Chapter XIX: Part 19

[370] This was Arjumand Banu or Mumtaz-mahall, the favourite wife of Shah Jahan and the mother of fourteen of his children. She was the niece of Nur-Jahan, her father being Nur-Jahan's brother, the Asaf Khan IV and Abu-l-hasan of Beale, who also had the names of I`tiqad Khan and Yaminu-d-daulah. There is an account of the betrothal and wedding in the Padshah-nama, i, 388. It seems that the betrothal took place five years and three months before the marriage, and when Shah Jahan was 15 years old. At the time of the marriage Shah Jahan was 20 years and 3 months old and Arjumand Banu was 19 years and 1 month. 18th Khurdad, 1021, would correspond to about the end of May, 1612, but the Padshah-nama gives the eve of Friday, 9th Rabi`u-l-awwal of 1021, corresponding to 22nd Urdibihisht, as the day of the marriage. This would correspond to 30th April, 1612, so that apparently Jahangir's visit to the house (apparently I`timadu-d-daulah's, but possibly Shah Jahan's) took place about a month after the marriage. Arjumand Banu died in childbed at Burhanpur in 1040, or July, 1631, the chronogram being one word, viz. gham, 'grief.' She must have been born in 1591, and was in her 40th year when she died. She was not Shah Jahan's first wife, for he was married to the daughter of Muzaffar Husain Safawi, a descendant of Shah Isma`il of Persia, in September, 1610 (Rajab, 1019), but the betrothal to Arjumand was earlier than this. It was in Arjumand's honour that the Taj was built.

[371] Turha. The corresponding passage in the Iqbal-nama, p. 67, last line, shows that jewels are meant. The text omits the preposition ba before Begaman.

[372] Khun-para, 'congestion of blood'; para or bara is used to mean a collection or gathering. See Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 221, where we have bara ya`ni jam`i. Erskine, in spite of his MS., reads chun para and translates 'as quicksilver.'

[373] Asar, which, according to Forbes, is a sir weight.

[374] Perhaps it was only what is called a char-jama and not an enclosed howdah.

[375] The reference is to the Messiah as the restorer to life by His breath. For baguzar, 'pass by,' Erskine had in his MS. maguzar, 'pass not.' Apparently the verse means that it is more meritorious for the Messiah to restore one man to life than it is for another to slay a hundred infidels.

[376] `Ali Ahmad died suddenly two years before this, unless indeed the passage at p. 169 refers to the mimic and not to `Ali Ahmad. Probably the meaning is that `Ali Ahmad had made this couplet on some previous occasion, and that one of the courtiers now quoted it. His verse about the hundred murders may contain a play on the word khun, 'blood,' and refer to the spilling of the blood-like wine. It is difficult to understand how Jahangir came to introduce the verse into his Memoirs here. It does not seem to have any connection with the account of the Raja of Kumaon. Jahangir says it was quoted 'incidentally,' ba taqarrubi. Perhaps the word here means 'by way of parody,' or 'by way of paraphrase.' In the MS. used by Erskine the words of the first line seem to be Maguzar Masih bar sar-i-ma, and so Erskine translates "Pass not, O Messiah, over the heads of us victims of love." Perhaps maguzar means 'do not pass by.'

[377] This is the Dakhani chief mentioned previously at p. 192.

[378] Blochmann, p. 485. He acted in Kashmir for his brother Hashim.

[379] The katara was a long, narrow dagger. See Blochmann's Ayin, pl. xli, fig. 9. But the word phul (flower) is obscure. Perhaps it means the knot or crochet of jewels called by Chardin, iv, 164, ed. Rouen, "une enseigne ronde de pierreries," and which, he says, the Persians called 'rose de Poignard.'

[380] He must have remained more than four days, for he got the news of Salima's death while in the garden. See infra. Perhaps the date 10th refers to Day and not to Zi-l-qa`da. The Dahrah garden was in the environs of Agra.

