Chapter CXLV: Part III: Journey Southward Through Eastern Provinces of (1)

CATHAY AND MANZI.

LX., p. 133.

CH’ANG LU.

The Rev. A. C. MOULE (_T’oung Pao_, July, 1915, p. 417) says that “Ciang lu [Ch’ang-lu] was not, I think, identical with Ts’ang chou,” but does not give any reason in support of this opinion.

CH’ANG LU SALT.

“To this day the _sole name_ for this industry, the financial centre of which is T’ien Tsin, is the ‘Ch’ang-lu Superintendency.’” (E. H. PARKER, _As. Quart. Review_, Jan., 1904, p. 147.) “The ‘Ch’ang-lu,’ or Long Reed System, derives its name from the city Ts’ang chou, on the Grand Canal (south of T’ientsin), once so called. In 1285 Kúblái Khan ‘once more divided the Ho-kien (Chih-li) and Shan Tung interests,’ which, as above explained, are really one in working principle. There is now a First Class Commissary at T’ientsin, with sixteen subordinates, and the Viceroy (who until recent years resided at Pao ting fu) has nominal supervision.” (PARKER, _China_, 1901, pp. 223–4.)

“Il y a 10 groupes de salines, _Tch’ang_, situés dans les districts de Fou ning hien, Lo t’ing hien, Loan tcheou, Fong joen hien, Pao tch’e hien, T’ien tsin hien, Tsing hai hien, Ts’ang tcheou et Yen chan hien. Il y a deux procédés employés pour la fabrication du sel: 1ᵒ On étale sur un sol uni des cendres d’herbes venues dans un terrain salé et on les arrose d’eau de mer; le liquide qui s’en écoule, d’une densité suffisante pour faire flotter un œuf de poule ou des graines de nénuphar, _Che lien_, est chauffé pendant 24 heures avec de ces mêmes herbes employées comme combustible, et le sel se dépose. Les cendres des herbes servent à une autre opération. 2ᵒ L’eau de mer est simplement évaporée au soleil.... L’administrateur en chef de ce commerce est le Vice-roi même de la province de Tche-li.” (P. HOANG, _Sel, Variétés Sinologiques_, No. 15, p. 3.)

LXI., pp. 136, 138.

SANGON—T’SIANG KIUN.

“Le titre chinois de _tsiang kiun_ ‘général’ apparaît toujours dans les inscriptions de l’Orkhon sous la forme _säṅün_, et dans les manuscrits turcs de Tourfan on trouve _sangun_; ces formes avaient prévalu en Asie centrale et c’est à elles que répond le _sangon_ de Marco Polo” (éd. Yule-Cordier, II., 136, 138). PELLIOT, _Kao tch’ang_, _J. As._, Mai–Juin, 1912, p. 584 _n._

LXI., p. 138.

LITAN.

“For Li T’an’s rebellion and the siege of Ts’i-nan, see the _Yüan Shih_, c. v, fol. 1, 2; c. ccvi, fol. 2rᵒ; and c. cxviii, fol. 5rᵒ. From the last passage it appears that Aibuga, the father of King George of Tenduc, took some part in the siege. Prince Ha-pi-ch’i and Shih T’ien-tsê, but not, that I have seen, Agul or Mangutai, are mentioned in the _Yüan Shih_.” (A. C. MOULE, _T’oung Pao_, July, 1915, p. 417.)

LXII., p. 139.

SINJUMATU.

This is Ts’i ning chau. “Sinjumatu was on a navigable stream, as Marco Polo expressly states and as its name implies. It was not long after 1276, as we learn from the _Yüan Shih_ (lxiv), that Kúblái carried out very extensive improvements in the waterways of this very region, and there is nothing improbable in the supposition that the _ma-t’ou_ or landing-place had moved up to the more important town, so that the name of Chi chou had become in common speech Sinjumatu (Hsin-chou-ma-t’ou) by the time that Marco Polo got to know the place.” (A. C. MOULE, _Marco Polo’s Sinjumatu, T’oung Pao_, July, 1912, pp. 431–3.)

LXII., p. 139 n.

GREAT CANAL.

“Et si voz di qu’il ont un fluns dou quel il ont grant profit et voz dirai comant. Il est voir qe ceste grant fluns vient de ver midi jusque à ceste cité de Singuimatu, et les homes de la ville cest grant fluns en ont fait deus: car il font l’une moitié aler ver levant, et l’autre moitié aler ver ponent: ce est qe le un vait au Mangi, et le autre por le Catai. Et si voz di por verité que ceste ville a si grant navile, ce est si grant quantité, qe ne est nul qe ne veisse qe peust croire. Ne entendés qe soient grant nés, mès eles sunt tel come besogne au grant fluns, et si voz di qe ceste naville portent au Mangi e por le Catai si grant abondance de mercandies qe ce est mervoille; et puis quant elles revienent, si tornent encore cargies, et por ce est merveieliosse chouse à veoir la mercandie qe por celle fluns se porte sus et jus.” (_Marco Polo, Soc. de Geog._, p. 152.)

LXIV., p. 144.

CAIJU.

The Rev. A. C. MOULE writes (_T’oung Pao_, July, 1915, p. 415): “Hai chou is the obvious though by no means perfectly satisfactory equivalent of Caigiu. For it stands not on, but thirty or forty miles from, the old bed of the river. A place which answers better as regards position is Ngan tung which was a _chou_ (_giu_) in the Sung and Yuan Dynasties. The _Kuang-yü-hsing-shêng_, Vol. II., gives Hai Ngan as the old name of Ngan Tung in the Eastern Wei Dynasty.”

LXIV., p. 144 n.

“La voie des transports du tribut n’était navigable que de Hang tcheou au fleuve Jaune, [Koublai] la continua jusqu’auprès de sa capitale. Les travaux commencèrent en 1289 et trois ans après on en faisait l’ouverture. C’était un ruban de plus de (1800) mille huit cents li (plus de 1000 kil.). L’étendue de ce Canal, qui mérite bien d’être appelé impérial (Yu ho), de Hang Tcheou à Peking, mesure près de trois mille li, c’est-à-dire plus de quatre cents lieues.” GANDAR, _Le Canal Impérial_, 1894, pp. 21–22. Kwa Chau (Caiju), formerly at the head of the Grand Canal on the Kiang, was destroyed by the erosions of the river.

LXV., p. 148 n.

Instead of K_o_tan, note 1, read K_i_tan. “The ceremony of leading a sheep was insisted on in 926, when the Tungusic-Corean King of Puh-hai (or Manchuria) surrendered, and again in 946, when the puppet Chinese Emperor of the Tsin Dynasty gave in his submission to the Kitans.” (E. H. PARKER, _As. Quart. Rev._, January, 1904, p. 140.)

LXV., p. 149.

LIN NGAN.

