University of
Pennsylvania. Photograph used by the courtesy of Dr. Gordon.]

In 1643 the Dutch at Manathans captured several Spanish prizes valued at over 50,000 R. D., according to their own statements, and Printz was of opinion, since New Sweden was better situated, being nearer the Spanish colonies, that it would be to the advantage of the government to have a good and well armed ship in the river for the purpose of preying on the “Spanish silver fleets.” Governor Printz embodied his suggestions in a long Report, and made a list of the things necessary in the settlement, as the _Swan_ was about to set sail in June.

In his instruction as well as in private letters from Sweden, Printz was admonished to be on friendly terms with the natives. He endeavored to follow these directions, and he was invariably successful in keeping peace with the red men; but he had no great confidence in them. In a letter to Per Brahe he describes them as follows: “They are big and strong, well built men; paint themselves terribly in the face, differently, not one like unto the other, and go about with only a piece of cloth about half an ell broad around the waist and down about the hips. They are revengeful, cunning in dealings and doing, clever in making all kinds of things from lead, copper and tin and also carve skilfully in wood. They are good and quick marksmen with their arrows” and above all are not to be trusted.

The relations between the Swedes and the Indians were not always peaceful. The savages had attacked the Dutch and English colonies with success in 1644, and the tribes in New Sweden became proud and pretentious. In order to impose upon them and make them believe that a large number of Swedish settlers were about to arrive, Printz “told them the whole year” that he expected ships with a great many colonists and large supplies. Finding, however, that only one ship arrived with few colonists, the savages took courage, “fell in between Tinicum and Upland, and murdered a man and [his] wife on their bed; and a few days later they killed two soldiers and a workman.” “But when the chiefs saw that Printz assembled his people to avoid future attack, they were frightened, collected from all parts, excused themselves, saying that it had happened without their knowledge, and sued for peace.” Peace was granted them on the condition, says Printz, “that if they hereafter committed the least offence against our people, then we would not let a soul of them live.” The treaty was signed by the chiefs and likely by the Swedes, and gifts were exchanged according to the Indian custom. But Printz wrote that “they trust us in no wise, and we trust them still less”; and Papegoja said that the colony was in great danger from the savages.

Governor Printz continued to treat the Indians with consideration, and always avoided friction during his governorship; but this was of necessity and not out of kindness nor love for them. He was a warrior with a warrior’s ideas, and the best way in his opinion to solve the Indian problem was to exterminate “the Americans.” Accordingly he proposed in view of the troubles of 1644, that a force of 200 soldiers should be sent to his aid, with which he would be able to “break the neck of every Indian in the river.” Such a course would be no loss to the beaver trade, he said, but rather the reverse, for these Indians (the Delawares) were poor, and had only maize to sell; and it would open the way for an unmolested trade with the Black and White Minquas. It would also strengthen the title to New Sweden, for when the Swedes “had not only purchased the river, but also won it with the sword; then no one, whosoever he be, Hollander or Englishman, could now or in coming times make pretentions to this place.” It is possible that these ideas were inspired by Governor Kieft, and that the two governors planned concerted action. Fortunately, however, the request of Printz for 200 soldiers was not granted by the government at Stockholm. We might otherwise have had the bloody history of New Amsterdam repeated in New Sweden.

As a result of Indian troubles and lack of merchandise, the trade was slack during the summer and early autumn, only a few sales being recorded. The English merchants returned in the fall to collect their outstanding accounts as well as to trade, and Isaac Allerton sold fourteen bushels of barley for seed, one pair of mill-stones and a Dutch bushel measure. Other English and Dutch traders exchanged lumber and ammunition for beaver skins and tobacco. A journey to New England was also undertaken with the sloop, but little is known about this expedition.

The usual work occupied the colonists during the summer--the cultivation of tobacco, the cutting of hay and the harvesting of the grain. A good crop was laid up, as the weather was favorable for grain in 1644. About 6,920 pounds of tobacco were dried and stored. At the rate of 7 stivers per pound the tobacco would be worth 2,422 florins. As 29 men had been engaged in cultivating the tobacco, making 83½ florins the amount realized on the labor of each man, the result does not seem to have been very satisfactory.

III.

In the beginning of 1645 the traffic with the Indians began anew and in the early spring merchants from the neighboring colonies again arrived to collect old bills and to sell their cargoes.

