Chapter LIX: Concerning the Province of Cuiju

Cuiju is a province towards the East.{1} After leaving Coloman you travel along a river for 12 days, meeting with a good number of towns and villages, but nothing worthy of particular mention. After you have travelled those twelve days along the river you come to a great and noble city which is called FUNGUL.

The people are Idolaters and subject to the Great Kaan, and live by trade and handicrafts. You must know they manufacture stuffs of the bark of certain trees which form very fine summer clothing.{2} They are good soldiers, and have paper-money. For you must understand that henceforward we are in the countries where the Great Kaan’s paper-money is current.

“=Coloman est une provence vers levant.... Il sunt mult belles jens
et ne sunt mie bien blances mès brunz. Il sunt bien homes d’armes
...=”]

The country swarms with lions to that degree that no man can venture to sleep outside his house at night.{3} Moreover, when you travel on that river, and come to a halt at night, unless you keep a good way from the bank the lions will spring on the boat and snatch one of the crew and make off with him and devour him. And but for a certain help that the inhabitants enjoy, no one could venture to travel in that province, because of the multitude of those lions, and because of their strength and ferocity.

But you see they have in this province a large breed of dogs, so fierce and bold that two of them together will attack a lion.{4} So every man who goes a journey takes with him a couple of those dogs, and when a lion appears they have at him with the greatest boldness, and the lion turns on them, but can’t touch them for they are very deft at eschewing his blows. So they follow him, perpetually giving tongue, and watching their chance to give him a bite in the rump or in the thigh, or wherever they may. The lion makes no reprisal except now and then to turn fiercely on them, and then indeed were he to catch the dogs it would be all over with them, but they take good care that he shall not. So, to escape the dogs’ din, the lion makes off, and gets into the wood, where mayhap he stands at bay against a tree to have his rear protected from their annoyance. And when the travellers see the lion in this plight they take to their bows, for they are capital archers, and shoot their arrows at him till he falls dead. And ’tis thus that travellers in those parts do deliver themselves from those lions.

They have a good deal of silk and other products which are carried up and down, by the river of which we spoke, into various quarters.{5}

You travel along the river for twelve days more, finding a good many towns all along, and the people always Idolaters, and subject to the Great Kaan, with paper-money current, and living by trade and handicrafts. There are also plenty of fighting men. And after travelling those twelve days you arrive at the city of Sindafu of which we spoke in this book some time ago.{6}

From Sindafu you set out again and travel some 70 days through the provinces and cities and towns which we have already visited, and all which have been already particularly spoken of in our Book. At the end of those 70 days you come to Juju where we were before.{7}

From Juju you set out again and travel four days towards the south, finding many towns and villages. The people are great traders and craftsmen, are all Idolaters, and use the paper-money of the Great Kaan their Sovereign. At the end of those four days you come to the city of Cacanfu belonging to the province of Cathay, and of it I shall now speak.

NOTE 1.—In spite of difficulties which beset the subject (see Note
6 below) the view of Pauthier, suggested doubtingly by Marsden,
that the Cuiju of the text is KWEI-CHAU, seems the most probable
one. As the latter observes, the reappearance of paper money
shows that we have got back into a province of China Proper.
Such, Yun-nan, recently conquered from a Shan prince, could not
be considered. But, according to the best view we can form, the
traveller could only have passed through the extreme west of the
province of Kwei-chau.

The name of _Fungul_, if that be a true reading, is suggestive
of _Phungan_, which under the Mongols was the head of a district
called PHUNGAN-LU. It was founded by that dynasty, and was regarded
as an important position for the command of the three provinces
Kwei-chau, Kwang-si, and Yun-nan. (_Biot_, p. 168; _Martini_, p.
137.) But we shall explain presently the serious difficulties that
beset the interpretation of the itinerary as it stands.