It is interesting to note that the spoils of Lin Ngan carried to Khan Balig were the beginning of the Imperial Library, increased by the documents of the Yuen, the Ming, and finally the Ts’ing; it is noteworthy that during the rebellion of Li Tze-ch’eng, the library was spared, though part of the palace was burnt. See N. PERI, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, Jan.–June, 1911, p. 190.

LXVIII., p. 154 n.

YANJU.

Regarding Kingsmill’s note, Mr. John C. Ferguson writes in the _Journal North China Branch Roy. As. Soc._, XXXVII., 1906, p. 190: “It is evident that Tiju and Yanju have been correctly identified as Taichow and Yangchow. I cannot agree with Mr. Kingsmill, however, in identifying Tinju as Ichin-hien on the Great River. It is not probable that Polo would mention Ichin twice, once before reaching Yangchow and once after describing Yangchow. I am inclined to believe that Tinju is Hsien-nü-miao 仙女廟, a large market-place which has close connection both with Taichow and Yangchow. It is also an important place for the collection of the revenue on salt, as Polo notices. This identification of Tinju with Hsien-nü-miao would clear up any uncertainty as to Polo’s journey, and would make a natural route for Polo to take from Kao yu to Yangchow if he wished to see an important place between these two cities.”

LXVIII., p. 154.

YANG CHAU.

In a text of the _Yuen tien chang_, dated 1317, found by Prof. Pelliot, mention is made of a certain Ngao-la-han [Abraham?] still alive at Yang chau, who was, according to the text, the son of the founder of the Church of the Cross of the ãrkägün (_Ye-li-k’o-wen she-tze-sze_), one of the three Nestorian churches of Yang-chau mentioned by Odoric and omitted by Marco Polo. Cf. _Cathay_, II., p. 210, and PELLIOT, _T’oung Pao_, 1914, p. 638.

LXX., p. 167.

SIEGE OF SAIANFU.

Prof. E. H. PARKER writes in the _Journ. of the North China Branch of the Roy. As. Soc._, XXXVII., 1906, p. 195: “Colonel Yule’s note requires some amendment, and he has evidently been misled by the French translations. The two Mussulmans who assisted Kúblái with guns were not ‘A-la-wa-ting of Mu-fa-li and Ysemain of Huli or Hiulie,’ but A-la-pu-tan of Mao-sa-li and Y-sz-ma-yin of Shih-la. Shih-la is Shiraz, the Serazy of Marco Polo, and Mao-sa-li is Mosul. Bretschneider cites the facts in his _Mediæval Notes_, and seems to have used another edition, giving the names as A-lao-wa-ting of Mu-fa-li and Y-sz-ma-yin of Hü-lieh; but even he points out that Hulagu is meant, _i.e._ ‘a man from Hulagu’s country.’”

LXX., p. 169.

“P’AO.”

“Captain Gill’s testimony as to the ancient ‘guns’ used by the Chinese is, of course (as, in fact, he himself states), second-hand and hearsay. In Vol. XXIV. of the _China Review_ I have given the name and date of a General who used _p’ao_ so far back as the seventh century.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, pp. 146–7.)

LXXIV., p. 179 n.

THE ALANS.

According to the _Yuen Shi_ and Devéria, _Journ. Asiat._, Nov.–Dec., 1896, 432, in 1229 and 1241, when Okkodai’s army reached the country of the Aas (Alans), their chief submitted at once and a body of one thousand Alans were kept for the private guard of the Great Khan; Mangu enlisted in his bodyguard half the troops of the Alan Prince, Arslan, whose younger son Nicholas took a part in the expedition of the Mongols against Karajang (Yun Nan). This Alan imperial guard was still in existence in 1272, 1286, and 1309, and it was divided into two corps with headquarters in the Ling pei province (Karakorúm). See also Bretschneider, _Mediæval Researches_, II., pp. 84–90.

The massacre of a body of Christian Alans related by Marco Polo (II., p. 178) is confirmed by Chinese sources.

LXXIV., p. 180, n. 3.

ALANS.

See Notes in new edition of _Cathay and the Way thither_, III., pp. 179 seq., 248.

The massacre of the Alans took place, according to Chinese sources, at Chen-ch’ao, not at Ch’ang chau. The Sung general who was in charge of the city, Hung Fu, after making a faint submission, got the Alans drunk at night and had them slaughtered. Cf. PELLIOT, _Chrétiens d’Asie centrale et d’Extrême-Orient, T’oung Pao_, Dec., 1914, p. 641.

LXXVI., pp. 184–5.

VUJU, VUGHIN, CHANGAN.

The Rev. A. C. Moule has given in the _T’oung Pao_, July, 1915, pp. 393 _seq._, the Itinerary between Lin Ngan (Hang Chau) and Shang Tu, followed by the Sung Dynasty officials who accompanied their Empress Dowager to the Court of Kúblái after the fall of Hang Chau in 1276; the diary was written by Yen Kwang-ta, a native of Shao Hing, who was attached to the party.

The Rev. A. C. Moule in his notes writes, p. 411: “The connexion between Hu-chou and Hang-chou is very intimate, and the north suburb of the latter, the Hu-shu, was known in Marco Polo’s day as the Hu-chou shih. The identification of Vughin with Wu-chiang is fairly satisfactory, but it is perhaps worth while to point out that there is a place called Wu chên about fifty _li_ north of Shih-mên; and for Ciangan there is a tempting place called Ch’ang-an chên just south of Shih-mên on a canal which was often preferred to the T’ang-hsi route until the introduction of steam boats.”

LXXVI., p. 192. “There is one church only [at Kinsay], belonging to the Nestorian Christians.”

It was one of the seven churches built in China by Mar Sarghis, called _Ta p’u hing sze_ (Great Temple of Universal Success), or _Yang yi Hu-mu-la_, near the _Tsien k’iao men_. Cf. _Marco Polo_, II., p. 177; VISSIÈRE, _Rev. du Monde Musulman_, March, 1913, p. 8.

LXXVI., p. 193.

KINSAY.

Chinese Atlas in the Magliabecchian Library.

The Rev. A. C. MOULE has devoted a long note to this Atlas in the _Journ. R. As. Soc._, July, 1919, pp. 393–395. He has come to the conclusion that the Atlas is no more nor less than the _Kuang yü t’u_, and that it seems that _Camse_ stands neither for Ching-shih, as Yule thought, nor for Hang chau as he, Moule, suggested in 1917, but simply for the province of Kiangsi. (_A Note on the Chinese Atlas in the Magliabecchian Library, with reference to Kinsay in Marco Polo_.)

