Chapter XVII: Part 17

On Wednesday, the 10th, I went out to hunt, and shot two nilgaw, one male and one female. On this day the son of Dilawar Khan came from Pattan, which was his father's fief, and paid his respects. He presented a Kachhi horse. It was a very handsome animal, and pleasant to ride. Till I came to Gujarat no one had presented me with so fine a horse. Its value was 1,000 rupees.

On Thursday, the 11th, I had a wine party on the bank of the tank, and bestowed many favours on those servants who had been appointed to the province, and then dismissed them. Among the promotions was that of Shaja`at Khan, the Arab, to the rank of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. I also gave him drums, a horse, and a robe of honour. Himmat Khan was raised to the rank of 1,500 with 800 horse, and had a robe of honour and an elephant. Kifayat Khan, who was made Diwan of the province, received the rank of 1,200 with 300 horse. Safi Khan bakhshi received a horse and a robe of honour. Khwaja `Aqil had the rank of 1,500 with 650 horse, and was made bakhshi of the Ahadis, and had the title of `Aqil Khan. Thirty thousand darbs were given to the wakil of Qutbu-l-Mulk, who had brought the tribute.

On this day my son Shah Jahan presented pomegranates and quinces that had been sent to him from Farah. I had never seen such large ones, and I ordered them to be weighed. The quince weighed 29 tolas 9 mashas and the pomegranate 40 1/2 tolas. On Friday, the 12th, I went a-hunting and shot two nilgaw, a male and a female. On Saturday, the 13th, I shot three nilgaw, two males and one female. On Sunday, the 14th, I gave Shaikh Isma`il, the son of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, a robe of honour and 500 rupees. On Monday, the 15th, I went a-hunting and shot two female nilgaw. On Tuesday, the 16th, I again presented the Shaikhs of Gujarat, who were in attendance, with robes of honour and maintenance-lands. To each of them I gave a book from my special library, such as the Tafsir-i-kashshaf, [706] the Tafsir-i-Husaini, [707] and the Rauzatu-l-ahbab. [708] I wrote on the back of the books the day of my arrival in Gujarat and the day of presentation of the books.

At the time that Ahmadabad was adorned by the setting up of the royal standards my employment by day and by night was the seeing of necessitous persons and the bestowing on them of money and land. I directed Shaikh Ahmad the Sadr and some other tactful servants to bring before me dervishes and other needy persons. I also directed the sons of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, the grandson of Shaikh Wajihu-d-din, and other leading Shaikhs to produce whatever persons they believed to be in want. Similarly I appointed some women to do the same thing in the harem. My sole endeavour was that as I a king had come to this country after many years, no single person should be excluded. God is my witness that I did not fall short in this task, and that I never took any rest from this duty. Although I have not been delighted with my visit to Ahmadabad, yet I have this satisfaction--that my coming has been the cause of benefit to a large number of poor people.

On Tuesday, the 16th, they caught Kaukab, the son of Qamar Khan. He had in Burhanpur put on a faqir's dress and gone off into the wilds. The brief account of his case is this:--He was the grandson of Mir `Abdu-l-Latif, who was one of the Saifi Sayyids and was attached to this Court. Kaukab had been appointed to the Deccan army, and had spent some days with it in poverty and wretchedness. When for a long time he did not get promotion he suspected that I was unfavourable to him, and foolishly took the dress of asceticism and went off to the wilderness. In the course of six months he traversed the whole of the Deccan, including Daulatabad, Bidar, Bijapur, the Carnatic, and Golconda, and came to the port of Dabul. [709] From there he came by ship to the port of Goga, and after visiting the ports of Surat, Broach, etc., he reached Ahmadabad. At this time Zahid, a servant of Shah Jahan, arrested him and brought him to Court. I ordered them to bring him before me heavily bound. When I saw him I said to him, "Considering the obligations of service of your father and grandfather, and your position as a houseborn one, why have you behaved in such an inauspicious manner?" He replied that he could not tell a lie in the presence of his qibla and real teacher, and that the truth was that he had hoped for favours, but as he was unlucky he had left outward ties and gone into the wilderness of exile. As his words bore the marks of truth they made an impression on me, and I abandoned my harsh tone and asked him if in his misfortunes he had waited upon `Adil Khan, or Qutbu-l-Mulk, or `Ambar. He replied that though he had been unsuccessful at this Court and had remained thirsty in this boundless ocean of beneficence, he had never--God forbid that he should--approached with his lips other fountains. Might his head be cut off if it had bowed at this Court and then lowered itself at another! From the time that he went into exile he had kept a diary showing what he had done, and by examining it it would be seen how he had conducted himself. These words of his increased my compassion for him, and I sent for his papers and read them. It appeared from them that he had encountered great hardship, and that he had spent much time on foot, and that he had suffered from want of food. On this account I felt kindly disposed towards him. Next day I sent for him and ordered them to remove the bonds from his arms and legs, and gave him a robe of honour, a horse, and 1,000 rupees for his expenses. I also increased his rank by one half, and showed him such kindness as he never had imagined. He repeated this verse--

"What I see, is it, O God, waking or in a trance?
Do I behold myself in such comfort after such torture?"

On Wednesday, the 17th, I marched 6 kos and halted at the village of Barasinor (Balasinor). It has already been mentioned that the plague had appeared in Kashmir. On this day a report of the chronicler of events arrived, stating that the plague had taken firm hold of the country and that many had died. The symptoms were that the first day there was headache and fever and much bleeding at the nose. On the second day the patient died. In the house where one person died all the inmates were carried off. Whoever went near the sick person or a dead body was affected in the same way. In one instance the dead body was thrown on the grass, and it chanced that a cow came and ate some of the grass. It died, and some dogs that had eaten its flesh also all died. Things had come to such a pass that from fear of death fathers would not approach their children, and children would not go near their fathers. A strange thing was that in the ward in which the disease began, a fire broke out and nearly 3,000 houses were burnt. During the height of the plague, one morning when the people of the city and environs got up, they saw circles on their doors. There were three large circles, and on the face of these (i.e. inside them) there were two circles of middle size and one small one. There were also other circles which did not contain any whiteness [710] (i.e. there were no inner circles). These figures were found on all the houses and even on the mosques. From the day when the fire took place and these circles appeared, they say there was a diminution of the plague. This has been recorded as it seems a strange affair. It certainly does not agree with the canons of reason, and my intellect cannot accept it. Wisdom is with God! I trust that the Almighty will have mercy on his sinful slaves, and that they will be altogether freed from such calamity.