[381] This statement is wrong. Salima was 76 when she died, she having been born on 4th Shawwal, 945, or 23rd February, 1539. She died on or about 10th Zi-l-qa`da, 1021 (2nd January, 1613), so that she was 73 solar years old. See note in B.M. MS. Or. 171, Rieu, 257a, and an article in J.A.S.B. for 1906. The note is by the author of the Tarikh-i-Muhammadi and is at 72a of the B.M. MS. Or. 171, and the corresponding passage appears in MS. Or. 182, on p. 140. The chronogram of Salima's birth was Khush-hal, which yields 945. She was about 3 1/2 years older than Akbar.

[382] The real name appears to be Abu-n-nabi. He had the title of Bahadur Khan. See Ma'asiru-l-umara, i, 400. In the Akbar-nama, iii, 820 and 839, he is called Abu-l-Baqa.

[383] This must refer to the 2 months and 20 days of hunting.

[384] Zin-i-murassa` kari-i-Farangi. The MSS. in the B.M. seem to have zaram instead of zin.

[385] Jahangir's words seem to imply that he caused the fowl's leg to be broken in order to try the experiment. Manucci, i, 55, has a good deal to say about mumiya, though he admits that he had not himself witnessed its effects. I do not find that Haji Baba descants on its virtues, though at the end of the first chapter he says that his mother gave him an unguent which she said would cure all fractures. The Persian translator, no doubt rightly, has rendered the word 'unguent' by mumiya. With regard to the derivation of the word, may it not be connected with mom, 'wax'? Vullers has a long article on the word.

[386] The text has biradari, 'brotherhood,' but the true reading, as shown by the B.M. MSS., is bar awardi, br 'AUrdI, and this means either the establishment of `Abdu-llah or a list submitted by him. Perhaps 'list' is a better translation, the word awardi being connected with the awarda-nawis of Wilson's Glossary.

[387] The sentence is very obscure. MS. No. 181 I.O. has khun, 'blood,' instead of chun, 'as,' and perhaps the meaning is blood in the breasts turns to milk on account of love for their cubs, and then the sucking by the latter increases the mother's natural ferocity and the milk dries up.

[388] In the B.M. MSS. the words are mansabdaran-i-riza-mansab. These last two words are wanting in the text.

[389] Text Patna, but B.M. MSS. have Thatta.

[390] Text has Patna.

[391] Text Kachhi, but it is Gajpati in B.M. MSS.

[392] This seems taken from Abu-l-fazl. See Jarrett, iii, 115. The third duty, which Jahangir calls "worshipping fire," is by Abu-l-fazl termed Yag, i.e. sacrifice.

[393] It is the day of the full moon in Sawan that is holy.

[394] Blochmann, p. 184, and Wilson's Glossary. Badayuni (Lowe, p. 269) speaks of Akbar's wearing the rakhi on the 8th day of Virgo. I do not know why Jahangir calls the day after the last day of Sawan the first day of the New Year. Perhaps ruz-i-duyam here means 'another day,' and not 'the next day'; but then, if so, why is it the rakhi day, for that is in Sawan? The Hindu New Year begins in Baisakh (April). It will be observed from Jarrett, ii, 17, that Sawan is also the name of a month of a particular length. Perhaps Jahangir has confused the two things.

[395] It is the 10th of Aswin (September).

[396] The text wrongly has dar har mah instead of only dar mah.

[397] The negative in text is wrong apparently. It does not occur in MS. No. 181 I.O. nor in the B.M. MSS., which have ba instead of na.

[398] That is, 9th Amurdad corresponded with the Hijra date of Akbar's death, viz. 13th Jumada-s-sani, which this year, 1022, occurred in July. According to the solar calendar Akbar's death was in October.

[399] Pargalas seem to be clothes of some sort. Perhaps the word is another form of the fargul of Blochmann, p. 89. The text has sitarkani. Sitar means a veil, but probably we should read Sonargaoni, 'of Sonargaon.' Both the MSS. give the number of elephants as 68 instead of 28 as in text.

[400] See Jarrett, ii, 268, where it is said that an ancestor of Bappa came to Berar.