Mr. P. von Tanner, Commissioner of Customs at Hang chau, wrote in 1901 in the _Decennial Reports, 1892–1901, of the Customs_, p. 4: “While Hangchow owes its fame to the lake on the west, it certainly owes its existence towards the south-west to the construction of the sea wall, called by the Chinese by the appropriate name of bore wall. The erection of this sea wall was commenced about the year A.D. 915, by Prince Ts’ien Wu-su; it extends from Hang Chau to Chuan sha, near the opening of the Hwang pu.... The present sea wall, in its length of 180 miles, was built. The wall is a stupendous piece of work, and should take an equal share of fame with the Grand Canal and the Great Wall of China, as its engineering difficulties were certainly infinitely greater.... The fact that Marco Polo does not mention it shows almost conclusively that he never visited Hang Chau, but got his account from a Native poet. He must have taken it, besides, without the proverbial grain of salt, and without eliminating the over-numerous ‘thousands’ and ‘myriads’ prompted less by facts than by patriotic enthusiasm and poetical licence.”

LXXVI., p. 194 n.

BRIDGES OF KINSAY.

In the heart of Hang-chau, one of the bridges spanning the canal which divides into two parts the walled city from north to south is called _Hwei Hwei k’iao_ (Bridge of the Mohamedans) or _Hwei Hwei Sin k’iao_ (New Bridge of the Mohamedans), while its literary name is _Tsi Shan k’iao_ (Bridge of Accumulated Wealth); it is situated between the _Tsien k’iao_ on the south and the _Fung lo k’iao_ on the north. Near the _Tsi Shan k’iao_ was a mosk, and near the _Tsien k’iao_, at the time of the Yuen, there existed Eight Pavilions (_Pa kien lew_) inhabited by wealthy Mussulmans. Mohamedans from Arabia and Turkestan were sent by the Yuen to Hang-chau; they had prominent noses, did not eat pork, and were called _So mu chung_ (Coloured-eye race). VISSIÈRE, _Rev. du Monde Musulman_, March, 1913.

LXXVI., p. 199.

KINSAY, KHANFU.

Pelliot proposes to see in Khanfu a transcription of Kwang-fu, an abridgment of Kwang chau fu, prefecture of Kwang chau (Canton). Cf. _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, Jan.–June, 1904, p. 215 n., but I cannot very well accept this theory.

LXXX., pp. 225, 226. “They have also [in Fu Kien] a kind of fruit resembling saffron, and which serves the purpose of saffron just as well.”

Dr. Laufer writes to me: “Yule’s identification with a species of _Gardenia_ is all right, although this is not peculiar to Fu Kien. Another explanation, however, is possible. In fact, the Chinese speak of a certain variety of saffron peculiar to Fu Kien. The _Pen ts’ao kang mu shi i_ (Ch. 4, p. 14 b) contains the description of a ‘native saffron’ (_t’u hung hwa_, in opposition to the ‘Tibetan red flower’ or genuine saffron) after the Continued Gazetteer of Fu Kien, as follows: ‘As regards the native saffron, the largest specimens are seven or eight feet high. The leaves are like those of the p’i-p’a (_Eriobotrya japonica_), but smaller and without hair. In the autumn it produces a white flower like a grain of maize (_Su-mi, Zea mays_). It grows in Fu Chou and Nan Ngen Chou (now Yang Kiang in Kwang Tung) in the mountain wilderness. That of Fu Chou makes a fine creeper, resembling the _fu-yung_ (_Hibiscus mutabilis_), green above and white below, the root being like that of the _ko_ (_Pachyrhizus thunbergianus_). It is employed in the pharmacopeia, being finely chopped for this purpose and soaked overnight in water in which rice has been scoured; then it is soaked for another night in pure water and pounded: thus it is ready for prescriptions.’ This plant, as far as I know, has not yet been identified, but it may well be identical with Polo’s saffron of Fu Kien.”

LXXX., pp. 226, 229 n.

_THE SILKY FOWLS OF MARCO POLO_.

Tarradale, Muir of Ord, Ross-shire, May 10, 1915.

In a letter lately received from my cousin Mr. George Udny Yule (St. John’s College, Cambridge) he makes a suggestion which seems to me both probable and interesting. As he is at present too busy to follow up the question himself, I have asked permission to publish his suggestion in _The Athenæum_, with the hope that some reader skilled in mediæval French and Italian may be able to throw light on the subject.

Mr. Yule writes as follows:—

“The reference [to these fowls] in ‘Marco Polo’ (p. 226 of the last
edition; not p. 126 as stated in the index) is a puzzle, owing to
the statement that they are _black_ all over. A black has, I am
told, been recently created, but the common breed is white, as
stated in the note and by Friar Odoric.

“It has occurred to me as a possibility that what Marco Polo may
have meant to say was that they were _black all through_, or some
such phrase. The flesh of these fowls is deeply pigmented, and
looks practically black; it is a feature that is very remarkable,
and would certainly strike any one who saw it. The details that
they ‘lay eggs just like our fowls,’ _i.e._, not pigmented, and are
‘very good to eat,’ are facts that would naturally deserve especial
mention in this connexion. Mr. A. D. Darbishire (of Oxford and
Edinburgh University) tells me that is quite correct: the flesh
look horrid, but it is quite good eating. Do any texts suggest the
possibility of such a reading as I suggest?”

The references in the above quotation are, of course, to my father’s version of Marco Polo. That his nephew should make this interesting little contribution to the subject would have afforded him much gratification.

A. F. YULE.

_The Athenæum_, No. 4570, May 29, 1915, p. 485.

LXXX., pp. 226, 230.

SUGAR.

“I may observe that the _Pêh Shï_ (or ‘Northern Dynasties History’) speaks of a large consumption of sugar in Cambodgia as far back as the fifth century of our era. There can be no mistake about the meaning of the words _sha-t’ang_, which are still used both in China and Japan (_sa-tō_). The ‘History of the T’ang Dynasty,’ in its chapter on Magadha, says that in the year 627 the Chinese Emperor ‘sent envoys thither to procure the method of boiling out sugar, and then ordered the Yang-chou sugar-cane growers to press it out in the same way, when it appeared that both in colour and taste ours excelled that of the Western Regions’ [of which Magadha was held to be part].” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 146.)

ZAITUN.

LXXXII., p. 237.

M. G. Ferrand remarks that _Tze tung_ = زيتون, _zītūn_ in Arabic, inexactly read _Zaytūn_, on account of its similitude with its homonym زيتون, _zaytūn_, olive. (_Relat de Voy._, I., p. 11.)

LXXXII., pp. 242–245.

“Perhaps it may not be generally known that in the dialect of Foochow Ts’uän-chou and Chang-chou are at the present day pronounced in _exactly the same way_—_i.e._, ‘Chiong-chiu,’ and it is by no means impossible that Marco Polo’s _Tyunju_ is an attempt to reproduce this sound, especially as, coming to Zaitun _viâ_ Foochow, he would probably first hear the Foochow pronunciation.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 148)

BOOK THIRD.

JAPAN, THE ARCHIPELAGO, SOUTHERN INDIA, AND THE COASTS AND ISLANDS OF
THE INDIAN SEA.

II., p. 256, n. 1.

NÁFÚN.