NOTE 2.—Several Chinese plants afford a fibre from the bark, and
some of these are manufactured into what we call _grass-cloths_.
The light smooth textures so called are termed by the Chinese
_Hiapu_ or “summer cloths.” Kwei-chau produces such. But perhaps
that specially intended is a species of hemp (_Urtica Nivea?_)
of which M. Perny of the R. C. Missions says, in his notes
on Kwei-chau: “It affords a texture which may be compared to
_batiste_. This has the notable property of keeping so cool that
many people cannot wear it even in the hot weather. Generally it
is used only for summer clothing.” (_Dict. des Tissus_, VII. 404;
_Chin. Repos._ XVIII. 217 and 529; _Ann. de la Prop. de la Foi_,
XXXI. 137.)

NOTE 3.—Tigers of course are meant. (See _supra_, vol. i. p. 399.)
M. Perny speaks of tigers in the mountainous parts of Kwei-chau.
(_Op. cit._ 139.)

NOTE 4.—These great dogs were noticed by Lieutenant (now General)
Macleod, in his journey to Kiang Hung on the great River Mekong, as
accompanying the caravans of Chinese traders on their way to the
Siamese territory. (See _Macleod’s Journal_, p. 66.)

NOTE 5.—The trade in wild silk (_i.e._ from the oak-leaf silkworm)
is in truth an important branch of commerce in Kwei-chau. But the
chief seat of this is at Tsuni-fu, and I do not think that Polo’s
route can be sought so far to the eastward. (_Ann. de la Prop._
XXXI. 136; _Richthofen_, Letter VII. 81.)

NOTE 6.—We have now got back to Sindafu, _i.e._ Ch’êng-tu fu in
Sze-ch’wan, and are better able to review the geography of the
track we have been following. I do not find it possible to solve
all its difficulties.

The different provinces treated of in the chapters from lv. to lix.
are strung by Marco upon an easterly, or, as we must interpret,
_north-easterly_ line of travel, real or hypothetical. Their names
and intervals are as follows: (1) Bangala; whence 30 marches to
(2) Caugigu; 25 marches to (3) Anin; 8 marches to (4) Toloman or
Coloman; 12 days in Cuiju along a river to the city of (5) Fungul,
Sinugul (or what not); 12 days further, on or along the same river,
to (6) Ch’êng-tu fu. Total from Bangala to Ch’êng-tu fu 87 days.

I have said that the line of travel is real _or hypothetical_, for
no doubt a large part of it was only founded on hearsay. We last
left our traveller at Mien, or on the frontier of Yun-nan and Mien.
_Bangala_ is reached _per saltum_ with no indication of interval,
and its position is entirely misapprehended. Marco conceives of
it, not as in India, but as being, like Mien, a province _on the
confines_ of India, as being under the same king as Mien, as lying
to the south of that kingdom, and as being at the (south) western
extremity of a great traverse line which runs (north) east into
Kwei-chau and Sze-ch’wan. All these conditions point consistently
to one locality; that, however, is not Bengal but _Pegu_. On the
other hand, the circumstances of manners and products, so far as
they go, _do_ belong to Bengal. I conceive that Polo’s information
regarding these was derived from persons who had really visited
Bengal by sea, but that he had confounded what he so heard of the
Delta of the Ganges with what he heard on the Yun-nan frontier of
the Delta of the Irawadi. It is just the same kind of error that is
made about those great Eastern Rivers by Fra Mauro in his Map. And
possibly the name of Pegu (in Burmese _Bagóh_) may have contributed
to his error, as well as the probable fact that the Kings of
Burma did at this time _claim_ to be Kings of Bengal, whilst they
actually _were_ Kings of Pegu.

_Caugigu_.—We have seen reason to agree with M. Pauthier that
the description of this region points to Laos, though we cannot
with him assign it to Kiang-mai. Even if it be identical with the
Papesifu of the Chinese, we have seen that the centre of that
state may be placed at Muang Yong not far from the Mekong; whilst
I believe that the limits of Caugigu must be drawn much nearer the
Chinese and Tungking territory, so as to embrace Kiang Hung, and
probably the _Papien_ River. (See note at p. 117.)