On Thursday, the 18th, I marched 2 1/2 kos and halted on the bank of the Mahi. On this day the Jam zamindar [711] had the good fortune to kiss the ground. He presented 50 horses, 100 muhrs, and 100 rupees. His name is Jassa, and Jam is his title. Whoever succeeds is called Jam. He is one of the chief zamindars of Gujarat, and, indeed, he is one of the noted rajas of India. His country is close to the sea. He always maintains 5,000 or 6,000 horse, and in time of war can supply as many as 10,000 or 12,000. There are many horses in his country; Kachhi horses fetch as much as 2,000 rupees. I gave him a dress of honour.

On the same day Lachmi Narayan, Raja of Kuch (Bihar), which adjoins Bengal, did homage and presented 500 muhrs. He received a dress of honour and an ornamented dagger.

Nawazish Khan, son of Sa`id Khan, who had been appointed to Junagarh, had the good fortune to pay his respects. On Friday, the 19th, I halted, and on Saturday, the 20th, I marched 3 3/4 kos and halted at the tank of Jhanud. On Sunday I marched 4 1/2 kos and halted at the tank of Badarwala. On this day there came the news of the death of `Azamat Khan Gujarati. On account of illness he had remained in Ahmadabad. He was a servant who knew one's disposition, and did good work. As he had thorough knowledge of the Deccan and Gujarat, I was grieved at his death. In the tank above mentioned I noticed a plant which at the approach of the finger or the end of a stick contracts its leaves. After a while it opens them out again. Its leaves resemble those of the tamarind, and it is called in Arabic Shajaru-l-haya, 'the plant of modesty.' In Hindi it is called Lajvanti. Laj means modesty. It is certainly not void of strangeness. They also call it naghzak, and say that it also grows on dry land.

On Monday, the 22nd, I halted. My scouts reported that there was a tiger in the neighbourhood which vexed wayfarers, and in the forest where it was they had seen a skull and some bones lying. After midday I went out to shoot it, and killed it with one discharge. Though it was a large tiger, I had killed several that were larger. Among them was a tiger which I killed in the fort of Mandu, and which was 8 1/2 maunds. This one weighed 7 1/2 maunds, or 1 maund less.

On Tuesday, the 23rd, I marched over 3 1/2 kos and alighted on the bank of the River Bayab. [712] On Wednesday I marched nearly 6 kos and halted at the tank of Hamda. [713] On Thursday I ordered a halt and had a wine party, and gave cups to my special servants. I promoted Nawazish Khan to the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, which was an increase of 500 personal, and gave him a robe of honour and an elephant, and allowed him to go to his fief. Muhammad Husain Sabzak, [714] who had been sent to Balkh to buy horses, came to Court to-day and paid his respects. Of the horses he brought, one was piebald and was of fine shape and colour. I had never seen a piebald horse of this colour before. He had also brought other good roadsters. I therefore gave him the title of Tijarati Khan.

On Friday, the 26th, I marched 5 1/4 kos and halted at the village of Jalod. [715] Raja Lachmi Narayan, the paternal uncle of the Raja of Kuch, to whom I had now given the territory of Kuch, was presented with a horse. On Saturday I marched 3 kos and halted at Boda. [716] On Sunday I marched 5 kos and set up the royal standards at Dohad. It is on the borders of Malwa and Gujarat.

Pahluwan Baha'u-d-din, the musketeer, brought a young monkey (langur) with a goat, and represented that on the road one of his marksmen had seen the female langur with a young one in its arms on a tree. The cruel man had shot the mother, which on being struck had left the young one on a branch, and had herself dropped on the ground and died. Pahluwan Baha'u-d-din had then come up and taken down the young one, and had put it beside the goat to be suckled. God had inspired the goat with affection for it, and it began to lick the monkey and to fondle it. In spite of difference of species she showed such love as if it had come out of her own womb. I told them to separate them, but the goat immediately began to lament, and the young langur also became much distressed. The affection of the monkey is not so remarkable, as it wanted to get milk, but the affection of the goat for it is remarkable. The langur is an animal belonging to the monkey tribe. But the hair of the monkey (maimun) is yellowish and its face is red, while the hair of the langur is white and its face is black. Its tail, too, is twice as long as the maimun's. I have written these things on account of their strangeness. On Monday, the 29th, I halted and went to hunt nilgaw. I shot two, one male and one female. On Tuesday also, the 30th, I halted.

End of the twelfth year of the Emperor's reign,
in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri.

ERRATA AND ADDENDA.

Page 15, line 7 from foot. The figure 1 should be placed at Sultanu-n-nisa Begam.

p. 24, l. 5. For my read his. With reference to n. 2, p. 120, l. 13, shows that the father meant is Shahrukh.

p. 34, l. 2 of verse. Solomon's greatness depended on the possession of a ring. When that was lost his power departed. See the story of its loss and recovery in Mir Khwand (Rehatsek's translation, pt. i, 100). Probably then the line should be rendered 'Call him the ring-wearing Solomon.'

p. 38, near foot. The words 'the news,' etc., are not a verse, and Nazar-jivi should be Nazar Chuli, i.e. the Nazar who accompanied Humayun through the desert (chul). See Akbar-nama translation, i, 657, n. 3.

p. 39, l. 2. For near Lahore read a dependency of Lahore. Kalanur is the Kalanaur of the maps, and is 15 miles west of Gurdaspur (I.G., new ed., xiv, 297).

p. 43, note. For lithograph read text.

p. 46, l. 8. For Mirza read Miran.

p. 50, l. 1, and note 1. I.O. MSS. seem to have Tanam Bahadur. The reference to Ma'asiru-l-umara is ii, 140. The name of Muzaffar Gujarati's son was Bahadur.

p. 54, n. 1. For Price, p. 6 read Price, p. 68. The Iqbal-nama and Khulasatu-t-tawarikh say he was put in charge of Ihtimam Kotwal.