Regarding the similitude between _Nipon_ and _Nafún_, Ferrand, _Textes_, I., p. 115 n., remarks: “Ce rapprochement n’a aucune chance d’être exact. نافون _Nafūn_ est certainement une erreur de graphie pour ياقوت _Yākūt_ ou ناقوس _Nāḳūs_.”

III., p. 261.

JAPANESE WAR.

“Hung Ts’a-k’iu, who set out overland _viâ_ Corea and Tsushima in 1281, is much more likely than Fan Wên-hu to be Von-sain-_chin_ (probably a misprint for _chiu_), for the same reason _Vo_-cim stands for _Yung_-ch’ang, and _sa_ for _sha, ch’a, ts’a_, etc. A-la-han (not A-ts’ï-han) fell sick at the start, and was replaced by A-ta-hai. To copy _Abacan_ for _Alahan_ would be a most natural error, and I see from the notes that M. Schlegel has come to the same conclusion independently.” (E. H. PARKER, _Asiatic Quart. Rev._, Jan., 1904, p. 147.)

V., pp. 270, 271 n.

CHAMBA.

Lieut.-General Sagatu, So Tu or So To, sent in 1278 an envoy to the King known as Indravarman VI. or Jaya Sinhavarman. Maspero (_Champa_, pp. 237, 254) gives the date of 1282 for the war against Champa with Sagatu appointed at the head of the Chinese Army on the 16th July, 1282; the war lasted until 1285. Maspero thinks 1288 the date of Marco’s visit to Champa (_l.c._, p. 254).

VII., p. 277 n.

SONDUR AND CONDUR (PULO CONDORE).

Mr. C. O. Blagden has some objection to Sundar Fūlāt being Pulo Condor: “In connexion with Sundur-Fūlāt, some difficulties seem to arise. If it represents Pulo Condor, why should navigators on their way to China call at it _after_ visiting Champa, which lies beyond it? And if _fūlāt_ represents a Persian plural of the Malay _Pulau_, ‘island,’ why does it not precede the proper name as generic names do in Malay and in Indonesian and Southern Indo-Chinese languages generally? Further, if _ṣundur_ represents a native form _čundur_, whence the hard _c_ (= _k_) of our modern form of the word? I am not aware that Malay changes _č_ to _k_ in an initial position.” (_J. R. As. Soc._, April, 1914, p. 496.)

“L’île de Sendi Foulat est très grande; il y a de l’eau douce, des champs cultivés, du riz et des cocotiers. Le roi s’appelle Resed. Les habitants portent la fouta soit en manteau, soit en ceinture.... L’île de Sendi Foulat est entourée, du côté de la Chine, de montagnes d’un difficile accès, et où soufflent des vents impétueux. Cette île est une des portes de la Chine. De là à la ville de Khancou, X journées.” EDRISI, I., p. 90. In Malay Pulo Condor is called Pulau Kundur (Pumpkin Island) and in Cambodian, Koḥ Tralàch. See PELLIOT, _Deux Itinéraires_, pp. 218–220. Fūlāt = _fūl_ (Malay _pulo_) + Persian plural suffix _-āt_. _Čundur fūlāt_ means Pumpkin Island. FERRAND, _Textes_, pp. ix., 2.

VII., p. 277.

LOCAC.

According to W. Tomaschek (_Die topographischen Capitel des Indischen Seespiegels Moḥīṭ_, Vienna, 1897, Map XXIII.) it should be read _Lōšak_ = The _Lochac_ of the G. T. “It is _Laṅkāçoka_ of the Tanjore inscription of 1030, the _Ling ya ssī kia_ of the _Chu-fan-chï_ of Chau Ju-kua, the _Lěṅkasuka_ of the _Nāgarakrětāgama_, the _Lang-šakā_ of Sulayman al Mahri, situated on the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula.” (G. FERRAND, _Malaka, le Malāyu et Malāyur_, _J. As._, July–Aug, 1918, p. 91.) On the situation of this place which has been erroneously identified with Tenasserim, see _ibid._, pp. 134–145. M. Ferrand places it in the region of Ligor.

VII., pp. 278–279.

LAWÁKI.

_Lawáki_ comes from Lovek, a former capital of Cambodia; referring to the aloes-wood called _Lawáki_ in the _Ain-i-Akbari_ written in the 16th century, FERRAND, _Textes_, I., p. 285 n., remarks: “On vient de voir que Ibn-al-Bayṭār a emprunté ce nom à Avicenne (980–1037) qui écrivit son _Canon de la Médecine_ dans les premières années du XIᵉ siècle. _Lawāḳ_ ou Lowāḳ nous est donc attesté sous la forme _Lawāḳi_ ou _Lowāḳī_ dès le Xᵉ siècle, puis qu’il est mentionné, au début du XIᵉ, par Avicenne qui résidait alors à Djurdjān, sur la Caspienne.”

VIII., pp. 280–3.

OF THE ISLAND CALLED PENTAM, AND THE CITY MALAIUR.

The late Col. G. E. Gerini published in the _J. R. A. S._, July, 1905, pp. 485–511, a paper on the _Nāgarakretāgama_, a Javanese poem composed by a native bard named Prapañca, in honour of his sovereign Hayam Wuruk (1350–1389), the greatest ruler of Mājapāhit. He upsets all the theories accepted hitherto regarding _Panten_. The southernmost portion of the Malay Peninsula is known as the _Malaya_ or _Malayu_ country (Tānah-Malāyu) = Chinese _Ma-li-yü-êrh = Malāyur = Maluir_ of Marco Polo, witness the river _Malāyu_ (_Sungei Malāyu_) still so called, and the village _Bentan_, both lying there (ignored by all Col. Gerini’s predecessors) on the northern shore of the Old Singapore Strait. Col. Gerini writes (p. 509): “There exists to this day a village _Bentam_ on the mainland side of Singapore Strait, right opposite the mouth of the Sungei Selitar, on the northern shore of Singapore Island, it is not likely that both travellers [Polo and Odoric] mistook the coast of the Malay Peninsula for an island. The island of _Pentam_, _Paten_, or _Pantem_ must therefore be the _Be-Tūmah_ (Island) of the Arab Navigators, the _Tamasak_ Island of the Malays; and, in short, the Singapore Island of our day.” He adds: “The island of _Pentam_ cannot be either Batang or Bitang, the latter of which is likewise mentioned by Marco Polo under the same name of _Pentam_, but 60 + 30 = 90 miles before reaching the former. Batang, girt all round by dangerous reefs, is inaccessible except to small boats. So is Bintang, with the exception of its south-western side, where is now Riāu, and where, a little further towards the north, was the settlement at which the chief of the island resided in the fourteenth century. There was no reason for Marco Polo’s junk to take that roundabout way in order to call at such, doubtlessly insignificant place. And the channel (_i.e._ Rhio Strait) has far more than four paces’ depth of water, whereas there are no more than two fathoms at the western entrance to the Old Singapore Strait.”