[401] According to Tod, Bappa, the ancestor of the Rana, acquired Chitor in A.D. 728. Jahangir makes twenty-six princes rule for 1,010 years and twenty-six others only reign for 461 years! Tod says the legendary ancestor Kenek Sen, the sixty-third from Loh, the son of Ram, emigrated from the Panjab to Gujarat in 145 A.D. Perhaps the Mewat of the Tuzuk is a mistake for Mewar.

[402] Probably the town of that name in the Rajputana State of Jhalawar. See "Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 211.

[403] The Raushanis, called by their enemies the Tarikis.

[404] Both Jahangir and Allah Akbar yield 288.

[405] Sanskrit Devahara, 'an idol temple.'

[406] "Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 69.

[407] Instead of kaff ardi, 'a handful of flour,' the R.A.S. MS. has kaf az way, 'his spittle,' and this seems more likely.

[408] Text ajnabi, 'foreign' or 'strange,' and Dowson had the same reading, for at vi, 337, we have the translation 'ships engaged in the foreign trade of Surat.' But I adopt the reading of I.O. MS. 181, which is ajnasi, as it does not seem likely that Jahangir would interest himself about 'foreign' ships.

[409] "Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 63. There are now two large caldrons (dig) inside the darguh enclosure.

[410] Hafiz Jamal was the name of the saint Mu`inu-d-din's daughter ("Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 62). It lies at the back of the Taragarh hill, and is now commonly called Nur-chashma. The fountains, etc., are in a ruined state. Sir Thomas Roe visited this place (id., p. 123).

[411] Shab-i-jum`a, which is Friday eve according to Blochmann.

[412] Khusrau was married to his daughter.

[413] The "Arrogant of the Earth" (Tod).

[414] Perhaps this means Peshawar, for apparently Qilij was there when he died.

[415] According to the Ma'asir, iii, 486, in the biography of `Isa Khan, Rustam was sent to put down the Tarkhans, and succeeded in doing so. See also ibid., p. 438, in the biography of Rustam, where it is said that Jahangir told him to send away the Arghuns. Perhaps the passage in Ma'asir, p. 438, which according to Blochmann, p. 314, means that Rustam ill-treated the Arghuns, rather means that he intrigued with them but oppressed the peasantry.

[416] Though the text has Pulam, the real word seems to be Ilam or Ailam. Ailam Guzar appears to be a pass in a range of hills. It may, however, be a ferry on the Kabul River. That river seems to be also known as the Shah `Alam, and there is a ferry on it of that name. The text speaks of Kot Tirah as 8 kos from Jalalabad, but Tirah is much further away. The B.M. MSS. have Kotal-i-Tirah, 'the Tirah defile.'

[417] Compare Price's Jahangir, p. 94. It appears from that account that Mu`taqid alias Lashkar Khan was originally called Abu-l-husain. According to the account there, the prisoners were brought to Jahangir with the decapitated heads of 17,000 (!) suspended from their necks!

[418] She was a daughter of Mir Mahmud, Akbar's secretary (Blochmann, p. 449).

[419] Man Singh died in the Deccan in 1614, and apparently in the month of June.

[420] Text pidar by mistake for pisar.

[421] Garha, described as Bandhu in Ma'asir, ii, 175. It is Garha-Katanga, i.e. Jabalpur.

[422] Perhaps the meaning is that there was an eruption.

[423] Buzurgan, which perhaps here means elder ladies of the harem.

[424] This is Tash Beg (Blochmann, p. 457). The text wrongly has Patna.

[425] Jahangir was born in this month, which then corresponded to Rajab.

[426] Is this an allusion to some complimentary remark of Sir Thomas Roe? Sir Thomas did not come to Ajmir till December, 1615, but Jahangir is here apparently writing of what happened a year after his visit to Hafiz Jamal. The chronogram was 1024 (1615).

[427] Mahall-i-Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir, 1024 (1615). See Proceedings A.S.B. for August, 1873, pp. 159-60.

[428] Salima died in the 7th year, so that the discovery must have occurred some time before this mention of it.