p. 58, n. 2. It is Nilera in I.O. MS. No. 181.

p. 60, l. 6. The meaning is that `Abidin was the son of `Abdu-llah Khan's spiritual adviser. `Abidin is called `Abidi in Akbar-nama, iii, 832. He came to India in 1013 (1604-5), and Akbar gave him the rank of 1,000 and 500 horse (iii, 834).

p. 65, l. 11. For know read knew.

p. 66, l. 7. The MSS. seem to have Jaihal.

p. 66, last line. Kilin means 'daughter-in-law' in Turki. Perhaps Kilan here is a synonym for 'son-in-law.'

p. 67, l. 8. The words 'which in Hindustani is called balli' are not in the I.O. MSS. I do not know the word balli as meaning a pole. Perhaps it is a mistake for laggi.

p. 76, l. 3 from foot. Omit the words 'who is one of the khanazadas of the State.'

p. 79, l. 6. For and cash read in cash.

p. 81, n. 1. Delete question mark and the words 'near Multan.' Nandanpur, i.e. Nandana (I.G., xviii, 349), and Girjhak are in the Jhelam district. The Ram Das garden was some place near Lahore, where Jahangir took up his residence on the way to the hunting-ground. He spent 3 1/2 months in hunting.

p. 84, l. 19. For `Abdu-r-Rahim, read `Abdu-r-Rahman.

p. 87, l. 21. Firishta in his account of Babar says the Daulat Khan of that time was descended from the Daulat Khan who in 816 A.H. (1413-14) was Sultan of Delhi. See Elliot, iv, 45.

p. 90, l. 4 from foot. Jahangirpur is mentioned in account of 15th year, p. 317, last line (text). It is the Shekhopura of the maps, and is 22 miles from Hafizabad and 18 miles west of Lahore. It was called Shaikhupura in allusion to Jahangir's pet name of Shaikhu Baba, and also in honour of Shaikh Salim. See Khulasa T. in account of Jahangir's reign. The I.G., xxii, 270, wrongly ascribes its origin to Dara Shukuh. Mulla Husain Kashmiri, mentioned on p. 91, died in 1037 (1627-8), Rieu, ii, 7756. The minaret is still standing. See Eastwick's "Panjab Handbook," 200. Instead of 'the gravestone in the shape of an antelope' we should render, I think, 'a stone tomb with the figure of an antelope (engraved upon it).' The I. O. MSS. have Marraj as the name of the antelope. Perhaps we should read Manoraj 'mind's lord.'

p. 99, l. 3 from foot. I. O. MSS, have bahur b-hUr as the name of the net.

p. 109, n. 1. Delete note. The rang is the ibex.

p. 110, n. 1. See J.A.S.B. for February, 1908, p. 39.

p. 117. The Iqbal-nama mentions in connection with the story of the mummified saint that many Sabzawar saints lived in Bamiyan. See also Kamgar Husaini.

p. 120, l. 1. Delete word 'Georgians.' I. O. MS. No. 181 has ghurja.

p. 122, l. 10. Insert 'and' after 'sheep.'

p. 125, l. 13. For garden read gardens.

p. 133, l. 4. For £ read rupees.

p. 134, l. 15. For he died on the 29th read he died in his ninth decade (i.e. between 80 and 90). The Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 143, says he was 82 when he died.

p. 134, l. 13 from foot. Instead of 'he went off alone' the MSS. have 'carrying off his life' (i.e. escaping) with difficulty.

p. 136, n. 1. The opinion expressed in this note is proved to be wrong by General Cunningham's Report, Arch. S., xiv, p. 58. The tombs are those of a musician and his pupil.

p. 140, l. 8. Delete Sylvia olivacea.

p. 143, l. 7. Apparently there were twelve balls, or at least objects, ten being as large as an orange, another being a citron, and the twelfth a surkh. So instead of 'one to a citron' we should read, perhaps, 'a citron and a surkh.'

p. 143, l. 3 from foot. For Ilf read Alf.

p. 147, l. 4 from foot. Delete the word 'Egyptian' and also n. 1. It appears from the Ghiyasu-l-loghat that a Qutbi ruby is a broad ruby suitable for a ring (signet?).

p. 153, l. 13 from foot. For Hamazani read Hamadani.

p. 156. According to Terry, Jahandar was called Sultan Takht because born when Jahangir first sat on his throne.

p. 158, l. 9. Perhaps Yuzi = Yuz-bashi, i.e. centurion. But I. O. 181 has not the word, only saying 'Shah Beg Khan,' and No. 305 has Shah Beg Khan Buri(?).

p. 158, l. 10. The passage is wrongly translated. No elephant was presented to Salamu-llah. The sentence should end on l. 9 after the word 'panther-keeper,' which word is probably a mistranslation. Then this new sentence should come, i.e. 'Salamu-llah `Arab, who is a young man of a distinguished Arabian family (kih az jawanan-i-qarar-dada-i-`Arab ast) and related to Mubarak, the governor of Dizful, came to wait upon me on account of his being suspicious of the designs of Shah `Abbas (against himself).' 'I patronized him,' etc. (as on p. 158).

p. 158, n. 3, and p. 162, n. 1. Both notes are wrong. The place meant by Jahangir is Dizful, a town in the Khuzistan province of Persia, and Juyza is evidently a copyist's error for Khuz or Khuza, another name for Khuzistan. Dizful is an ancient name, and according to Yaqut, Barbier de Meynard's translation, p. 231, the proper spelling is Dizpul, i.e. 'the Bridge of the Citadel,' the town being named after a famous bridge built over the river. For Khuz see B. de Meynard, 216.

p. 160, l. 12 from foot. Qabulah was a town in the Bet Jalandhar Du'ab.

p. 163, l. 9. It is 2,000 rupees in I. O. MSS.

p. 163, l. 12. It is not Qacha Dakhani in I. O. MSS., but I am not sure what the clause, as given by them, means. No. 181 seems to have bafatahaigi for 'assistance' (?). Two B. M. MSS. have apparently bafatahai kapi, but Add. 26,215 has the Arabic ha, while Or. 3276 has the ordinary h, so that the words possibly mean 'the young of the monkey' (kapi).

p. 166, l. 2. Husamu-d-din was married to Abu-l-fazl's sister, Blochmann, 441.