Marco Polo says (II., p. 280): “Throughout this distance [from Pentam] there is but four paces’ depth of water, so that great ships in passing this channel have to lift their rudders, for they draw nearly as much water as that.” Gerini remarks that it is unmistakably the _Old Singapore Strait_, and that there is no channel so shallow throughout all those parts except among reefs. “The _Old Strait_ or _Selat Tebrau_, says N. B. Dennys, _Descriptive Dict. of British Malaya_, separating Singapore from Johore. Before the settlement of the former, this was the only known route to China; it is generally about a mile broad, but in some parts little more than three furlongs. Crawford went through it in a ship of 400 tons, and found the passage tedious but safe.” Most of Sinologists, Beal, Chavannes, Pelliot, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., 1904, pp. 321–2, 323–4, 332–3, 341, 347, place the Malaiur of Marco Polo at Palembang in Sumatra.

VIII., pp. 281 n., 283 n.

TANA-MALAYU.

“On a traduit _Tānah Malāyu_ par ‘Pays des Malais,’ mais cette traduction n’est pas rigoureusement exacte. Pour prendre une expression parallèle, _Tānah Djāwa_ signifie ‘Pays de Java,’ mais non ‘Pays des Javanais.’

“En réalité, _tānah_ ‘terre, sol, pays, contrée’ s’emploie seulement avec un toponyme qui doit étre rendu par un toponyme équivalent. Le nom des habitants du pays s’exprime, en malais, en ajoutant _oraṅ_ ‘homme, personne, gens, numéral des êtres humains’ au nom du pays: ‘_oraṅ Malāyu_’ Malais, litt. ‘gens de Malāyu’; _oraṅ Djāwa_ Javanais, litt. ‘gens de Java.’ _Tānah Malāyu_ a donc très nettement le sens de ‘pays de Malāyu’; cf. l’expression kawi correspondante dans le _Nāgarakrêtāgama: tanah ri Malayu_ ‘pays de Malāyu’ où chaque mot français recouvre exactement le substantif, la préposition et le toponyme de l’expression kawi. Le _taná Malayo_ de Barros s’applique donc à un pays déterminé du nom de Malāyu qui, d’après l’auteur des _Décades_, était situé entre Djambi et Palembaṅ. Nous savons, d’autre part, que le pays en question avait sa capitale dans l’intérieur de l’île, mais qu’il s’étendait dans l’Est jusqu’à la mer et que la côte orientale a été désignée par les textes chinois du VIIᵉ siècle sous le nom de _Mo-lo-yeou, Mo-lo-yu = Malāyu_, c’est-à-dire par le nom de l’Etat ou royaume dont elle faisait partie.” (G. FERRAND, _J. As._, July–Aug., 1918, pp. 72–73.)

VIII., p. 282.

MALACCA.

See G. FERRAND, _Malaka, le Malayu et Malāyur, J. As._, 1918. Besides Malayu of Sumatra, there was a city of Malayur which M. Ferrand thinks is Malacca.

VIII., p. 282 n. “This informs us that Malacca first acknowledged itself as tributary to the Empire in 1405, the king being _Sili-ju-eul-sula_ (?).”

In this name _Si-li-ju-eul-su-la_, one must read 八 _pa_, instead of 入, and read _Si-li-pa-eul-su-la_ = Siri Paramisura (Çrī Parameçvara). (PELLIOT, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., July–Sept., 1904, p. 772.)

IX., p. 285. “They [the rhinoceros] do no mischief, however, with the horn, but with the tongue alone; for this is covered all over with long and strong prickles [and when savage with any one they crush him under their knees and then rasp him with their tongue].”

“Its tongue is like the burr of a chestnut.” (CHAU JU-KWA, P. 233.)

IX., p. 289.

SUMATRA.

In 1017, an embassy was sent to the Court of China by Haji Sumutrabhūmi, “the king of the land of Sumutra” (Sumatra). The envoys had a letter in golden characters and tribute in the shape of pearls, ivory, Sanscrit, books folded between boards, and slaves; by an imperial edict they were permitted to see the emperor and to visit some of the imperial buildings. When they went back an edict was issued addressed to their king, accompanied by various presents, calculated to please them. (GROENEVELDT, _Notes on the Malay Archipelago_, p. 65.) G. Ferrand writes (_J. As._, Mars–Avril, 1917, p. 335) that according to the texts quoted by him in his article the island of Sumatra was known to the Chinese under the name _Sumuṭa = Sumutra_, during the first years of the eleventh century, nearly 300 years before Marco Polo’s voyage; and under the name of _Šumuṭra_, by the Arab sailors, previously to the first voyage of the Portuguese in Indonesia.

IX., p. 287.

FERLEC.

Prof. Pelliot writes to me that the _Ferlec_ of Marco Polo is to be found several times in the _Yüan Shi_, year 1282 and following, under the forms _Fa-li-lang_ (Chap. 12, fol. 4 v.), _Fa-li-la_ (Chap. 13, fol. 2 v.), _Pie-li-la_ (Chap. 13, fol. 4 v.), _Fa-eul-la_ (Chap. 18, fol. 8 v.); in the first case, it is quoted near _A-lu_ (_Aru_) and _Kan-pai_ (Kampei).—Cf. FERRAND, _Textes_, II., p. 670.

XI., pp. 304–5.

SAGO TREE.

Sago Palm = _Sagus Rumphianus_ and _S. Lævis_ (DENNYS).—“From Malay _sāgū_. The farinaceous pith taken out of the stem of several species of a particular genus of palm, especially _Metroxylon laeve_, Mart., and _M. Rumphii_, Willd., found in every part of the Indian Archipelago, including the Philippines, wherever there is proper soil.” (_Hobson-Jobson_.)

XII., p. 306. “In this island [Necuveran] they have no king nor chief, but live like beasts. And I tell you they go all naked, both men and women, and do not use the slightest covering of any kind.”

We have seen (_Marco Polo_, II., p. 308) that Mr. G. Phillips writes (_J. R. A. S._, July, 1895, p. 529) that the name Tsui-lan given to the Nicobars by the Chinese is, he has but little doubt, “a corruption of Nocueran, the name given by Marco Polo to the group. The characters Tsui-lan are pronounced Ch’ui lan in Amoy, out of which it is easy to make Cueran. The Chinese omitted the initial syllable and called them the Cueran Islands, while Marco Polo called them the Nocueran Islands.” Schlegel, _T’oung Pao_, IX., p. 182–190, thinks that the Andaman Islands are alone represented by Ts’ui-lan; the Nicobar being the old country of the Lo-ch’a, and in modern time, _Mao shan_, “Hat Island.” Pelliot, _Bul. Ecole franç. Ext. Orient_, IV., 1904, pp. 354–5, is inclined to accept Phillip’s opinion. He says that Mao-shan is one island, not a group of islands; it is not proved that the country of the Lo ch’a is the Nicobar Islands; the name of _Lo-hing-man_, Naked Barbarians, is, contrary to Schlegel’s opinion, given to the Nicobar as well as to the Andaman people; the name of Andaman appears in Chinese for the first time during the thirteenth century in Chao Ju-kwa under the form _Yen-t’o-man_; Chao Ju-kwa specifies that going from Lambri (_Sumatra_) to Ceylon, it is an unfavourable wind which makes ships drift towards these islands; on the other hand, texts show that the Ts’ui-lan islands were on the usual route from Sumatra to Ceylon.—Gerini, _Researches_, p. 396, considers that _Ts’ui-lan shan_ is but the phonetic transcript of _Tilan-chong_ Island, the north-easternmost of the Nicobars.—See Hirth and Rockhill’s _Chau Ju-kwa_, p. 12n.—Sansk. _nārikera_, “cocoanuts,” is found in Necuveram.

