Chapter V

THE REORGANIZED AMERICAN COMPANY AND THE
EXPEDITIONS TO NEW SWEDEN DURING THE
ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR PRINTZ.

I.

After the second expedition (in 1640) the New Sweden Company was entirely under Swedish control, and the stockholders were all Swedish citizens, born or naturalized. But Swedish capitalists were unable to conduct so great an enterprise without aid from the crown, and Von der Linde and De Geer were too cautious to enter upon so doubtful a venture and too busily engaged in other fields of activity to find time for planting colonies on the Delaware. The finances of the company were now in a deplorable state, and something had to be done. Fleming corresponded with Blommaert and others on the subject, and several plans were proposed. The affairs of the company were also discussed by the council of state as well as by the stockholders and officers and after several conferences it was decided to recommend to the Government the following:

1. That the company be re-organized and a capital of 36,000 R. D. be issued.

2. That the crown should subscribe 6,000 R. D. of the stock, the old South Ship Company 18,000 R. D. and a number of private people 3,000 R. D. each.

3. That the main office of the company be located in Gothenburg, and a bookkeeper be employed there.

4. That the governor and other officers be paid from the tobacco excise in Sweden.

At the final decisions of the government the above principles were followed, except that Stockholm instead of Gothenburg was made the head office, with a staple under the charge of a commissary at the latter place. “In August, 1642, the royal government and respective stockholders resolved to furnish a capital of 36,000 R. D. in the New Sweden Company”, and on the twenty-eighth of August the various accounts were entered into the journal of the company, thus completing the re-organization of the “new trading society.”

The relation of the crown to the re-organized New Sweden Company stands forth in a clearer light than to the “Old New Sweden Company of 1637.” The government now being a stockholder had a legal right to interfere with the management of the company and to suggest plans of procedure and methods of work. Since the charter did not clearly define the principles to be followed, it is evident that many of the decisions of the crown should seem quite arbitrary. Most of the expeditions to the colony were determined upon in the council of state, and the ships used on the expeditions were selected by order of the crown. But this was only natural. We need but remember that all the private stockholders were members of the council except Spiring, who, however, held a high office in the service of the government. The council meetings were the most convenient place for discussing the company’s business, as it could there be considered in connection with other commercial affairs, thus relieving the stockholders from holding special conferences.

No new charter seems to have been given in 1642, but the company enjoyed the special privileges granted to it five years before. Fleming remained the director and all the old officers were retained.

II.

During the above mentioned re-organization preparations were begun for a new expedition, and the arrival of Ridder’s reports concerning the English settlements and the condition of the country gave new impetus to the activities. Three vessels were to be despatched to the colony and the government assumed all the expenses of the journey, except the board and wages of the colonists and civil officers and servants. Provisions and supplies were bought in Holland and in Gothenburg, but no cargo was purchased for the Indian trade, as that would have delayed the expedition. The preparations advanced slowly, however, and not till autumn were definite orders given by the government.

It was decided to relieve Ridder of his post and to appoint Johan Printz _Governor of New Sweden_. Printz was a _character_, a man of a checkered career. The son of a clergyman, he prepared for a learned vocation, studying Latin, philosophy, theology and what not in Swedish schools and German universities. However, partly by force of circumstances, partly by choice, he entered military service, an honored profession in this military age. He rose, by degrees, under many masters and in many countries. Finally having served in Swedish armies about 15 years, he was assigned to an important post as commander of Chemnitz. Being forced to surrender, however, in 1640, and returning to Sweden without a passport from his superior, he was arrested in Stockholm and removed from his command. He then lived in retirement on his estate until his new appointment in 1642. In July of this year he was knighted, and restored to full favor with the government.

The instruction for Governor Printz was discussed and outlined in the council of state (suggestions being made by Spiring and others), and on the fifteenth of August the document was signed by Per Brahe, Herman Wrangel, Klas Fleming, Axel Oxenstierna and Gabriel Bengtsson Oxenstierna. The commission of Printz as governor was signed the same day. 400 R. D. were granted to the governor for traveling expenses and as a recompense for his lost time in waiting for the ships to sail. A new budget to be supplied from the tobacco excise was also drafted, providing for the wages of the officers and soldiers.

Christer Boije, Johan Papegoja, the Rev. Johan Campanius and several others were engaged to serve in New Sweden and Gregorious van Dyck returned to the colony on this expedition. A number of new men were also inlisted to replace the Dutch soldiers and servants in Fort Christina, to eliminate the quarrels and dissentions that had been frequent there.