p. 167, l. 16. The word rojh in brackets is wrong. The MSS. have qara-quyragh and qara-quyragh. P. de Courteille gives quyrugh as meaning a tail, so perhaps qara-quyrugh means a black-tailed sheep or deer. See p. 129, l. 17, where the qara-quyrugh is said to be the chikara.

p. 168, last line. The MSS. has habs-i-mazid, which does not necessarily mean imprisonment for life.

p. 170, n. 2. For Akbar's wives read Jahangir's wives.

p. 172, l. 21 seq. Is this the story referred to by Hawkins (Purchas), about Muqarrab having taken a Banian's daughter?

p. 177, note. For one-third of an inch read one and a third inches.

p. 183, l. 8. This is the annular eclipse entered in Dr. R. Schramm's Tables, Sewell's Indian Calendar, as having occurred on 5th December, 1610, which corresponds to 28th Ramazan, 1019.

p. 185, n. 3. Persian text, p. 309, l. 11, has the phrase majra girifta atash dadand, 'took aim and fired' (a cannon).

p. 188, l. 7 from foot. For Naziri, see Rieu, ii, 807b, and Blochmann, 579. He died in 1622 (1613).

p. 191, l. 10. For dhik (?) read dhik, i.e. adjutant bird.

p. 191, l. 8. Patal means 'red' or 'rose-coloured' in Sanskrit. Query 'red deer.'

p. 192, l. 2. Add year 1020.

p. 195, last line. The passage is rather obscure, but the meaning seems to be that though formalities are not regarded by the wise, yet weak persons (qawasir, which apparently is a plural of qasir), regard externals as the means of paying the dues of friendship (and so we must attend to them). Hence when at this auspicious time a province which had gone out of my (`Abbas's) possession has been settled by the exertions of angelic servants in accordance with the hopes of well-wishers, I (`Abbas) have returned to the capital, and have despatched Kamalu-d-din, etc.

p. 197, l. 7. For Khankhanan read Khan.

p. 197, l. 12. The I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. They say nothing about three ratis. What they say is, "At this time I had made some increase in the amounts of weights and measures. For instance, I added one-fourth (siwa'i) to the weight of the muhrs and rupees." The sih rati of text is a mistake for siwa'i.

p. 197, l. 12 from foot. I.O. MSS. have 'Sunday in Safar,' but they wrongly have 1022.

p. 197, l. 9 from foot. Both I.O. MSS. have 'Neknahar' instead of 'in the interior.'

p. 198, l. 11. Or Lohgar.

p. 205, l. 14. I do not think that the translation 'should not force Islam on anyone,' or the version in Elliot, vi, 325, 'Not to forcibly impose Musulman burdens on anyone,' gives the full force of the words taklif-i-Musalmani bar kasi nakunand. I think the reference clearly is to circumcision, and that the words taklif-i-Musalmani should be rendered 'the Muhammadan ceremonial.' This explains why the injunction comes in immediately after the prohibitions against blinding and mutilation. It has been said, and I believe with truth, that the members of the Delhi royal family never were circumcised. Probably one reason for this was that in many instances they had Hindu mothers. As pointed out in Elliot, the passage is omitted in the Iqbal-nama. It also does not occur in the version given in `Ali Muhammad's "History of Gujarat," vol. i, p. 200 of lithograph.

p. 214, verse. For red read a river.

p. 216. See picture of a turkey in Havell's "Indian Sculpture," pp. 214-15.

p. 218, l. 10 from foot. About Shapur see Ma'asiru-l-umara, i, 180.

p. 224, n. 1. For infra read supra, pp. 27 and 30, note.

p. 229, ll. 9 and 14. For Patna read Tatta.

p. 229, note. For brother read brother's son.

p. 231, l. 14 from foot. For Nihalpur substitute Thalner as in the MSS. The news of the death seems to have reached Agra very quickly.

p. 232, l. 1. Insert the word 'and' before 'allowed.'

p. 234, l. 2 from foot. The word translated 'cranes' is karwanak, and probably means 'a little crane.' In Blochmann, 63, karwanak is rendered by 'stone-curlew.'

p. 234, l. 5 from foot. The word seems to be kunjishk, 'sparrow,' in the MSS., but probably it should be kunjak, 'a curiosity, a rarity.'

p. 235, l. 2. It is Thursday, the 28th, in the MSS., and instead of 'night' we should read 'eve.' The English date corresponding to 28th Muharram is 10th March, 1613.

p. 237, l. 8. It is 1,000 in the MSS., and this is probably correct, though B.M. MS. 1645 has changed the word for 1,000 into one for 100. The ordinary kaukab-i-tali` was 100 tolas in weight, see p. 11. At p. 406 two kaukab-i-tali's are mentioned of 500 tolas each. It is a mistake, I think, to regard the word muhr as always implying gold. The ordinary kaukab-i-tali` was of silver, and these large muhrs were no doubt also of silver. The note 1 to Elliott, vi, 355, is probably incorrect.

p. 237, l. 10. 'The feast went off well,' etc. The passage is obscure, but probably the translation should be 'There was a splendid assemblage (majis shigufta gasht), and after it was over I ordered that they should arrange an illumination.' The words in text, p. 116, l. 3, are hukm kardam kih asbab u ayin bar kunand. The MSS. have asbab-i-ayin ra. No. 181 seems to have baz kunand, and so has B.M. MS. 1645, but No. 305 has bar kunand, as in text. It may be that the meaning is that Jahangir told the servants they might appropriate the decorations, but I rather think the order was to make an illumination. It may also simply mean that he ordered the decorations to be taken down. Baz kunand ordinarily means 'to open out,' bar kunand 'to load.'

p. 237, l. 12. Delete 'the' before Muqarrab.

p. 237, note. I.O. MSS. seem to have zarin, 'golden'(?).

p. 241, l. 5 from foot. I.G., new ed., xvii, 309, speaks of a handsome mosque in Mairtha having been founded by Akbar, but probably it is this one of Shaikh Pir. Perhaps Shaikh Pir is the old beggar referred to in Roe's Journal.

p. 247, l. 5 from foot. For chakri read jhakkar. It was not necessarily a dust-storm.