XIII., p. 309.

ANGAMANAIN.

“When sailing from Lan-wu-li to Si-lan, if the wind is not fair, ships may be driven to a place called Yen-t’o-man [in Cantonese, An-t’o-man]. This is a group of two islands in the middle of the sea, one of them being large, the other small; the latter is quite uninhabited. The large one measures seventy _li_ in circuit. The natives on it are of a colour resembling black lacquer; they eat men alive, so that sailors dare not anchor on this coast.

“This island does not contain so much as an inch of iron, for which reason the natives use (bits of) conch-shell (ch’ö-k’ü) with ground edges instead of knives. On this island is a sacred relic, (the so-called) ‘Corpse on a bed of rolling gold....’” (CHAU JU-KWA, p. 147.)

XIII., p. 311.

DOG-HEADED BARBARIANS.

Rockhill in a note to Carpini (_Rubruck_, p. 36) mentions “the Chinese annals of the sixth century (_Liang Shu_, bk. 54; _Nan shih_, bk. 79) which tell of a kingdom of dogs (_Kou kuo_) in some remote corner of north-eastern Asia. The men had human bodies but dogs’ heads, and their speech sounded like barking. The women were like the rest of their sex in other parts of the world.”

Dr. Laufer writes to me: “A clear distinction must be made between dog-headed people and the motive of descent from a dog-ancestor,—two entirely different conceptions. The best exposition of the subject of the cynocephali according to the traditions of the Ancients is now presented by J. MARQUART (_Benin-Sammlung des Reichsmuseums in Leiden_, pp. cc–ccxix). It is essential to recognize that the mediæval European, Arabic, and Chinese fables about the country of the dog-heads are all derived from one common source, which is traceable to the Greek Romance of Alexander; that is an Oriental-Hellenistic cycle. In a wider sense, the dog-heads belong to the cycle of wondrous peoples, which assumed shape among the Greek mariners under the influence of Indian and West-Asiatic ideas. The tradition of the _Nan shi_ (Ch. 79, p. 4), in which the motive of the dog-heads, the women, however, being of human shape, meets its striking parallel in Adam of Bremen (_Gesta hamburg. ecclesiæ pontificum_, 4, 19), who thus reports on the _Terra Feminarum_ beyond the Baltic Sea: ‘Cumque pervenerint ad partum, si quid masculini generis est, fiunt cynocephali, si quid femini, speciosissimæ mulieres.’ See further KLAPROTH, _J. As._, XII., 1833, p. 287; DULAURIER, _J. As._, 1858, p. 472; ROCKHILL, _Rubruck_, p. 36.”

In an interesting paper on Walrus and Narwhal Ivory, Dr. Laufer (_T’oung Pao_, July, 1916, p. 357) refers to dog-headed men with women of human shape, from a report from the Mongols received by King Hethum of Armenia.

XIV., p. 313. “The people [of Ceylon] are Idolaters, and go quite
naked except that they cover the middle.... The King of this Island
possesses a ruby which is the finest and biggest in the world; I
will tell you what it is like. It is about a palm in length, and
as thick as a man’s arm; to look at, it is the most resplendent
object upon earth; it is quite free from flaw and as red as fire.
Its value is so great that a price for it in money could hardly be
named at all.”

Chau Ju-kwa, p. 73, has: “The King holds in his hand a jewel five inches in diameter, which cannot be burnt by fire, and which shines in (the darkness of) night like a torch. The King rubs his face with it daily, and though he were passed ninety he would retain his youthful looks.

“The people of the country are very dark-skinned, they wrap a sarong round their bodies, go bare-headed and bare-footed.”

XIV., p. 314 n.

THE ISLAND OF CEYLON.

The native kings of this period were Pandita Prakama Bahu II., who reigned from 1267 to 1301 at Dambadenia, about 40 miles north-north-east of Columbo (Marco Polo’s time); Vijaya Bahu IV. (1301–1303); Bhuwaneka Bahu I. (1303–1314); Prakama Bahu III. (1314–1319); Bhuwaneka Bahu II. (1319).

SAGAMONI BORCAN.

= Sakya Muni Burkhan.

XV., p. 319. Seilan—History of Sagamoni Borcan. “And they maintain ... that the teeth, and the hair, and the dish that are there were those of the same king’s son, whose name was Sagamoni Borcan, or Sagamoni the Saint.”

See J. F. FLEET, _The Tradition about the corporeal Relics of Buddha_. (_Jour. R. As. Soc._, 1906, and April, 1907, pp. 341–363.)

XV., p. 320.

In a paper on _Burkhan_ printed in the _Journal of the American Oriental Society_, XXXVI., 1917, pp. 390–395, Dr. Berthold Laufer has come to the following conclusion: “Burkhan in Mongol by no means conveys exclusively the limited notion of Buddha, but, first of all, signifies ‘deity, god, gods,’ and secondly ‘representation or image of a god.’ This general significance neither inheres in the term Buddha nor in Chinese Fo; neither do the latter signify ‘image of Buddha’; only Mongol _burkhan_ has this force, because originally it conveyed the meaning of a shamanistic image. From what has been observed on the use of the word _burkhan_ in the shamanistic or pre-Buddhistic religions of the Tungusians, Mongols and Turks, it is manifest that the word well existed there before the arrival of Buddhism, fixed in its form and meaning, and was but subsequently transferred to the name of Buddha.”

XV., pp. 323 _seq._

BARLAAM AND JOSAPHAT.

The German traveller von Le Coq has found at Turfan fragments of this legend in Turki which he published in 1912 in his _Türkische Manichaica_, which agree with the legend given by the Persian Ibn Bâbawaih of Qum, who died in 991. (S. d’OLDENBOURG, _Bul. Ac. I. des Sc._, Pet., 1912, pp. 779–781; W. RADLOFF, _Alttürk. Stud._, VI., zu _Barlaam und Joasaph_). M. P. Alfaric (_La Vie chrétienne du Bouddha, J. Asiatique_, Sept.–Oct., 1917, pp. 269 _seq._; _Rev. de l’Hist. des Religions_, Nov.–Dec., 1918, pp. 233 seq.) has studied this legend from a Manichæan point of view.