Efforts were also made to collect emigrants. A certain blacksmith, Michel Nelsson, who had been engaged by Beier to seek for minerals in New Sweden, went to Värmland in June to hire laborers. In addition to this, letters were written by the council to several governors of the kingdom, instructing them to prevail upon people to emigrate (those of good repute to be requested to take their families with them). But few expressed their willingness to go, and mere persuasion was found inadequate. The council of state therefore resolved that poachers and deserted soldiers should be condemned to serve in the colony a number of years. Even these measures, however, proved insufficient, and in August several governors of the northern and central provinces were requested to capture such Finns in their territories as were known to be destroying the forests and doing damage to the woods at the mines. These people with their families were to be kept in readiness for transportation to Gothenburg within three weeks after August 1. Later it was also ordered that citizens unable to pay their debts should be deported.[12]

In the course of the summer it was found expedient to equip but two ships. These, the _Fama_ and the _Swan_, were fitted out at Stockholm, whence they set sail on the sixteenth of August, with Rev. Campanius and other emigrants on board, arriving at Gothenburg on the twelfth of September. The _Fama_ was in poor condition, making it necessary to paint her and repair her in other ways. These, together with other obstacles, delayed the expedition several weeks, causing the company much expense, as the servants and settlers had to be fed and housed. Governor Printz, who with his family went by land, probably arrived at Gothenburg about the beginning of September, where the other passengers were awaiting the sailing of the vessels.

Finally, towards the end of October, everything was in readiness. The colonists were reviewed and taken on board, and on the first of November the _Fama_ and the _Swan_ weighed anchor. On the fourteenth they braved the Spanish sea and towards the end of December they lowered sails in the harbor of Antigua. Here the passengers spent their Christmas holidays. They were well received by the inhabitants and the English Governor entertained Governor Printz, Rev. Campanius and the other officers at his own house. The colonists were under way in the beginning of the year, “having as many oranges and lemons as they could take with them,” and arrived in Delaware Bay about the end of January, 1643. Here a fearful snow storm overtook the vessels. The _Fama_ ran ashore, losing her main masts, sprit-sail and three large anchors. The other vessel also suffered damages, and part of the cargo was ruined. The expedition was delayed for two weeks through the mishap, and did not reach Fort Christina until February 15.

The ships having been prepared for the return voyage in the spring departed from the colony about April 14 with some homeward bound people (including Johan Papegoja) and large cargoes of beaver and otter skins. The vessels went by way of Portugal, where a quantity of salt was loaded into the _Swan_, and about the end of July they anchored in the harbor of Gothenburg. The documents, letters and reports from the colony reached Stockholm overland August 1. The cargoes of peltries and salt were brought to the capital in the ships to be sold there and the council of State resolved that the salt should be duty free.

Peter H. Ridder returned from the colony with the ships. He was employed by the government in various undertakings and important missions for over a score of years. In 1669 he retired to northeastern Finland in the capacity of commander of Viborg Castle and died there about 1691.

III.

Since the _Fama_ and the _Swan_ carried no cargo to New Sweden for the Indian trade, it was planned to send out a new expedition at an early date and preparations were under way before the ships sailed in November. Admiral Fleming (assisted by Beier, Kramer, Schottingen, Trotzig and Spiring) was untiring in his activity, giving orders and directing the work. Trotzig bought provisions and goods in Holland for several thousand florins, Schottingen purchased cloth, ready-made clothes, shoes, stockings and the like in Gothenburg, and Beier and Kramer procured axes, saws, mill-stones, cloth and such things in Stockholm.

(Photographed by the author in July, 1909.)]

As usual it was difficult to find emigrants and the council again decided to send timber thieves and game poachers to America. Johan Papegoja, who had concluded to return, hired a number of soldiers in the autumn. The barber-surgeon Hans Janeke was engaged at this time, and he was given 60 D. for the preparation of his medicine chest. It appears that two or three colonists came from Finland, and Johan Matsson and the noblemen Knut and Per Liljehök were among the passengers.

Since the ships which carried Printz to New Sweden returned to Stockholm before the departure of the next (the fifth) expedition, it was decided to use the _Fama_ for the new voyage. Another ship, the well-known _Kalmar Nyckel_, was fitted out by the company for a trading journey to the Caribbean Islands. Large quantities of “wooden bottles,” wooden basins, wooden spoons, lumber, tar, and other products and manufactured articles were furnished for the voyage in Sweden and Finland. Brandy and wine and other supplies were purchased in Holland “for the tobacco trade in the Caribbean Islands.” The two vessels sailed out of Gothenburg harbor on December 29. It is probable that both kept the same course for some time, but they must have separated before arriving in American waters, the _Kalmar Nyckel_ going to the Caribbees.