p. 250, l. 6. The MSS. have Rup instead of Rawal, and so has Elliot, vi, 335. They have 'hill country of Mewat,' as in text. They have Chitor, and not Jaipur, as in Elliot, and they make (by error) Jahangir speak of the year as the 10th, instead of the 8th. Instead of 'have' at l. 12 we should read 'had,' and instead of 'from the Rawal who was first known as Rawal,' they have, as also has Elliot, 'Rahab, who was the first to take the title of Rana.' Rahab is the Rahup of Tod, who says he came to the throne in 1201 A.D.

p. 253, ll. 10 and 11. I cannot find the word pulta-bazi. My friend, Mr. Irvine, suggests that we should read patta bazi. Patta means a 'foil,' or 'wooden sword,' and patta baz is given in Forbes as meaning a 'fencer.' Paltha marna occurs in Forbes as meaning a 'peculiar posture.' The yaganagi of l. 11 should be yakangagi, meaning 'one body,' or 'one limb,' and corresponds to the yakhath of Blochmann, 252, both phrases meaning apparently 'that the fencer fights with one hand,' that is, 'without using a shield.'

p. 260, l. 8. This I`tiqad is the father of Mumtaz-mahall, the wife of Shah Jahan. He now became Asaf Khan, and apparently the title of I`tiqad was transferred to his younger brother (or cousin?) Shahpur, who was afterwards governor of Kashmir. See Ma'asir, i, 180. The two previous Asaf Khans of the family are Ghiyasu-d-din of Qazwin (Blochmann, 433), and Mirza Ja`far Beg, who was Ghiyasu-d-din's nephew. The father of Nur-Jahan was Ghiyas Beg of Tihran (Blochmann, 508). Blochmann, in his Table, 512, has not mentioned Shahpur, i.e. the I`tiqad who became governor of Kashmir.

p. 261, l. 17 from foot. For mother read mothers (i.e. stepmothers).

p. 261, l. 10 from foot. For nephews read nephew.

p. 278, l. 13. For named read namad, and it should be in italics.

p. 281, l. 2. The permission to beat his drums is explained by the Iqbal-nama, p. 79, where it is said that he was permitted to beat his drums in the capital, dar pay-i-takht.

p. 281, l. 6 from foot. This eclipse is noted in Dr. Schram's Tables as occurring on 19th March, 1615.

p. 282, l. 10 from foot. Delete word 'Egyptian.'

p. 286, l. 6. For Frank read Venetian. Kar-i-Wanadik, as in MSS.

p. 288, l. 5. Chatur, instead of Tahayyur, in No. 305, and Bakhtar (?) in No. 181.

p. 293. According to the Iqbal-nama, 80, Kunwar Karan, son of Rana Amar Singh, became an officer of Jahangir, receiving the rank of 5,000 personal and horse. He was the first of the direct royal line of his family to accept office.

p. 293, l. 2 from foot. No. 181 has 102 horses.

p. 294, n. 2. No. 181 has Rasht.

p. 300, l. 18. According to Vullers' Dict., i, 482, a tulcha is 96 grains or about half a tola. The Ghiyasu-l-loghat, however, says that tulcha is merely the Persian form of the Hindustani tula. According to the Burhan-i-qati' a tola is only 2 1/2 masha in Upper India. Generally it is reckoned as 12 masha. According to Sir Thomas Roe 2 1/2 tolas were equal to 1 ounce.

p. 317, MS. No. 181 has A.H. date 1025.

p. 321, l. 11. For several bits read some marten skins. See Tuzuk text, p. 308, l. 3 from foot, and Vullers' Dict, ii, 6. The MS. No. 181 has sad dana-i-kish, 'one hundred marten skins.'

p. 321, l. 13 from foot. For transit dues read for keeping open the Pass (rah-dari).

p. 321, n. 2. The words in I.O. MSS. seem to be igana begana, which is perhaps a mere jingle on the word afghana, but may mean 'known, unknown.' Jahangir puns on the name Qadam, which means 'a foot, a pace.' The words occur again at p. 323.

p. 322, last line. Probably `aqiri is, or is derived from, `aqar, which means a bird whose feathers were used for ornamentation. According to P. de Courteille, Turki Dict., 384, `aqar is a heron.

p. 328, l. 13 from foot. For Shah Shaja`at read Shah Shuja`. He was Shah Jahan's second son, and was born at Ajmir on the eve of Sunday, and on 11th Tir. Apparently this corresponds to 24th June, 1616, which is the date of birth mentioned by Sir Thomas Roe. Beale's date of 12th May is wrong.

p. 332, l. 6 from foot. Here the word tulcha is used again, and apparently as meaning the same thing as tola; 6,514 tulchas or tolas would be about 82 sirs, or over 2 maunds and about 12 stone. Next year Sir Thomas Roe saw Jahangir weighed, and he understood that his weight was 9,000 rupees. If so, his weight would appear to have considerably increased during the twelve months. Perhaps we should read 8,514, instead of 6,514 tulchas. Hasht (8) and shash (6) are often confounded.

p. 341, l. 8 from foot. For times read days, the word ruz (days) having been omitted from the text.

p. 344, n. 1. Apparently we should read Toda. The difference between it and Nauda is, in Persian writing, only one dot. Toda is mentioned by Roe as the place where he overtook Jahangir, and the stages given by him come to 21 kos, counting from Ramsar, and this agrees very nearly with Jahangir's stages from the same place.

p. 351, l. 15 from foot. The MS. No. 181 has the word gaz twice, and makes the pahna'i, or width, 175 1/2 gaz (yards).

p. 351, last line. For Bulghari read Pulkhari.

p. 352, l. 1. Delete the words 'of Tir.' The month was Bahman, corresponding to January-February, 1617, and 23rd Bahman would be about 1st February. In Sayyid Ahmad's edition the word Tir is a mistake for niz, 'also,' the meaning being that the 23rd was a halt as well as the 22nd.

p. 353, l. 2. Ghaznin Khan is mentioned by Finch under the name of Gidney Khan, and he is said to have been originally a Hindu. But this seems doubtful, as his father's name is given in the Mir'at-i-Ahmadi as Malik Khanji Afghan. See also Bayley's "Gujarat," p. 15. Jalor is now in Jodhpur. It is described by Finch.