XV., p. 327.

See _La “Vie des Saints Barlaam et Josaphat” et la légende du Bouddha_, in Vol. I., pp. xxxxvii–lvi, of _Contes populaires de Lorraine_ par Emmanuel COSQUIN, Paris, Vieweg, n.d. [1886].

XVI., p. 335 n.

TANJORE.

Speaking of Chu-lién (Chola Dominion, Coromandel Coast), Chau Ju-kwa, pp. 93–4, says:—

“The kingdom of Chu-lién is the Southern Yin-tu of the west. To the east (its capital) is five _li_ distant from the sea; to the west one comes to Western India (after) 1500 _li_; to the south one comes to Lo-lan (after) 2500 _li_; to the north one comes to Tun-t’ien (after) 3000 _li_.”

Hirth and Rockhill remark, p. 98: “Ma Tuan-lin and the _Sung-shï_ reproduce textually this paragraph (the former writer giving erroneously the distance between the capital and the sea as 5000 _li_). Yule, _Marco Polo_, II, p. 335, places the principal port of the Chola kingdom at Kaveripattanam, the ‘Paṭṭaṇam’ par excellence of the Coromandel Coast, and at one of the mouths of the Kaveri. He says that there seems to be some evidence that the Tanjore ports were, before 1300, visited by Chinese trade. The only Lo-lan known to mediæval Chinese is mentioned in the _T’ang-shu_, 221⁸, and is identified with the capital of Bamian, in Afghanistan. I think our text is corrupt here and that the character _lo_ should be changed to _si_, and that we should read Si-lan, our Ceylon. Both Ma and the _Sung-shï_ say that 2500 _li_ south-east of Chu-lién was ‘Si-lan-ch’ï-kuo’ with which it was at war. Of course the distance mentioned is absurd, but all figures connected with Chu-lién in Chinese accounts are inexplicably exaggerated.”

XVI., pp. 336–337.

CHINESE PAGODA AT NEGAPATAM.

Sir Walter ELLIOT, K.C.S.I., to whom Yule refers for the information given about this pagoda, has since published in the _Indian Antiquary_, VII., 1878, pp. 224–227, an interesting article with the title: _The Edifice formerly known as the Chinese or Jaina Pagoda at Negapatam_, from which we gather the following particulars regarding its destruction:—

“It went by various names, as the _Puduveli-gôpuram_, the old pagoda, Chinese pagoda, black pagoda, and in the map of the Trigonometrical Survey (Sheet 79) it stands as the Jeyna (Jaina) pagoda. But save in name it has nothing in common with Hindu or Muhammadan architecture, either in form or ornament.”

“In 1859, the Jesuit Fathers presented a petition to the Madras Government representing the tower to be in a dangerous condition, and requesting permission to pull it down and appropriate the materials to their own use....” In 1867 “the Fathers renewed their application for leave to remove it, on the following grounds: ‘1st, because they considered it to be unsafe in its present condition; 2nd, because it obstructed light and sea-breeze from a chapel which they had built behind it; 3rd, because they would very much like to get the land on which it stood; and 4th, because the bricks of which it was built would be very useful to them for building purposes.’

“The Chief Engineer, who meanwhile had himself examined the edifice, and had directed the District Engineer to prepare a small estimate for its repair, reported that the first only of the above reasons had any weight, and that it would be met if Colonel O’Connell’s estimate, prepared under his own orders, received the sanction of Government. He therefore recommended that this should be given, and the tower allowed to stand....

“The Chief Engineer’s proposal did not meet with approval, and on the 28th August 1867, the following order was made on the Jesuits’ petition: ‘The Governor in Council is pleased to sanction the removal of the old tower at Negapatam by the officers of St. Joseph’s College, at their own expense, and the appropriation of the available material to such school-building purposes as they appear to have in contemplation.

“The Fathers were not slow in availing themselves of this permission. The venerable building was speedily levelled, and the site cleared.”

In making excavations connected with the college a bronze image representing a Buddhist or Jaina priest in the costume and attitude of the figures in wood and metal brought from Burma was found; it was presented to Lord Napier, in 1868; a reproduction of it is given in Sir Walter Elliot’s paper.

In a note added by Dr. Burnell to this paper, we read: “As I several times in 1866 visited the ruin referred to, I may be permitted to say that it had become merely a shapeless mass of bricks. I have no doubt that it was originally a _vimâna_ or shrine of some temple; there are some of precisely the same construction in parts of the Chingleput district.”

XVI., p. 336 n.

NEGAPATAM.

We read in the _Tao yi chi lio_ (1349) that “T’u t’a (the eastern stupa) is to be found in the flat land of Pa-tan (Fattan, Negapatam?) and that it is surrounded with stones. There is a stupa of earth and brick many feet high; it bears the following Chinese inscription: ‘The work was finished in the eighth moon of the third year _hien chw’en_ (1267).’ It is related that these characters have been engraved by some Chinese in imitation of inscriptions on stone of those countries; up to the present time, they have not been destroyed.” Hien chw’en is the _nien hao_ of Tu Tsung, one of the last emperors of the Southern Sung Dynasty, not of a Mongol Sovereign. I owe this information to Prof. Pelliot, who adds that the comparison between the Chinese Pagoda of Negapatam and the text of the _Tao yi chi lio_ has been made independent of him by Mr. Fujita in the _Tōkyō-gakuhō_, November, 1913, pp. 445–46. (_Cathay_, I., p. 81 n.)

XVII., p. 340. “Here [Maabar] are no horses bred; and thus a great part of the wealth of the country is wasted in purchasing horses; I will tell you how. You must know that the merchants of Kis and Hormes, Dofar and Soer and Aden collect great numbers of destriers and other horses, and these they bring to the territories of this King and of his four brothers, who are kings likewise as I told you....”

Speaking of Yung (or Wöng) man, Chau Ju-kwa tells us (p. 133): “In the mountains horse-raising is carried on a large scale. The other countries which trade here purchase horses, pearls and dates which they get in exchange for cloves, cardamom seeds and camphor.”

XVII., p. 341.

SUTTEES IN INDIA.

“Suttee is a Brahmanical rite, and there is a Sanskrit ritual in existence (see _Classified Index to the Tanjore MSS._, p. 135_a._). It was introduced into Southern India with the Brahman civilization, and was prevalent there chiefly in the Brahmanical Kingdom of Vijayanagar, and among the Mahrattas. In Malabar, the most primitive part of S. India, the rite is forbidden (Anāchāranirṇaya, v. 26). The cases mentioned by Teixeira, and in the _Lettres édifiantes_, occurred at Tanjore and Madura. A (Mahratta) Brahman at Tanjore told one of the present writers that he had to perform commemorative funeral rites for his grandfather and grandmother on the same day, and this indicated that his grandmother had been a _satī_.” YULE, _Hobson-Jobson_. Cf. _Cathay_, II., pp. 139–140.