When the warm weather returned the freemen’s labors of former years repeated themselves. The fields were sown with grain, the gardens were planted with seeds, and the cattle were left to wander through the woods or across the grassy meadows under the care of the herdsmen.

In the summer Governor Printz ordered the sloop to New Amsterdam to buy cattle and provisions. Nine oxen were purchased for ninety-six beavers and one horse for thirty beavers. “A pair of mill-stones for the wind mill” was obtained for two beavers, and twelve barrels of lime for one skin. In the autumn 449 beaver skins were bought from the savages at the Schuylkill, and an Indian guide was sent to invite the Minquas to the settlement for trading purposes. But the traffic could not be conducted with much vigor, as there was a want of merchandise. The governor and colonists waited for ships and supplies from Sweden, but the summer came and passed, the grain grew and was harvested, and no ships nor supplies arrived. John Wilcox, Jeremiah Clerk and Mr. Spindle relieved the most pressing needs by their cargoes, and furnished some merchandise for the peltry trade.

In spite of various drawbacks, however, the colony grew in prosperity. The windmill was re paired for the autumn grinding. The oxen and the horse bought at New Amsterdam enlarged the possibilities of agriculture, and the fields were somewhat increased. A piece of land, not “properly bought from the Indians,” had been occupied, giving rise to disputes with two chiefs, who demanded pay for the tract. On September 20, 1645, four yards of cloth and about nine yards of _sewant_ were presented to the chiefs for their claim. This seems to have settled the question, and the colonists were henceforth undisturbed in their possession.

The winter of 1645 was now approaching. Provisions were purchased from the neighbors and the Indians, and all kinds of necessary supplies were provided for the cold weather. Omens seemed more favorable than previous years, and the settlers were happier than ever before in their new home. But a month before the Christmas holidays a terrible misfortune befell the little colony. It was on the 25th of November, 1645. The governor had gone to rest in Printz Hall; the soldiers and settlers of New Gothenborg had withdrawn to their quarters for the night; the lights in the dwellings were extinguished; all was quiet and peaceful. The gunner Sven Vass was on duty as watchman; but Vass fell asleep and left his candle burning. Between ten and eleven an alarm was given,--the candle had set fire to the fort. The people rushed out of their dwellings to save what could be saved. But the flames grew with great rapidity, the powder chest exploded with terrible force. In a short while nearly everything was consumed in the storehouse. Printz Hall also burnt down, and the governor lost property to the value of 5,584 R. D. When morning dawned on the island of Tinicum, the little settlement there had greatly changed its appearance. Nothing but the barn remained. Cold set in, and the river froze over, preventing aid from reaching the unfortunate colonists who suffered terrible hardships, being cut off from the mainland from December until March. But warmth came at last, and connections were established with the other settlements.

Sven Vass was tried at a regular court in 1646. He was found guilty by Printz and the jury, and a verdict to that effect was pronounced. The case was reopened the following year, and “on February 8, 9, 10, 11, Anno 1647, ... a legal court was held in New Gothenborg in New Sweden ... at which an inquiry was made about what was consumed in the fire on the night of November 25 between 10 and 11 o’clock when New Gothenborg was burnt.” Before this court Vass was re-examined, and in March he was sent in irons to Sweden together with all the records and minutes in the cage, and the execution of the verdict was referred to the pleasure of Her Royal Majesty and the Right Honorable Company.

The fort and dwelling houses on Tinicum were gradually rebuilt, and the foundations were laid for a new church. The church was built of logs, and 2,000 clap boards were bought for the roof from some English in August. The belfry was probably built a few feet away from it, a custom common in Sweden and Finland in olden times. The church was fitted out somewhat in the style of the churches in the mother country. Simple decorations were used, and the alter was beautified with “a silver cloth,” purchased for the sum of thirty-seven and one-half florins. A burial place was laid out near the church, probably in front of it, and perhaps a fence was erected around it. The “handsome church” was ready in the autumn. September 4 was a day of rejoicing and thanksgiving. The colonists assembled in their new temple, and after a sermon and amid appropriate ceremonies, the Revs. Campanius and Fluviander officiating, the house of worship was dedicated for divine services. The cemetery was consecrated the same day. A month and a half later “the first corpse ..., that of Katarina, the daughter of Andreas Hansson was buried there.”