On the twenty-seventh of February the _Fama_ was off the American coast and on the eleventh of March her sails were furled before Christina in New Sweden. About the middle of June she was ready for her return-voyage, but contrary winds or other circumstances delayed the sailing. On or shortly after July 20 her anchor was weighed and she set out for Europe with a large cargo of tobacco and skins.

After a two months’ voyage the ship put into Harlingen to revictual. From there she was to have sailed to Sweden, but as the war with Denmark was in progress, it was decided to unload the cargo in Holland. A permit to unload was refused, however. Not only that. The ship was seized by the Dutch West India Company and a duty of 8 per cent. was demanded in addition to the ordinary import excises. After many protests and conferences about the matter, Peter Spiring succeeded in freeing the vessel.

In the meantime the _Kalmar Nyckel_ also arrived. When the ship parted from the _Fama_ westward bound in the beginning of 1644, she proceeded directly to the Caribbean Island, where the cargo was exchanged for tobacco. The ship left the islands on its return journey late in the summer or early in the autumn. She touched at Dover, to obtain supplies. From there she went to Harlingen, where she was seized by orders of the Dutch West India Company. She was released, however, at the same time as the _Fama_.

The cargoes of the two ships were sold by Lucas Arentzen. The beaver skins on the _Fama_ realized 15,000 florins, and the tobacco on the _Kalmar Nyckel_ brought 8,666 florins. But the net proceeds were reduced by Arentzen’s commission as well as by freight charges and other expenditures. The expenses due to the seizure of the ships were also considerable, and Arentzen paid more than 3,000 for supplies and provisions.

IV.

Printz and Papegoja sent earnest requests for more colonists and additional supplies with the _Fama_ in 1644. But events in northern Europe of far greater importance to the welfare of Sweden than the little colony on the South River were occupying the minds of the statesmen at Stockholm. Sweden was fighting one of her most successful wars with Denmark. Every ship that could be used was pressed into service. The _Swan_ and the _Charitas_ which had made journeys to New Sweden took part in the battle of Fehmern, and when the _Fama_ and _Kalmar Nyckel_ reached Gothenburg in the summer of 1645 they were fitted out for participation in the struggle. On August 7 the _Kalmar Nyckel_ engaged the Danish ship _St. Peer_ in a bitter fight between Copenhagen and Malmö. Only twelve men of the Swedish vessel survived the encounter, and M. Johansson, who had made several journeys to New Sweden and Virginia as secretary, was badly wounded.

Under such conditions no ships could be spared for expeditions to America. The war not only hindered and delayed preparations for a new journey, however; it also removed the staunchest and warmest supporter of the colony,--Fleming was killed in July, 1644, by a stray bullet from a Danish battery.

Chancellor Oxenstierna was now the unappointed director of the company, but he was too busy to think of the colony and its needs. He was appointed peace commissioner in 1644 to the lengthy conferences, which lasted about a year and a half. He wrote most of the documents with his own hand, and he “had to fight, not only against the enemies and the peace mediators, but also against the opposition peace party in the Swedish council.” In consequence the affairs of the company were “in great confusion.” Letters and reports from Printz were sent to the chancellor, who was too busy to look after them; and hence the other officers of the company in Sweden were ignorant of the conditions in the colony. The papers and documents of Printz were finally sent to Kramer and Beier, who made some efforts to comply with the requests of the governor. Since a cargo could not be safely sent from a Swedish port to America during the war, it was planned to ship supplies direct from Holland to New Sweden. But Spiring, who had been instructed to execute these plans, could not do so, as “the cargoes of the _Fama_ and _Kalmar Nyckel_ were seized and there were no other means on hand.”

On the thirteenth of August, 1645, peace was made with Denmark and ships could be used for commercial journeys. A new expedition was to be prepared at once, and the government was to pay all expenses. In his report of 1644 Governor Printz asked for a large number of soldiers and colonists, and it seems that there were actually some serious intentions of complying with his request. In the Royal Archives at Stockholm is preserved “an estimate of the provisions necessary for three months for 1,000 persons small and big,” consisting of 400 men, half of whom were to be soldiers, the other half colonists, 400 women and 200 children. The provisions for so many would have cost about 8,000 R. D., and at least three or four vessels would have been needed for the transportation of this number. So much capital could not be raised, and the project appears to have received but little attention.