p. 353, l. 2. This seems to be the case of matricide mentioned in Terry's "Voyage," p. 362, of ed. of 1777. His statement that it occurred at Ahmadabad is presumably an oversight. Terry says the matricide was put to death by being bitten by two snakes. See also Irvine's "Manucci," iv, 422. Apparently the punishment recorded by Jahangir took place on the 4th February, for Sir Thomas Roe mentions that they reached Kaliyadaha, the next stage, on 6th February. The bi in biyasa should be deleted. Jalaur, or Jalor, is in Jodhpur (I.G., xiv, 29). It used to be in Ajmir. It is not quite clear if Terry was with Roe at Kaliyadaha, but if not he was with him at Ujjain. The execution may have taken place there.

p. 355, l. 16. For 'from the city of Ujjain,' etc., read 'to a rural spot near the city of Ujjain.'

p. 360, l. 22. For 128 1/4 cubits read 28 1/4 cubits. I.O. MS. 181 has 28 1/4 yards. The printed text of Sayyid Ahmad has 128 1/4 cubits.

p. 362, l. 8 from foot. Delete (Balchha?).

p. 373, l. 11 seq. This I`tiqad was the younger brother or perhaps cousin of Asaf Khan, the brother of Nur-Jahan. He was also known as Shahpur. See Ma'asiru-l-umara, i, 180.

p. 375, n. 2. Read two diamonds.

p. 406, n. 3. Dikhtan or Daikhtan seems right. It is so in both the I.O. MSS.

p. 406, l. 11 from foot. These muhrs were probably of silver, and were called muhrs because they were medals rather than coins. Dr. Kehr has given an account of a large muhr which is now apparently in Dresden. See also Richardson's Dict., article Sikka.

p. 407, l. 4. This is Juna Khan, son of Ghiyasu-d-din Tughluq. He ascended the throne in 1325 under the title of Muhammad bin Tughluq.

p. 407, l. 15. This is the prince known as Nasiru-d-din. He ascended the throne as Muhammad bin Firuz in 1387, and again in 1390.

p. 413, ll. 11 and 3 from foot. I.O. MSS. show that Sar-faraz should be Sarafraz; apparently his present was 'seven bullock-carts' (haft ras gaw bahal) and not two bullocks.

p. 417, n. 2. Cancel note. Narangsar seems right.

p. 417, l. 2 from foot. The words are dah bist wazn muhr u rupiya ma`mul. Elliot, p. 354, renders this 'ten and twenty times heavier than the current gold muhr and rupee.'

p. 418, l. 10. See n. 2 in Elliot, vi, 355. Apparently Jahangir means that he was the first person to coin double muhrs and double rupees. There is an account of tankas in the Bahar-i-`Ajam, 261, col 2, p. 421, n. 2. But it is 27 in I.O. MSS. 113, p. 423, l. 14. A tassu is more than a finger-breadth, it is the 1/24 of a gaz or yard, and should be about 1 1/3 inches.

p. 437. I am indebted to my friend Dr. Hoernle for the explanation of the names of the two sects of Sewras. They should be Tapa and Kharatara. Man Singh's name in religion was Jin-simha. See Epigraphia Indica, i, 37, and Ind. Antiquary, xi, 250. Man Singh died at Mairtha (in Jodhpur) according to the Jain books, in the beginning of 1618. The head of the Tapa sect in Jahangir's time was Vijayasena. There is an elaborate paper on the Jains of Gujarat and Marwar by Colonel Miles in the Transactions R.A.S., iii, pp. 335-71.

p. 442, l. 8. There is no previous reference to the outbreak of plague in Kashmir, though there is one to its occurrence in the Panjab. There is an interesting account of the plague in Khafi Khan, i, 286-8, in which the description is carried down to the time of Aurangzib.

NOTES

[1] It is owing to the crabbed writing of Price's MS. that at p. 21 Jahangir is made to say that the Prince of Kashmir belonged to the society of Jogis. The real statement is that the prince belonged to the Chak family.

[2] A translation was begun by the Rev. Mr. Lowe for the Asiatic Society of Bengal, but only one fasciculus was published. This was in 1889.

[3] That is, he was 37 years 3 months by the lunar calendar, and 36 years 1 month by solar reckoning (Padshahnama, i, 69). Elliot and all the MSS. have 8th Jumada-s-sani as the date of the accession, but this is clearly wrong, as Akbar did not die till 13th Jumada-s-sani. Evidently the copyists have, as is so often the case, misread bistam as hashtam. See Blochmann's remark, p. 454, note 3. That Jahangir was not at this time 38 is shown by his stating at p. 37 that he celebrated his 38th birthday at Lahore after the capture of Khusrau.

[4] The Sanskrit Kalinda.

[5] The couplet appears in Mas`ud's divan, B.M. MS. Egerton, 701, p. 142a, line 4. The preceding lines show that the dust (gard) referred to in the first line means the dust caused by the invading army. I take the words baru barhai to mean the battlements or pinnacles of the fortress, the i at the end of barha being intensive.

[6] Erskine's manuscript translation of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, B.M. MS. Add. 26,611, and the B.M. MS. have chini, not habshi. But I.O. MS. No. 181 and the R.A.S. MS. have husaini, and this seems right. See Memoirs, Leyden & Erskine, p. 326, and the Haidarabad Turki text, p. 284. The kishmishi is a small grape like that of which currants are made.

[7] Cf. infra the account of the 11th year, p. 173.

[8] See Memoirs. L. & E., p. 330.

[9] The name rae bel is not given in Clarke's Roxburgh, but perhaps it is one of the jessamines, and may be the bela of Clarke (p. 30). The rae bel is described by Abu-l-fazl (Blochmann, pp. 76 and 82). The statement about its flowers being double and treble is obscure. Erskine renders the passage "The leaves are generally two and three fold." The Persian word is tabaqa, which apparently is equivalent to the tui or fold of the Ayin-i-Akbari, Persian text, i, 96. The reference may be to the flowers growing in umbels.

[10] This is the bokul of Indian gardens (Clarke, p. 313), and well deserves Jahangir's praise. It is probably the bholsari mentioned in the Ayin (Blochmann, No. 10, p. 83). Blochmann gives bholsiri (p. 70) as the name of a fruit-tree, and the bholsari of p. 83 maybe a mistake for mulsari.