[429] Hindustani, dhurpad, "petit poëme ordinairement composé de cinq hémistiches sur une même rime." "It was invented by Raja Man of Gwalior" (Garçin de Tassy, Hist. Litt. Hindouie, i, 12).

[430] See Rieu, 741b, who calls the nauras a treatise on music composed by Ibrahim `Adil Shah II. This `Adil Shah was Firishta's patron, and reigned till 1626. Jamalu-d-din is the dictionary-maker and friend of Sir T. Roe. The sentence about reporting the remainder of the facts seems to be an extract from his report. Muhammad Waris, in his continuation of the Padshah-nama, B.M. MS. Add. 6556, p. 438, mentions, with reprobation, that `Adil Shah had given his niece in marriage to a singer.

[431] Translated Elliot, vi, 339.

[432] Lit. procure for him the sign of the blessed panja (five fingers). The sign-manual was that of Jahangir. See below. See also Tod's Rajasthan, reprint, i, 411, for a representation of the panja; also p. 383, note id.

[433] Panja mubarak (Tod's Rajasthan, i, 383 and 411).

[434] Perhaps the uncle and Haridas, or the inha, 'them' may mean the farman. See Elliot, vi, 340, which has 'my letters.' Tod has translated this part of the Tuzuk, i, 382.

[435] The text has khaurmiyan, and I. O. 181 has khaur-i-bandar. Khaur means a bay or gulf in Arabic. The battle is that between Captain Downton and the Portuguese, which took place in January, 1615, and is described in Orme's Hist., Fragments, p. 351, etc. See also Danvers' "Portuguese in India," ii. 170. The engagement was in the Swally channel.

[436] Elliot, vi, 340. As Mr. Rogers remarks, the sentence is not easily intelligible. Probably the translation should be, "No one remained (all the Rajputs having been killed) who could finish off Malik `Ambar."

[437] Probably the father or grandfather of the Muhammad Beg Zu-l-faqar who was a servant of Aurangzib (Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 89).

[438] R.A.S. MS. has Dayanat Khan, and so has I.O. MS. 181.

[439] Qulba. It does not appear that this is a land-measure.

[440] Kharwar. It is a weight. See Jarrett, ii, 394, where a kharwar is said to be equal to ten Hindustani maunds.

[441] Probably this was the son who died in the 14th year (Tuzuk, p. 282).

[442] Should be 18th. See Elliot, vi, 341. I.O. 181 has 20th, and this is probably correct, bistam and hashtam being often mistaken for one another by the copyists. B.M. MS. Add. 26215 has dushamba, Monday, instead of shamba, Saturday.

[443] Akbar used the word parm narm, 'very soft,' as a substitute for 'shawl' (Blochmann, p. 90).

[444] According to Gladwin, 96 tanks = one sir. Four mashas make a tank, and a masha is about 18 grains troy.

[445] Text k-hyt'h chAr, kheta char. But the two B.M. MSS. which I have consulted have no ya, and have khatta or ghatta char. I think that the word must be ghata, which in Sanskrit means a troop of elephants assembled for war. I am not sure what the word char means, but perhaps it is only an affix. According to Abu-l-fazl a herd of (wild) elephants is called sahn (Blochmann, p. 122).

[446] Panj tuquz, i.e. 9 by 5. The text has tAqUr, taqur.

[447] The B.M. MSS. seem to have panch kunjar, 'five elephants,' i.e. equal to five elephants(?).

[448] In Sarkar Delhi (Jarrett, ii, 287).

[449] The text does not expressly say that the dervish foretold two years before his death the period of his death, but apparently Jahangir means this, for he goes on to speak of the time mentioned for his delivery. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 81, where the dervish is called Hafiz, and where it is added that the whole population of Srinagar followed the bier.

[450] Lit. give it, for the Koran cannot be directly sold.

[451] Text pisar, 'son of Buland Ray.' but from the B.M. MSS. it appears that pisar is a mistake for Sar.

[452] Blochmann, p. 387. Possibly he was the part author of a translation of Babar's Commentaries.