But preparations for an expedition on a smaller scale went on. The _Gyllene Haj_ was purchased in Holland with full rigging, and a large cargo was bought there. In March the ship sailed for Gothenburg, whence it was to proceed to America at an early date. The _Fama_ was also to be prepared; but for some reason the _Gyllene Haj_ made the voyage alone. In May, 1646, the _Haj_ weighed anchor and spread her canvas for Christina on the Delaware. She had a stormy voyage, and did not arrive in the colony before October 1, having lost her sails, top-mast, and several implements. “The master of the ship, the mate and all the crew except one man were sick, so that according to their reports they would all have been lost, if they had not reached land when they did.” The sailors were long in recovering, and the vessel was not repaired until December. The return voyage was delayed by ice in the river, and the departure was not made until the beginning of March. The circumstances of the homeward journey are unknown, but the ship reached Gothenburg in June, and in the autumn she proceeded to Stockholm with her cargo of tobacco.

V.

Cargoes for a new expedition had been ordered before the _Haj_ returned to Europe in 1647 and, since the crops in New Sweden largely failed in 1646, a quantity of rye-flour was purchased for the needs of the colony. Orders were given to fit out the _Fama_, but she was found incapable of making the long journey, and the _Swan_ was selected instead. In the early summer Beier and Kramer were busy in Stockholm preparing the vessel, and on August 12 she had gone to sea. She probably arrived at Gothenburg towards the end of the month. In the meantime the cargo for the Indian trade had been shipped from Holland and placed in the care of Hans Macklier. Johan Papegoja, who acted under instruction to collect colonists and hire soldiers, was but moderately successful, and few emigrants embarked on the ship. This expedition was prepared in less time than usual and the vessel set sail on the twenty-fifth of September. The expedition seems to have escaped violent storms and to have suffered no casualties, as the vessel arrived in first class condition at Fort Christina some time in the autumn.

The _Swan_, having been prepared in the early spring, left Fort Elfsborg on May 16 with a valuable cargo of skins. On the nineteenth she passed Cape Henlopen, making for the open sea, and on June 13 she was within view of Plymouth, having crossed the Atlantic in less than a month. On the seventeenth the passengers sighted Jutland and the Scandinavian shores. The ship proceeded to Stockholm without entering the harbor of Gothenburg, and arrived at the capital on July 3.

The journals, account-books and salary rolls, covering the period from February, 1643, until March, 1648, were taken to Sweden on the _Swan_ by Måns Kling. They were delivered to the bookkeeper Hans Kramer, who copied them into the official books of the company, and made an inventory of the assets and liabilities. From the balance-sheets it was found that the liabilities were 41,331 R. D. and the assets 31,332 R. D., showing a loss of 9,399 R. D. It was thus clear that the finances of the company were not in the best condition. The tobacco excise, which had been assigned to meet the salaries of the officers and soldiers in the colony amounted to only about one-half of the annual budget and even this money (except 1,000 D.) was used by the government for repairs in the Royal Palace at Stockholm. As many complaints were made, the Queen finally resolved that the excise money due the company should be turned over to the treasurer, and other arrangements were made to relieve the financial embarrassment.

VI.

On April 6, 1648, letters from New Sweden were read in the session of council in which Printz again asked for more colonists and merchandise, and in the summer came a letter from Papegoja with the _Swan_ in which he requested permission to return to Sweden unless ships and people would soon arrive. As a result of these reports and letters it was decided to send out another--the ninth expedition.

Early in 1649 the government was requested to fit out the _Kalmar Nyckel_ at its own expense and at the earliest opportunity (as the admiralty was several thousand D. in arrears to the company). But the _Kalmar Nyckel_ was old and unserviceable and it became expedient to repair and equip the _Katt_ (the _Cat_) “for the journey to Virginia.”

Reports of wonderful opportunities for settlers in New Sweden were at this time circulated among the people through letters or oral communications, and after 1648 emigrants in abundance were willing to embark on the ships. There is, for instance, a petition in the Royal Archives presented by one Mats Ericksson from Värmland on behalf of 200 Finns, “who requested Her Royal Majesty to send them to New Sweden for the cultivation of the country.” New Sweden was still, however, looked upon as an undesirable place for officers and soldiers in the employ of the crown. In July, 1648, Lars Kagg wrote to the chancellor that 300 men of a certain regiment, who had remained at home out of stubbornness, should be punished in order to set an example to others. “And as one finds,” he said, “that they have a great dread of New Sweden, it would be profitable to send some of them there, when a ship sails back.” It is likely that a number of these drafted and disloyal soldiers were ordered to New Sweden on the ninth voyage.

Some seventy colonists including many women were selected from a large number of applicants. Among the more prominent of these were the Rev. Matthias Nertunius, the bookkeeper Joachim Lycke with his family, the barber-surgeon, Timon Stidden, Commander Hans Amundsson with family, Johan Rudberus, and Hans Persson. Hans Amundsson was sent to the colony in the capacity of a commander. Cornelis Lucifer was captain on the vessel and Jan Jansson Bockhorn was first mate.