As regards the name, it is _possible_ that it may represent
some specific name of the Upper Laos territory. But I am
inclined to believe that we are dealing with a case of erroneous
geographical perspective like that of Bangala; and that whilst the
_circumstances_ belong to Upper Laos, the _name_, read as I read
it, _Caugigu_ (or Cavgigu), is no other than the _Ḳafchikúe_ of
Rashiduddin, the name applied by him to Tungking, and representing
the KIAOCHI-KWÊ of the Chinese. D’Anville’s Atlas brings Kiaochi
up to the Mekong in immediate contact with Che-li or Kiang Hung. I
had come to the conclusion that Caugigu was _probably_ the correct
reading before I was aware that it is an _actual_ reading of the
Geog. Text more than once, of Pauthier’s A more than once, of
Pauthier’s C _at least_ once and possibly twice, and of the Bern
MS.; all which I have ascertained from personal examination of
those manuscripts.[1]

_Anin_ or _Aniu_.—I have already pointed out that I seek this
in the territory about Lin-ngan and Homi. In relation to this
M. Garnier writes: “In starting from Muang Yong, or even if you
prefer it, from Xieng Hung (Kiang Hung of our maps), ... it would
be physically impossible in 25 days to get beyond the arc which I
have laid down on your map (viz. extending a few miles north-east
of Homi). There are scarcely any roads in those mountains, and
easy lines of communication begin only _after_ you have got to the
Lin-ngan territory. In Marco Polo’s days things were certainly not
better, but the reverse. All that has been done of consequence in
the way of roads, posts, and organisation in the part of Yun-nan
between Lin-ngan and Xieng Hung, dates in some degree from the
Yuen, but in a far greater degree from K’ang-hi.” Hence, even with
the Ramusian reading of the itinerary, we cannot place _Anin_ much
beyond the position indicated already.

_Koloman_.—We have seen that the position of this region is
probably near the western frontier of Kwei-chau. Adhering to
_Homi_ as the representative of Anin, and to the 8 days’ journey
of the text, the most probable position of Koloman would be about
_Lo-ping_, which lies about 100 English miles in a straight line
north-east from Homi. The first character of the name here is again
the same as the _Lo_ of the Kolo tribes.

Beyond this point the difficulties of devising an interpretation,
consistent at once with facts and with the text as it stands,
become insuperable.

The narrative demands that from Koloman we should reach _Fungul_, a
great and noble city, by travelling 12 days along a river, and that
Fungul should be within twelve days’ journey of Ch’êng-tu fu, along
the same river, or at least along rivers connected with it.

In advancing from the south-west guided by the data afforded by
the texts, we have not been able to carry the position of Fungul
(_Sinugul_, or what not of G. T. and other MSS.) further north than
Phungan. But it is impossible that Ch’êng-tu fu should have been
reached in 12 days from this point. Nor is it possible that a new
post in a secluded position, like Phungan, could have merited to be
described as “a great and noble city.”

Baron v. Richthofen has favoured me with a note in which he shows
that in reality the only place answering the more essential
conditions of Fungul is Siu-chau fu at the union of the two
great branches of the Yang-tzŭ, viz. the Kin-sha Kiang, and the
Min-Kiang from Ch’êng-tu fu. (1) The distance from Siu-chau to
Ch’êng-tu by land travelling is just about 12 days, and the road
is along a river. (2) In approaching “Fungul” from the south Polo
met with a good many towns and villages. This would be the case
along either of the navigable rivers that join the Yang-tzŭ below
Siu-chau (or along that which joins above Siu-chau, mentioned
further on). (3) The large trade in silk up and down the river is a
characteristic that could only apply to the Yang-tzŭ.

These reasons are very strong, though some little doubt must
subsist until we can explain the name (Fungul, or Sinugul) as
applicable to Siu-chau.[2] And assuming Siu-chau to be the city we
must needs carry the position of _Coloman_ considerably further
north than Lo-ping, and must presume the interval between _Anin_
and _Coloman_ to be greatly understated, through clerical or other
error. With these assumptions we should place Polo’s Coloman in the
vicinity of Wei-ning, one of the localities of Kolo tribes.

From a position near Wei-ning it would be quite possible to reach
Siu-chau in 12 days, making use of the facilities afforded by one
or other of the partially navigable rivers to which allusion has
just been made.