[453] The name is wrong. The Iqbal-nama, p. 84, has Rasht (Rashd), which is a well-known town on the Caspian.

[454] According to the Iqbal-nama the true reading is sanjaki (see p. 84). But Olearius, who gives a full account of the murder (p. 352 of English translation, ed. 1662), says Bihbud gave him two stabs with a chentze, which is a kind of poniard.

[455] A Persian festival in memory of a rain which fell on the 13th Tir and put an end to a famine (Bahar-i-`ajam).

[456] Sangram was Raja of Khurkpur in Behar, and was killed in battle with Jahangir Quli Khan (Blochmann, p. 446, note).

[457] Shakwa'i-sahib-i-Suba. I presume it means a complaint against the governor, and perhaps one made by Kesho.

[458] The pearls are omitted in the MSS.

[459] It is phul in MS. No. 181.

[460] Takhti, qu. a signet? No. 181 has a lal takhti.

[461] Sir Thomas Roe's friend.

[462] Text wrongly has 3 instead of 30.

[463] Apparently because born in Lahore (see Blochmann, p. 500).

[464] According to I.O. MS. 181 every zamindar took some money from Chin Qilij and sent him out of his estate, and this seems to be the probable meaning, for we are told later on that the zamindars plundered Chin Qilij.

[465] Tirhut. R.A.S. MS. has "It chanced that the zamindar of this place was with Jahangir Quli, and the latter sent him with some people to seize Chin Qilij." I.O. MS. has the same, and this seems correct. The text has "It chanced that the zamindar of that place was spending some days in that neighbourhood(?)." Perhaps a negative has been omitted before 'spending.' I.O. MS. seems to have Johirhat as the name of the zamindar's estate.

[466] Apparently the verse is quoted with reference to Jahangir Quli's failure to exact retribution from the zamindars, There is an account of Chin Qilij in the Ma'asir, iii, 351.

[467] Gunth, a breed of small horses or ponies.

[468] A farji is a coat (see Blochmann, p. 89).

[469] Text in ruba`i, 'this quatrain,' which does not seem to make sense. Perhaps in here should be ayin-i-ruba`i, 'the rules or the custom of a quatrain.' Similarly, in kitabat five lines down may be ayin-i-kitabat, 'the rules of writing.'

[470] His father was Khalilu-llah, previously mentioned in the Tuzuk, and who had lately died (Iqbal-nama, p, 84, and Tuzuk, pp. 62 and 69). Tahmasp gave Ni`matu-llah's daughter in marriage to his own son Isma`il.

[471] Khanish Khanim in Ma'asir, iii, 339.

[472] Ishal-i-kabd.

[473] Two I.O. MSS. and the R.A.S. MS. have 18 instead of 15. Elliot has "up to my fourteenth" year. Jahangir was born in Rabi`, 977, or 31st August, 1569, and the beginning of wine-drinking to which he refers must have taken place at earliest in January, 1586. He tells us that it was after the death of Muhammad Hakim, and at the time when his father was at Attock. Now Akbar arrived there on 15th Muharram, 994, according to Nizamu-d-din, and on 12th Day, 994, according to Abu-l-fazl, iii, 976, i.e. about the end of December, 1585, and at that time Jahangir was 17 years and 4 months of age, or in his 18th year. He continued to drink heavily for nine years, i.e. till he was 26 (17 + 9), then he moderated for seven years, i.e. till he was 33, and he kept to that for fifteen years more, i.e. till he was 48. These years were lunar years, and he tells that at the time of writing he was 47 years and 9 months old, according to the lunar calendar. It seems to follow that the MSS. are right, and that we should read 18.

[474] Elliot, vi, 341.

[475] The two good I.O. MSS. have, not murgh or murghi, but tughdari or tughdari, a 'bustard,' unless indeed the word be taghaddi, 'breakfast.' But probably the word is tughdari, a bustard, and the reference is to the particular memorable day when he first drank wine. His food that day, he says, was a bustard with bread and a radish (turb).