After, as it would seem, much unnecessary delay the cargo was loaded into the ship at Gothenburg. Cannon and large quantities of ammunition according to the lists and specifications of Governor Printz were also put on board and provisions estimated for twelve months were stored in the holds.

The ship was ready to sail on Sunday, July 2, 1649, “but some hindrance occurred.” On the following day, however, she ran out of the harbor under a favorable north-west wind. The course led close by England, through the Spanish sea and “the Eastern Passage.” Drawing near to the West Indian Islands the captain decided to land at Antigua for the purpose of replenishing the supply of fresh water. No fresh water could be had, but the Swedes were kindly treated by the English Governor. From Antigua they proceeded to St. Christopher, where they laid to on August 21. Here water and other refreshments were plentiful and freely given by the governor of the island. Thereupon the ship-council resolved to buy a few lasts of salt at St. Martin and on the twenty-second of August they cast anchor there. On Saturday evening August 26, they were again ready to continue their voyage. As soon as the captain came on board he ordered sails spread, but one of the passengers was missing, and Amundsson and the other officers implored the captain not to leave port before all the passengers were on the ship. In the night, however, when Amundsson was asleep, he weighed anchor. An excellent wind filled their canvas all that night and the next day, and the ship sped straight on its way like a modern steamer. But on the second evening they came into dangerous waters. About two o’clock at night the schooner struck a cliff with a crashing noise. Instantly everybody was on deck. Amundsson and other officers anxiously requested the captain to lower sails and bring the ship to, but, like Dumas’ Captain Chubin, he simply answered “it will all pass over.” A second shock was felt, however, and again the officers clamorously demanded the captain to furl sails and proceed no further; but he said: “I am well acquainted here, it will all pass over.” But there was a third shock and a crash and a long cry; a cliff had penetrated the prow and the ship stuck on a rock. In the hope of floating her they threw the ballast over-board. Later the water and salt from St. Martin were given to the waves, but the ship remained on the cliff. As day approached the people could see land about thirteen miles away, a small uninhabited island, some eighty miles from Porto Rico. Thither women and children were taken in lifeboats, but the men stayed on the ship. In the meantime a severe storm arose making it necessary to cut down the masts to prevent the wind breaking the ship in two. The following morning the provisions were removed from the ship and she was abandoned by the men, who joined the women on shore. The shipwrecked ones were now, however, in a miserable plight, as they “could not find a drop of water on the island.” “We had to lick the stones with our tongues,” says the narrator of their misfortunes. Such was their condition for eight days.

“On Thursday following which was August 31,” a small bark passed within a mile or two of the island. The Swedes fired two distress signals for help, but the bark set its course on Porto Rico to report. From there two Spanish ships were sent to the Swedes, who were asked what people they were and whence they came. In response the Swedish pass was produced; but the Spaniards pretended never to have heard of Sweden and challenged the unfortunate people to fight or surrender, says Rudberus. Water and other refreshments were given to them, however, and they were taken on board their foundered ship. The Spaniards promised Amundsson that both cargo and provisions would be left undisturbed, but, getting on board the Swedish clipper, they took everything in sight. Not being content with this, they pulled the clothes off their victims, men and women alike, to seek for money and other valuables.

On September 1, the Swedes were ordered to the pumps, as the ship was leaking. Rev. Nertunius, who also took part in the pumping, had on a pair of old trousers and carried some money in his stockings. In order to deceive the Spaniards, making them believe that he had on no trousers, he let his shirt hang outside, and stood in this manner pumping water, which caused great merriment among the Swedes. When the Spanish commander, however, discovered that he was a clergyman, he gave him some clothes and a cap, “but they called him _papistam perro Lutheran_.” On September 3, the shipwrecked people were landed in the city of Porto Rico, and led to the market place “with drums and pipes and great noise.” “A large fire was made on which all the Swedish books were burnt.” Amundsson complained of their treatment before Governor de la Riva. The latter assured Amundsson that had he (De la Riva) been present personally, the property of the Swedes would not have been taken and their treatment would have been of a different kind--a rather useless consolation. He promised to set the Swedes free; but their goods and possessions could not be restored. Shortly afterwards the Swedes despatched letters and two representatives to Stockholm to report their condition and request the government to send a vessel to their aid. In the meantime a Dutch captain, Diedrick Diedricksen, arrived at Porto Rico with a cargo of slaves. He promised to give the Swedes passage on his lugger either to America or to Holland, but as he was about to sail the governor made a prize of him, took his money and decided to send his ship to the King of Spain as a gift. The Swedes then obtained permission to go on the vessel to Spain. A passport was prepared for them, and they were instructed to be in readiness for embarking. On the governor’s assurance they carried their possessions to the pier, but when they were about to depart the governor was ill. He issued no orders and the city council decided to allow no one, except Amundsson, to go on board. Amundsson refused to leave without his people, but he was compelled to remain on the ship. Soldiers took his family on board, “and left us with great lamentation and cries standing on the shore,” says Rudberus.