“That one,” says M. Garnier in a letter, “which enters the Kiang
a little above Siu-chau fu, the River of _Lowa-tong_, which was
descended by our party, has a branch to the eastward which is
navigable up to about the latitude of Chao-tong. Is not this
probably Marco Polo’s route? It is to this day a line much
frequented, and one on which great works have been executed; among
others two iron suspension bridges, works truly gigantic for the
country in which we find them.”

An extract from a Chinese Itinerary of this route, which M. Garnier
has since communicated to me, shows that at a point 4 days from
Wei-ning the traveller may embark and continue his voyage to any
point on the great Kiang.

We are obliged, indeed, to give up the attempt to keep to a line of
communicating rivers throughout the whole 24 days. Nor do I see how
it is possible to adhere to that condition literally without taking
more material liberties with the text.

Indo Chinese Regions (Book II, Chapˢ. 44–59)]

My theory of Polo’s actual journey would be that he returned from
Yun-nan fu to Ch’êng-tu fu through some part of the province of
Kwei-chau, perhaps only its western extremity, but that he spoke of
Caugigu, and probably of Anin, as he did of Bangala, from report
only. And, in recapitulation, I would identify provisionally the
localities spoken of in this difficult itinerary as follows:
_Caugigu_ with Kiang Hung; _Anin_ with Homi; _Coloman_ with the
country about Wei-ning in Western Kwei-chau; _Fungul_ or Sinugul
with Siu-chau.

[This itinerary is difficult, as Sir Henry Yule says. It takes
Marco Polo 24 days to go from Coloman or Toloman to Ch’êng-tu. The
land route is 22 days from Yun-nan fu to Swi-fu, _viâ_ Tung-ch’wan
and Chao-t’ung. (_J. China B. R. A. S._ XXVIII. 74–75.) From the
Toloman province, which I place about Lin-ngan and Cheng-kiang,
south of Yun-nan fu, Polo must have passed a second time through
this city, which is indeed at the end of all the routes of this
part of South-Western China. He might go back to Sze-ch’wan by the
western route, _viâ_ Tung-ch’wan and Chao-t’ung to Swi-fu, or, by
the eastern, easier and shorter route by Siuen-wei chau, crossing
a corner of the Kwei-chau province (Wei-ning), and passing by
Yun-ning hien to the Kiang; this is the route followed by Mr. A.
Hosie in 1883 and by Mr. F. S. A. Bourne in 1885, and with great
likelihood by Marco Polo; he may have taken the Yun-ning River to
the district city of Na-ch’i hien, which lies on the right bank
both of this river and of the Kiang; the Kiang up to Swi-fu and
thence to Ch’êng-tu. I do not attempt to explain the difficulty
about Fungul.

I fully agree with Sir H. Yule when he says that Polo spoke of
Caugigu and of Bangala, probably of Anin, from report only.
However, I believe that Caugigu is the _Kiao-Chi kwé_ of the
Chinese, that Ani_n_ must be read Ani_u_, that Aniu is but
a transcription of _Nan-yué_, that both Nan-yué and Kiao-Chi
represent Northern Annam, _i.e._ the portion of Annam which we call
Tung-king. Regarding the tattooed inhabitants of Caugigu, let it be
remembered that tattooing existed in Annam till it was prohibited
by the Chinese during the occupation of Tung-king at the beginning
of the 15th century.—H. C.]

NOTE 7.—Here the traveller gets back to the road-bifurcation near
Juju, _i.e._ Chochau (_ante_ p. 11), and thence commences to travel
southward.

---------------------------------------------------------------------- [1] A passing suggestion of the identity of Kafchi Kué and Caugigu is made by D’Ohsson, and I formerly objected. (See _Cathay_, p. 272.)

[2] Cuiju might be read _Ciuju_—representing _Siuchau_, but the
difficulty about Fungul would remain.

“=Chastiaus ont-il grant quantité en grandismes montagnes et
fortres.=”]

BOOK II.—_Continued_.

PART III.—JOURNEY SOUTHWARD THROUGH EASTERN PROVINCES
OF CATHAY AND MANZI.