[476] Blochmann. Calcutta Review, 1869, has 'turnips.'

[477] Filuniya. The word is not given in ordinary dictionaries, but it is explained in Dozy's Supplement. It is stated there that it is a sedative electuary, and that the word is derived from the Greek, being philônia, which is the name of an antidote or drug invented by Philon of Tarsus. There is an account of Philon and a reference to his drug in Smith's Classical Dictionary. Philon lived in or before the first century after Christ, and is referred to by Galen and others. The word as given there is philôneion. We are not told what it was made of. In Price's Jahangir, filuniya, misread there as Kelourica, is described by Jahangir as brother's son to tiryaq, i.e. theriaca (see Price, p. 6). Tiryak or tiryaq is supposed to be a Greek word (see Lane), and means an antidote against poison, etc. It is so used in the verse from Avicenna quoted by Jahangir to his son Shah Jahan. See D'Herbelot, s.v. Teriak. But it is also often used apparently as a synonym for opium. The mixing of wine with spirits was intended to dilute the potation, for hitherto Jahangir had been taking raw spirit. A misqal is said to be 63 1/2 grains troy, and so 18 misqals would be about 3 ounces, and the six cups would be about 1 1/2 lb. troy. In Elliot, Jahangir is made to say that he does not drink on Thursdays and Fridays. But the shab-i-jum`a, as Blochmann has pointed out elsewhere, Ayin translation, p. 171, n. 3, means Thursday night or Friday eve, and this is clearly the case here, for Jahangir speaks of the eve's being followed by a blessed day. It should be noted that there is no connection in Jahangir's mind between abstaining from wine and abstaining from meat. He did not eat meat on Thursdays or Sundays because he did not approve of taking life on these days, but he drank on both of them.

[478] Cf. Blochmann's translation and Calcutta Review for 1869.

[479] I understand the two exceptions (du chiz) to be that on Thursdays he drank in the daytime, contrary to the general rule of only drinking at night, and that on Thursday evenings he did not drink.

[480] Elliot, vi, 343.

[481] The MSS. have Jadun Ray and Baba Chokanth (Jiu Kanth?). The Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 646, has Maluji Kantiya. The text has Babu Kantiya.

[482] The text is corrupt. The Ma'asir, id., has Atash instead of Danish.

[483] The text is corrupt. In the second line of the verse the text has guft, which seems meaningless, and two I.O. MSS. and B.M. MS. Add. 26,215 have jang, 'battle.' The R.A.S. MS. has pay, 'feet,' which seems to me the best reading. Possibly guft should be read kift, 'shoulder.'

[484] It will be remembered that Jahangir has called `Ambar's army the army of darkness, alluding perhaps to `Ambar's being an Abyssinian.

[485] Elliot, vi, and Blochmann, p. 479, n. 3.

[486] Perhaps it should be phanga or feringha, a grasshopper, or it may be jhingur, a cockroach. Presumably the country was covered with thick jungle, and the cloud of insects indicated where water was. Erskine's MS. has chika. B.M. Or. 3276 has chika or jika. Possibly the word is jhingur, a cockroach (see Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1871, vol. xl). He quotes a Hindustani Dict., which says that the jhinga is what in Arabic is called the jaradu-l-bahr or water-locust. The river referred to by Jahangir is the Sankh of I.G., xii, 222. V. Ball, Proc. A.S.B. for 1881, p. 42, suggests that the jhinga may be thunder-stones!

[487] Compare Tavernier's account of the searching for diamonds in Sambhalpur (vol. ii, p. 311, of ed. of 1676).

[488] Text, khud-hunarkari, 'his own workmanship,' but the MSS. have khud-sarkari. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 87, which says that Jamalu-d-din had had it made in Bijapur.

[489] Really a topaz. Tavernier points out that the natives call various precious stones rubies, distinguishing them by their colour.

[490] Text, ba-andaza-i-mu`tad-i-man, 'of capacity corresponding to my custom.' Presumably it was a drinking-cup, and held Jahangir's customary potation.