As time went on other colonists found means to leave the island, and in April, 1650, a happy opportunity presented itself for the remaining ones to depart. The city captured a little bark, which was purchased by Rudberus and Jöran Dufva. The governor issued passports for them and provided some provisions. Towards the end of April or the beginning of May, the remnant of the shipwrecked Swedes, in all twenty-four souls, set sail. Their object was to reach St. Christopher, whence they hoped to be able to go with some Dutch skipper either to New or Old Sweden. Near the island of St. Cruz they met a French bark, the officers of which boarded their vessel. The Swedish passport was greeted with derision and torn to pieces, but the Spanish passport was preserved. The Swedes were then taken ashore. Their few belongings were divided among the French, who “fought like dogs over it,” and, if the account of Rudberus be true, the Swedes were submitted to the most inhuman torture. They were conducted to the governor, who searched their clothing for money and other valuables. In order to intimidate the unfortunate people (and for his own amusement) he caused some of the Swedes to be bound to posts, and commanded his soldiers to discharge their rifles near them. The women, who were kept in a room by themselves, “cried out aloud and wept bitterly, fearing their men had been killed.” Later Rudberus, Jöran Dufva, one Andreas and the mate were bound with their hands on their backs and suspended on hooks about a yard from the ground for two nights and two days, until “their bodies were blue and the blood pressed out of their fingers.”

“Now our women and boys had concealed some money and pearls down in the ground,” says Rudberus, “which became known to the French, wherefore they tortured and tormented us fearfully, screwed off the fingers with pistol locks, burnt the feet of the women on red hot plates, sold us all away in the country, the one here, the other there, and also forbade anyone to speak to the other.” A certain woman, of whom the governor was enamored, was killed by his command, after he had illicit relations with her against her will. Many other atrocities were committed.

In the meantime a Dutch bark put into St. Cruz for a supply of fresh water. The bark was made a prize by the French, but it was later returned to the skipper, who set sail for St. Christopher. At the time of his arrival there, two brothers Johan Clausen from Rotterdam and Andreas Clausen from Amsterdam, were in the harbor trading with tobacco. The skipper related to them the miseries and the sufferings of the Swedes. Touched by the story they asked permission from the governor to bring the imprisoned Swedes from St. Cruz. The governor doubted the report, as he had had no news of the matter, yet he gave them a passport together with an order for the release of the prisoners, if they should be found. One of the brothers provided the ship, and the other supplied provisions and sailors. When they reached St. Cruz only five out of the twenty-four were alive, Johan Rudberus, two women and two children. The women and children were at once placed on board the ship, but Rudberus had been sold to a captain for 500 lbs. of tobacco. He managed to escape, however, through the aid of a German, and went on board the ship at night; but he was discovered by the owner, who demanded and received his 500 lbs. of tobacco for the claim of “his slave.” They left the island the same day. The day following the two women and the oldest child died. The other child was then given to the care of a French woman, but did not live long. At St. Christopher “Captain Johan Clausen put me on board his ship, and took me safely to Holland, and there showed me much kindness,” says Rudberus. Only nineteen of the colonists besides a few officers and soldiers ever saw their native land again. Rudberus, who was among the last to reach Sweden, arrived at Stockholm in the autumn of 1651. Amundsson having landed safely in Spain with his family went thence to Holland (where we find him in July) and from there to Stockholm. Lycke and Rev. Nertunius made their way to the capital. Timon Stidden managed to reach Amsterdam with his wife and five children, but in the most miserable circumstances. From Holland he was taken to Sweden by Captain Boender. Lycke, Amundsson and Rev. Nertunius made oral reports at Stockholm, and numerous others corroborated the doleful tales.

When the Thirty Years’ War had been brought to a close, Sweden, anxious to gain the friendship of all nations, sent Mathias Palbitsky to congratulate the King of Spain on the conclusion of peace, and to establish a fast friendship between the two countries, as well as to arrange trade relations. Before Palbitsky departed news arrived from the shipwrecked Swedes in Porto Rico. An inventory was made of the damages, according to which the loss of the government was estimated at 4,670: 43 R. D. and private accounts “of persons in the service of the crown” at 297: 24 R. D., making a total sum of 5,069: 19 R. D. (but the claims of the company were omitted). This bill was delivered to Palbitsky for presentation to the Spanish King.