MAABAR.

XVII., p. 345. Speaking of this province, Marco Polo says: “They have certain abbeys in which are gods and goddesses to whom many young girls are consecrated; their fathers and mothers presenting them to that idol for which they entertain the greatest devotion. And when the [monks] of a convent desire to make a feast to their god, they send for all those consecrated damsels and make them sing and dance before the idol with great festivity. They also bring meats to feed their idol withal; that is to say, the damsels prepare dishes of meat and other good things and put the food before the idol, and leave it there a good while, and then the damsels all go to their dancing and singing and festivity for about as long as a great Baron might require to eat his dinner. By that time they say the spirit of the idols has consumed the substance of the food, so they remove the viands to be eaten by themselves with great jollity. This is performed by these damsels several times every year until they are married.”

Chau Ju-kwa has the following passage in Cambodia (p. 53): “(The people) are devout Buddhists. There are serving (in the temples) some three hundred foreign women; they dance and offer food to the Buddha. They are called _a-nan_ or slave dancing-girls.”

Hirth and Rockhill, who quote Marco Polo’s passage, remark, p. 55 n.: “_A-nan_, as here written, is the usual transcription of the Sanskrit word _ānanda_, ‘joy, happiness.’ The almeh or dancing-girls are usually called in India _deva-dāsī_ (‘slave of a god’) or _rāmjani_.”

In Guzerat, Chau Ju-kwa, p. 92, mentions: “Four thousand Buddhist temple buildings, in which live over twenty thousand dancing-girls who sing twice daily while offering food to the Buddha (_i.e._, the idols) and while offering flowers.”

XVIII., p. 356.

TRADITIONS OF ST. THOMAS.

“The traditional site of the Apostle’s Tomb, now adjacent to the sea-shore, has recently come to be enclosed in the crypt of the new Cathedral of San Thomé.” (A. E. MEDLYCOTT, _India and the Apostle Thomas. An inquiry. With a critical analysis of the Acta Thomæ_. London, David Nutt, 1905, 8vo.)

In the beginning of the sixteenth century Barbosa found the church of St. Thomas half in ruins and grown round with jungle. A Mahomedan fakir kept it and maintained a lamp. Yet in 1504, which is several years earlier than Barbosa’s voyage, the Syrian Bishop Jaballaha, who had been sent by the Patriarch to take charge of the Indian Christians, reported that the House of St. Thomas had begun to be inhabited by some Christians, who were engaged in restoring it.

Mr. W. R. Philipps has a valuable paper on _The Connection of St. Thomas the Apostle with India_ in the _Indian Antiquary_, XXXII., 1903, pp. 1–15, 145–160; he has come to the following conclusions: “(1) There is good early evidence that St. Thomas was the apostle of the Parthian empire; and also evidence that he was the apostle of ‘India’ in some limited sense,—probably of an ‘India’ which included the Indus Valley, but nothing to the east or south of it. (2) According to the Acts, the scene of the martyrdom of St. Thomas was in the territory of a king named, according to the Syriac version, Mazdai, to which he had proceeded after a visit to the city of a king named, according to the same version, Gūdnaphar or Gūndaphar. (3) There is no evidence at all that the place where St. Thomas was martyred was in Southern India; and all the indications point to another direction. (4) We have no indication whatever, earlier than that given by Marco Polo, who died 1324, that there ever was even a tradition that St. Thomas was buried in Southern India.”

In a recent and learned work (_Die Thomas Legende_, 1912, 8vo.) Father J. Dahlmann has tried to prove that the story of the travels of St. Thomas in India has an historical basis. If there is some possibility of admitting a voyage of the Apostle to N.W. India (and the flourishing state of Buddhism in this part of India is not in favour of Christian Evangelization), it is impossible to accept the theory of the martyrdom of St. Thomas in Southern India.

The late Mr. J. F. FLEET, in his paper on St. Thomas and Gondophernes (_Journ. Roy. As. Soc._, April, 1905, pp. 223–236), remarks that “Mr. Philipps has given us an exposition of the western traditional statements up to the sixth century.” He gives some of the most ancient statements; one in its earliest traceable form runs thus: “According to the Syriac work entitled The Doctrine of the Apostles, which was written in perhaps the second century A.D., St. Thomas evangelized ‘India.’ St. Ephraem the Syrian (born about A.D. 300, died about 378), who spent most of his life at Edessa, in Mesopotamia, states that the Apostle was martyred in ‘India’ and that his relics were taken thence to Edessa. That St. Thomas evangelized the Parthians, is stated by Origen (born A.D. 185 or 186, died about 251–254). Eusebius (bishop of Cæsarea Palæstinæ from A.D. 315 to about 340) says the same. And the same statement is made by the Clementine Recognitions, the original of which may have been written about A.D. 210. A fuller tradition is found in the Acts of St. Thomas, which exist in Syriac, Greek, Latin, Armenian, Ethiopic, and Arabic, and in a fragmentary form in Coptic. And this work connects with St. Thomas two eastern kings, whose names appear in the Syriac version as Gūdnaphar, Gundaphar, and Mazdai; and in the Greek version as Goundaphoros, Goundiaphoros, Gountaphoros, and Misdaios, Misdeos; in the Latin version as Gundaforus, Gundoforus, and Misdeus, Mesdeus, Migdeus; and in the remaining versions in various forms, of the same kind, which need not be particularized here.” Mr. Fleet refers to several papers, and among them to one by Prof. Sylvain Lévi, _Saint Thomas, Gondopharès et Mazdeo (Journ. As.,_ Janv.–Fév., 1897, pp. 27–42), who takes the name Mazdai as a transformation of a Hindū name, made on Iranian soil and under Mazdean influences, and arrived at through the forms Bazodēo, Bazdēo, or Bāzodēo, Bāzdēo, which occur in Greek legends on coins, and to identify the person with the king Vāsudēva of Mathurā, a successor of Kanishka. Mr. Fleet comes to the conclusion that: “No name, save that of Guduphara—Gondophernès, in any way resembling it, is met with in any period of Indian history, save in that of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of A.D. 46; nor, it may be added, any royal name, save that of Vāsudēva of Mathurā, in any way resembling that of Mazdai. So also, as far as we know or have any reason to suppose, no name like that of Guduphara—Gondophernēs is to be found anywhere outside India, save in the tradition about St. Thomas.”

XVIII., p. 357.

CALAMINA.

On this city of the martyrdom of St. Thomas, see _Indian Antiquary_, XXXII., pp. 148 _seq._ in Mr. Philipps’ paper, and XXXIII., Jan., 1904, pp. 31–2, a note signed W. R. P.

XIX., p. 361. “In this kingdom [Mutfili] also are made the best and most delicate buckrams, and those of highest price; in sooth they look like tissue of spider’s web!”