[11] The text has sewti, but the sewti seems to be the Rosa glandulifera of Roxburgh (Clarke, p. 407) and has no resemblance to the Pandanus. See also the description of the sewti, Blochmann, p. 82. (Perhaps there are two sewtis, one famous for fragrance, the other for beauty. See l.c., pp. 76 and 82.) What is meant in the text is evidently a Pandanus and the ketki of Blochmann, p. 83. I have followed, therefore, I.O. MS. 181, and have substituted ketki for sewti. The ketki may be Pandanus inermis, which has no thorns (Clarke, p. 708). Erskine also has ketki.

[12] L.c. p. 33 et seq.

[13] Du Jarric, who got his information from missionary reports, seems to imply that the chain was of silver, and says that Jahangir was following the idea of an old Persian king. It is mentioned in the Siyar al-muta'akhkhirin (reprint, i, 230) that Muhammad Shah in 1721 revived this, and hung a long chain with a bell attached to it from the octagon tower which looked towards the river.

[14] In text this is wrongly made part of regulation 2.

[15] Gladwin and the MSS. have dilbahra (exhilarating drink), and this is probably correct. Jahangir would know little about rice-spirit.

[16] This regulation is more fully expounded in Price, p. 7.

[17] It is curious that Jahangir should give the 18th Rabi`u-l-awwal as his birthday, while the authorities give it as the 17th. Probably the mistake has arisen from Jahangir's writing Rabi`u-l-awwal instead of Shahriwar. His birthday was Rashn the 18th day of Shahriwar (see Akbarnama, ii, 344), but it was the 17th Rabi`u-l-awwal. See Muhammad Hadi's preface, p. 2, and Beale, and Jahangir's own statement a few lines above. Possibly Jahangir wished to make out that he was born on the 18th Rabi`u-l-awwal and a Thursday, because he regarded Thursday as a blessed day (mubarak shamba), whilst he regarded Wednesday as peculiarly unlucky, and called it kam, or gam, shamba.

[18] Cf. Elliot's translation, vi, 513, and note 2.

[19] The MSS. have "the subsistence lands of people in general (ahali) and the aimas."

[20] In the text and in Elliot, vi, 515, this is made a separate order, but it is not so in the MSS. If it were, we should have thirteen instead of twelve regulations. This is avoided in text and in Elliot by putting the 8th and 7th regulations into one ordinance. With regard to the regulation about releasing the prisoners, Sir Henry Elliot is somewhat unjust to Jahangir in his commentary at p. 515. It was only those who had been long imprisoned whom Jahangir released, and his proceedings at Ranthambhor in the 13th year (Tuzuk, p. 256) show that he exercised discrimination in releasing prisoners. The account in Price, p. 10, may also be consulted. There Jahangir says he released 7,000 men from Gwalior alone. It may be remembered that most of these were political offenders. Private criminals were for the most part put to death, or mutilated, or fined. There were no regular jails.

[21] The above translation of the Institutes should be compared with Sir Henry Elliot's translation and his commentary: History of India, E. & D., vol. vi, Appendix, p. 493.

[22] Erskine's MS. has isari for nisari, and akhtar-i-qabul instead of khair-i-qabul.

[23] This is Blochmann's Asaf Khan No. iii, viz. Mirza Ja`far Beg. See pp. 368 and 411.

[24] The words Aftab-i-Mamlakat yield, according to the numeration by abjad, the date 1014 A.H. (1605).

[25] Page 4 of the text is followed by engravings of the coins of Jahangir and the inscriptions thereon, for which the editor, Saiyid Ahmad, says he is indebted to Mr. Thornhill, the Judge of Meerut. They do not show the lines of poetry. There is an interesting article on the couplets on Jahangir's coins by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, J.A.S.B. for 1888, p. 18.

[26] The chronogram is ingenious. The words Sahib-Qiran-i-Sani yield only 1013 according to abjad, and this is a year too little. But the verse states that Prosperity (or Fortune), Iqbal, laid his head at the second lord of conjunction's feet, and the head of Iqbal, according to the parlance of chronogram-composers, is the first letter of the word, that is, alif, which stands for one (A) in abjad, and so the date 1014 is made up. Sahib-Qiran-i-Sani means 'the second lord of conjunction,' and is a title generally applied to Shah Jahan; the first lord of conjunction (i.e the conjunction of Jupiter and Venus) was Timur.

[27] A great officer under Humayun and Akbar. See Ayin, Blochmann, p. 317.

[28] Blochmann, p. 331. He had 1,200 eunuchs. He is generally styled Sa`id Chaghatai. The exact nature of his relationship does not appear. It is not mentioned in his biography in the Ma'asir, ii, 403. Perhaps the word (nisbat) does not here mean affinity by marriage.

[29] According to the account in Price, p. 16, and in the Ma'asir, ii, 405, Sa`id Khan gave a bond that if his people were oppressive he would forfeit his head.

[30] He does not seem to have had any real power, and he was soon superseded. See Ma'asir, iii, 932.

[31] It appears from Erskine and from I.O. MS. that this is a mistake for Yatish-begi, 'Captain of the Watch,' and that the name is Aminu-d-din, and not Aminu-d-daula. See Akbarnama, iii, 474, etc.

[32] Sharif Khan had been sent by Akbar to recall Jahangir to his duty, but instead of coming back he stayed on. He did not accompany Jahangir when the latter went off the second time to wait upon his father. Probably he was afraid to do so. Jahangir appointed him to Bihar before he left Allahabad to visit his father for the second time. Jahangir says Sharif waited upon him fifteen days after his accession, and on 4th Rajab. This is another proof, if proof were needed, that the copyists have misread the opening sentence of the Tuzuk and have written hashtam instead of bistam, for 4th Rajab is fifteen days after 20th Jumada-l-akhir. The Padshahnama and Khafi Khan have 20th, and Price and Price's original say that Sharif arrived sixteen days after the accession.