Palbitsky’s mission was successful. The King took up the question at once, wrote to the governor of Porto Rico, and consulted with his West Indian commercial council about it. In the autumn he again wrote to the governor, and informed his “commercial house at Seville” that the ship must be released and the prisoners set free. But the King’s letter had no immediate effect. The Swedes had by that time left the island or died; and, as there was no one to press the claims the governor would not pay it.

The matter was allowed to rest for a while, but in 1653, when preparations were begun for a new expedition to the Delaware, it was decided that one of the ships should go by way of Porto Rico to claim damages for the _Katt_. Hans Amundsson was appointed to collect the bills and command the expedition, but he was later removed from his commission, and Elswick appointed in his stead. A new estimate was made, which with interest footed up to the sum of 33,669: 19 R. D. Elswick was instructed to present these claims at Porto Rico; and, if the Spaniards would not pay all, he should accept part of the amount and leave the rest to be paid later.

Elswick arrived at Porto Rico on June 30, 1654. He was well received by the authorities, being called into the presence of the governor upon his arrival and he seems to have been confident of success. Having worked four days upon his documents and accounts and added many private bills, he presented a claim of 52,206 R. D. This was a much larger sum than the King of Spain had ordered to be paid, and more than the governor could raise. Elswick would not accept the Spanish estimates, and no agreement could be reached. On the fifteenth of August the Swedish vessel left the island without accomplishing its mission. No further effort seems to have been made at least not for a time, and in 1763 the claim against Spain had not been collected.

The expedition of 1649, which Printz was so anxiously awaiting, and which, had it arrived in New Sweden, might have had considerable influence on the history of the colony, was thus not only entirely useless, but tended to cripple the company and curtail its activity. Had the ship arrived in New Sweden, the events of 1651 might not have taken place, Fort Casimir might not have been built, and possibly Stuyvesant’s expedition of 1655 would not have been made; for then Rising would have had no fort to capture, and Stuyvesant no capture to avenge.

VII.

As soon as news of the shipwreck reached Stockholm, the officers of the company thought of sending a cargo from Holland to the Delaware at an early date. Several thousand florins were sent to Peter Trotzig, “as a beginning,” for which he was ordered to buy goods, and in September “it was daily expected that a resolution would be passed by the council of state to send a cargo from Holland to New Sweden.” But for some cause no such resolution was passed and no cargo was prepared.

At the same time preparations were also begun for a new expedition to New Sweden. There seems to have been money in the treasury of the company. The _Gyllene Haj_ which had been riding at anchor since 1648 was painted and repaired, but the preparations were discontinued. The reasons are not clear. Perhaps the government was at fault. Oxenstierna who was now old lacked his former activity and capacity for work, and Queen Christina paid more attention to court festivities, balls and pageants than to matters of state.

In the autumn of 1650 letters again arrived from Governor Printz, stating that he had heard nothing from Sweden, although he had written four times. The condition of the country was good, but there was a great want of people. In November Sven Skute, who had been sent to make a report, arrived in Stockholm; but neither the letters of Printz nor the presence of Skute seem to have given much impetus to the efforts that were being made on behalf of the colony, and nearly a year passed before preparations were begun for a new journey.

In the autumn of 1651 there was again some activity in the matter. Large quantities of goods were shipped to Gothenburg, but months passed by, and no expedition was in sight. In the spring of 1652, however, the government showed signs of interest in its little forsaken colony on the South River, and on March 16 the Queen was present in the council chamber to discuss the colonial business. Lieutenant Skute and several others, acquainted with the condition in New Sweden and the doings of the company, were called into the chamber to give reports and express their opinions. Plans were then formulated for aiding Governor Printz. Colonists were now easily obtained, for many had expressed a desire to settle in America. Some Dutch had also applied for permission to settle on the Delaware, and the chancellor was of opinion that they should be allowed to do so, provided their number was not too large. It was also suggested that the Commercial College should assume “the care of the trade to New Sweden,” and its members were to present plans for the development of the colony and the cultivation of the land.