[491] Halqa ba-gushan. Apparently referring to his being one of those who bored their ears in imitation of Jahangir.

[492] The text is corrupt. The true reading seems to be sad dana-i-kish, 'one hundred pieces of muslin' (?). I.O. 181 seems to have kabsh, 'rams'.

[493] Here follow two unintelligible words, Pagana Bankana.

[494] Perhaps this should be faghfuri, 'porcelain.'

[495] Jauhar-dar, defined by Vullers as bone or wood bearing veins, i.e. striated.

[496] See Akbar-nama, ii, 315. It was sent before Jahangir was born. It, too, was an African elephant.

[497] Here the two words referred to at note 2 on p. 321 are repeated.

[498] Ma'asiru-l-umara. i, 736. Khan `Alam's name was Mirza Barkhurdar.

[499] This seems wrong; the number of horse would probably not be reduced.

[500] So in text, but No. 181 has 600, and this is more likely, for the number of horse is never, I think, larger than the zat rank.

[501] I.O. MSS. have 18th.

[502] I.O. MSS. have 20th.

[503] The two I.O. MSS. have the following sentence here: "On this day it happened that however much I tried to write, my heart and hand would not act. Whenever I seized the pen my condition altered. At last I had to tell I`timadu-d-daulah to write."

[504] This sentence is not in the I.O. MSS.

[505] Here comes the passage which the two I.O. MSS. enter higher up.

[506] I.O. MS. 181 has "writes that on the 11th," etc.

[507] The I.O. MSS. add here "of the 11th year."

[508] Probably this is the Chimni Begam, a daughter of Shah Jahan, whose grave is near that of the saint Khwaja Mu`inu-d-din Chishti ("Rajputana Gazetteer," ii, 62). Probably Chimni should be Chamani, which means 'verdant' and comes from chaman, a garden. Perhaps she died of smallpox. It was in the summer.

[509] Apparently the reference is to the parents of the child and to the grandfather, that is, the writer of this notice.

[510] I.O. MSS. have Monday, the 6th Tir, and say that Jahangir went to Chashma-i-Nur on the 9th, which they say was a Thursday. And we see later that Jahangir speaks of Saturday as the 11th.

[511] The word 'dagger' is omitted in the text.

[512] I.O. MSS. have bar daur, 'round.'

[513] Elliot, vi, 346. There is a better account of the plague in the Iqbal-nama, pp. 88, 89.

[514] The words are dar wilayat, and may mean 'any country' or 'any foreign country.'

[515] The son of the historian Nizamu-d-din. Sir T. Roe refers to this affair.

[516] Text Anand, but this makes no sense. The I.O. MSS. have amba, mangoes, and though the remark seems abrupt this is no doubt the correct reading. Jahangir was particularly fond of mangoes, and perhaps he is here playing on the similarity between the words amba and anand.

[517] In Sarkar Saharanpur (Jarrett, ii, 292). It is now in the Muzaffarnagar district (I.G., vii, 308).

[518] "It is a pity that no trace of these is left at Agra. Had there been, they would have been the wonder of the age" (note of Sayyid Ahmad). Perhaps they are the two figures which have generally been supposed to have been put up by Akbar and to represent Chitor heroes. The word tarkib in the text may mean that they were mounted statues. But then the description of them as marble statues would be wrong.

[519] Text has gusfand-i-nar, 'a ram,' but the MSS. have gusfand u bar, or buz, and it is evident that the true reading is 'a sheep, a goat.' See Blochmann, p. 266, where goats are mentioned among the animals distributed by Akbar. The number of animals distributed corresponded with the years of Jahangir's age (48) multiplied by 3, and so would be 48 × 3 = 144 (see Blochmann, l.c.). The weight of Jahangir was 6,514 tulchas, and Blochmann (p. 267, n.) takes this to be the same as tolas, and estimates Jahangir's weight at 210 1/2 lb. troy or 15 stone. Probably this is excessive, and his weight might be 82 sir or about 2 maunds, i.e. 164 lb. or 11 1/2 stone. The perfumes against which he was weighed were ambergris, not amber (which has no scent), `ud, i.e. lignum aloes, and ban (not pan as in text), which apparently is the same as luban, 'frankincense' (see the chapter on perfumes in Blochmann, p. 77). I am not sure of the meaning of the phrase ba-dast nihada. The MSS. have not the preposition ba. Perhaps the meaning is 'put them into the hands of the fakirs.' Jahangir was born on the 18th Shahriwar, 977 = 31st August, 1569. The weighings described in the text took place on the 26th Shahriwar. Perhaps this was because his birthday was on the 24th Shahriwar according to the Jalali year.