[33] I.O. MS. 181 and Muhammad Hadi have Sultan Nisar Begam. Khafi Khan, i, 245, has Sultan Begam, and says she was born in 994. Price's Jahangir, p. 20, says she was born a year before Khusrau. She built a tomb for herself in the Khusrau Bagh, Allahabad, but she is not buried there (see J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 607). She died on 4th Sha`ban, 1056 (5th September, 1646), and was at her own request buried in her grandfather's tomb at Sikandra (Padshahnama, ii, 603-4).

[34] Should be Shaikhawat.

[35] The R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. have here Umra instead of Uzbegs. Umra here stands, I think, for Umr Singh, the Rana of Udaipur, and the meaning is that Shir Khan lost his arm in service against the Rana.

[36] The point of the verse seems to be that light is regarded as something spread like a carpet on the ground, and that to place the foot upon it is to insult the sun. Compare Price, p. 33; but Manohar's verse is wrongly translated there owing to a badly written MS. For Manohar see Akbarnama, iii, 221, and Badayuni, iii, 201, also Blochmann, p. 494, and his article in Calcutta Review for April, 1871, also the Dabistan, translation, ii, 53.

[37] Probably here ab means both water and the water of the sword. These lines are not in the R.A.S. or I.O. MSS.

[38] Text, ihtiyat (caution); the MSS. have i`tiqad (confidence), and I adopt this reading.

[39] Blochmann, p. 52. It was a small round seal. Uzuk or uzuk is a Tartar word meaning a ring, i.e. a signet-ring.

[40] Text, sabiyya (daughter), and this led Blochmann (p. 477, note 2) to say that if Sayyid Ahmad's text was correct Jahangir must have forgotten, in the number of his wives, which of them was the mother of Parwiz. As a fact, Sayyid Ahmad's text is not correct, though the R.A.S. MS. agrees with it. The two excellent I.O. MSS. have khwish (relative), which is here equivalent to cousin. So also has the B.M. MS. used by Erskine. According to Muhammad Hadi's preface Parwiz's mother was the daughter of Khwaja Hasan, the paternal uncle of Zain Khan Koka. His birth was in Muharram, 998, or 19th Aban (November, 1589). See also Akbarnama, iii, 568.

[41] I.e., both were Akbar's foster-brothers.

[42] Price, p. 20, has Karmitty, and says the daughter only lived two months. Karamsi appears twice in the Akbarnama as the name of a man; see Akbarnama, ii, 261, and iii, 201. The name may mean 'composed of kindness.' The statement in Price is wrong. Bihar Banu was married to Tahmuras s. Prince Daniyal in his 20th year (see Tuzuk, M. Hadi's continuation, p. 400). According to M. Hadi's preface, Karamsi was the daughter of Raja Kesho Das Rathor, and her daughter Bihar Banu was born on 23rd Shahriwar, 998 (September, 1590). Kesho Das Rathor is probably the Kesho Das Maru of the Tuzuk.

[43] Best known as Jodh Bai (Blochmann, p. 619).

[44] It is extraordinary that Jahangir should have put Shah-Jahan's birth into A.H. 999. The I.O. MSS. support the text, but the R.A.S. MS. has A.H. 1000, which is without doubt right. Cf. Akbarnama, Bib. Ind., iii, 603. Later on, a great point was made of his having been born in a millennium. The date is 5th January, 1592.

[45] Muhammad Hadi says in his preface, p. 6, that Shah-Jahan's grandfather Akbar gave him the name of Sultan Khurram, 'Prince Joy,' because his birth made the world glad. It was noted that the child was born in the first millennium, and also that, like his father, he was born in the same month as the Prophet.

[46] Gladwin says they were twins, but this seems a mistake. They were both born about the time of Akbar's death.

[47] In MS. No. 310 of Ethé's Cat. of I.O. MSS. Sa`id Khan is described as giving as his reason for asking for M. Ghazi that he had adopted him as his son. Price's Jahangir, p. 21, says the same thing.

[48] This should be Jan, and is so in I.O. MS. 181.

[49] See Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 932. The meaning of the half and half is that the two men were made coadjutors.

[50] In R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. the following passage is a verse. See also Mr. Lowe's translation, p. 16.

[51] Wird means 'daily practice,' and may be the word intended here.

[52] Cf. this with the fuller details in Price, p. 22. Following Blochmann, I take Shab-i-jum`a to mean Thursday and not Friday night.

[53] The text has `Abdu-l-Ghani, but this, as the MSS. show and Blochmann has pointed out, is a mistake for `Abdu-n-Nabi. `Abdu-n-Nabi was strangled, and the common report is that this was done by Abu-l-fazl. If this be true it is rather surprising that Jahangir does not mention it as an excuse for killing Abu-l-fazl. Cf. the account of Miran Sadr Jahan in Price, p. 24. The "Forty Sayings" is a book by Jami. See Rieu, Cat. i, 17, and also Dr. Herbelot s.v. Arbain.

[54] This should be Ghiyas Beg. He was father of Nurjahan. According to the Ma'asiru-l-umara (i, 129), he was commander of 1,000 under Akbar.

[55] Topkhana-i-rikab, lit. stirrup-arsenal. It means light artillery that could accompany royal progresses. See Bernier, and Irvine, A. of M., 134.

[56] Text, topchi, which seems properly to mean a gunner, but the number is preposterous. Cf. Blochmann, p. 470, and Price, p. 28. Price's original has 6,000 topchi mounted on camels, and has paytakht, i.e. the capital. Erskine has "To have always in readiness in the arsenal arms, and accoutrements for 50,000 matchlock men." This seems reasonable, for even if Jahangir ordered 50,000 musketeers, he would not have required them to be kept in the arsenal. It seems to me that though chi in Turki is the sign of the agent (nomen agentis) it is occasionally used by Indian writers as a diminutive. Thus topchi here probably means a small gun or a musket, and in Hindustani we are familiar with the word chilamchi, which means a small basin. At p. 301 of the Tuzuk, four lines from foot, we have the word ilchi, which commonly means an ambassador--an agent of a people--used certainly not in this sense, and apparently to mean a number of horses. It is, however, doubtful if ilchi here be the true reading.

[57] Text, aknun (now), which is a mistake for altun (gold). See Elliot and Dowson, vi, 288. Al is vermilion in Turki and altun gold. Jahangir means that he changed the name from al tamgha to altun tamgha.

[58] Mirza Sultan was great-grandson of Sulaiman.