On March 18 the Queen was again present in the council chamber, and it appears that the session was considered important. Letters from Governor Printz were read, reporting that Stuyvesant had “invaded New Sweden, bought land from the Indians already purchased by the Swedes, and erected a fort” within Swedish limits. The governor also complained bitterly against “the outrages” of the Dutch, saying that Stuyvesant disrespected Her Royal Majesty’s authority, obstructed the traffic, demanded toll from strangers, stirred up the Indians against the Swedes, and personally incited the freemen of New Sweden to renounce their oath of allegiance and join the Dutch under pain of being driven “from house and home.” Immediate relief was therefore requested, and some soldiers with two warships were asked for to be stationed in the Delaware for two years. The first business of the council was to discuss these reports. The point to receive most attention was of course the Dutch hostilities. It seems that some of the councillors proposed to dispatch a force at once to the Delaware to drive the Dutch from the river, as the minutes of the council say: “then Her Majesty’s idea was that the States General should first be approached for a settlement.” No immediate steps were taken, and the subject was dropped for the time being with the chancellor’s remark “that the case was well worth considering.” As may be inferred from the Queen’s statement, the matter led to some diplomatic correspondence; but the Dutch representative at Stockholm as well as the States General gave evasive answers to the Swedish government, and the matter was allowed to rest.

A few days after the above conference the Queen ordered the admiralty to fit out the _Swan_ for a “new journey to the West Indies.” But as the ship was too old the company prepared its own vessel, the _Gyllene Haj_. The officers were active in the spring and summer, but the ship still lay at anchor in Gothenburg harbor when autumn came.

In the winter new letters arrived from Governor Printz. The Dutch pressed hard upon him. They had settled forty families on the crown’s territory, and the English also threatened to appear in the river with great force. For five years he had had no merchandise to sell to the Indians, who consequently were becoming restless and dangerous. The colonists were dissatisfied and many had deserted. Water had damaged the grain and supplies must be bought from the Dutch and English at double prices. The neighbors said openly that the settlement was forgotten and entirely neglected by the home government. On top of it all Printz was ill and indisposed to remain.

These letters introduced another period of activity at Stockholm on behalf of the colony. In May Kramer made an inventory of the stores at Gothenburg, which were ready to be shipped, and in June several expenses are recorded in connection with preparations for a journey. About the same time Kramer had the _Gyllene Haj_ painted, rigged and thoroughly repaired. Disappointment, however, was again in store for those interested in New Sweden. The journey was abandoned, and an interval of inactivity again ensued. Nothing more was done the following winter, spring and summer. In the autumn of 1653 new interest was manifested in the colony and the American trade, but this belongs to a later chapter.

VIII.

During this decade (1643–1654) the company engaged in the trade of salt and copper besides its usual beaver and tobacco traffic. The copper was sold in Holland and the salt in Finland. The beaver trade was comparatively small, and only one large cargo of skins, that of 1648, was shipped to Sweden from the colony.

The consumption of tobacco increased enormously in Sweden from 1638 to 1643, and smuggling was a profitable business. The ordinances of the government were disregarded, and tobacco “in large quantities was secretly brought into the country by sea and land.” In the beginning of 1643 conditions were going from bad to worse. In April the government published a new ordinance. Tobacco imported by others than the company would be confiscated and a fine of four öre silver money per lb. would be imposed on the owner of the tobacco or on “the skipper on whose ship the tobacco was found,” in case the owner could not be discovered. Accordingly the New Sweden Company continued to be the sole importer and was to be the exclusive distributor of tobacco in the kingdom directly or through agents.

In June, 1643, a tobacco company was organized which was given exclusive right for six years to sell tobacco in any part of Sweden or its dependencies. During these years the New Sweden Company was to sell its tobacco to the Tobacco Company, which on the other hand promised to buy all its supplies from the former concern. The contract further stipulated that the Tobacco Company was to supply every locality of the kingdom and to employ residing burghers in the different cities as agents, as far as these could be found, except at Kopparberget, where it had a right to station its own salesmen and erect its own public stores. All kinds of tobacco were included under the contract; but the New Sweden Company retained the privilege of selling powdered tobacco or snuff to apothecaries, who in turn could sell it to the public.

In June Bonnell sold about 23,000 lbs. to the Tobacco Company which continued during the next five years to buy large quantities annually. As the supply from New Sweden was insufficient, Bonnell ordered thousands of pounds from Holland. Complaints were soon heard, however, that tobacco was imported and sold in quantities, against the mandates of the government. New resolutions were issued, but the illegal importation was not checked. Finally, in the autumn of 1649, the government withdrew the privileges given to the New Sweden Company, and permitted the free importation and sale of tobacco by everyone, whether Swede or foreigner, on payment of duty. As a result the Tobacco Company was practically dissolved.

But it soon became evident that unrestricted importation of tobacco was impracticable. Tobacco was smuggled into the kingdom in larger quantities than ever, and the excise was materially reduced. It was therefore decided to restore the old privileges to the New Sweden Company. A new Tobacco Company was also organized, and fresh regulations were published. But all efforts to regulate the trade and prevent smuggling were of no avail. In April, 1653, the privileges of the New Sweden Company were once more annulled, and the tobacco trade was again free.