[520] Generally written taghma, 'a badge of honour,' 'a medal,' etc.

[521] See Tuzuk, p. 11, Blochmann, p. 482, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 355. The statement at Tuzuk, p. 11, about Delhi seems a mistake, and is not in the MSS. Mirza `Ali came from Badakhshan. He is frequently mentioned in vol. iii of the Akbar-nama.

[522] This is the same phrase as, according to the MSS., occurs at p. 11. Apparently the ulus referred to is the Timuride family to which Jahangir belonged. It is connected with Mirza `Ali's title of Akbarshahi.

[523] See in Blochmann, l.c., the affecting story of his death.

[524] This letter being of the usual Persian style, and having nothing to do with Jahangir's history, is omitted. It relates to the sending of Muhammad Husain Chelebi with presents to the emperor, and to the offering his services for the purchase of jewels, etc.

[525] Text 20th Aban, but the MSS. have 8th, and this is clearly right. By the latter part of the sentence Jahangir means that Shah Jahan was to start first, and that he himself was to leave afterwards. The "auspicious palace" referred to in the next sentence is apparently Shah Jahan's establishment. Jahangir did not leave for about a fortnight. Though Shah Jahan and the establishment (daulat-khana-i-humayun) made a start on the 8th or 9th Aban, he did not finally leave till the 20th Aban. See infra.

[526] Author of Iqbal-nama.

[527] 'Of body like Krishna, or like a flute'?

[528] According to Roe, it was not the English carriage, but a copy. Perhaps Jahangir had the original carriage and Shah Jahan the copy.

[529] Elliot, vi, 346.

[530] The day was Saturday, not Tuesday, and it is Saturday in the MSS.

[531] Elliot has Deo Rani, and it is Deo Rani in I.O. MS. 305.

[532] Jahangir arrived in Ajmir on the 26th Aban, 1022, and left it on the 21st Aban, 1025. The Muhammadan dates are 5th Shawwal, 1022, and 1st Zi-l-qa`da, 1025 = 18th November, 1613, and 10th November, 1616.

[533] Text tar, but MSS. have abtar, i.e. inferior and perhaps low land. The text seems corrupt.

[534] MSS. have 86,500 horse and 347,000 foot, and this agrees with the Ayin (Jarrett, ii, 272).

[535] Text wrongly has Nil. The tank in question is the Bisalya tank of the Rajputana Gazetteer, ii, 4, which was made by Bisal Deo Chohan about 1050 A.D. It is described in Tod's "Personal Narrative," i, 824, of Calcutta reprint. It is, or was, about 8 miles in circumference and is about a mile west of the Anasagar, which was made by Bisal Deo's grandson.

[536] About 20 miles south-east of Ajmir.

[537] This is the name of a water-bird in Turki. It is also called magh and water-crow (zagh-i-ab), and in Hindi jalkawa (note of Sayyid Ahmad).

[538] Probably the meaning is that he allowed those who wished to drink to do so. Many, or at least some, would be abstainers.

[539] Namuda in MSS.

[540] Sahal in MSS.

[541] In Sarkar Marosor (Jarrett, ii, 208). It was in Malwa. But the I.O. MSS. have Nauda.

[542] Text Udaipur, but this was not on the border of the Rana's territory, and the MSS. have Dudpur.

[543] Perhaps the Toda of Sir T. Roe.

[544] Lyasa in MSS.

[545] Son of Nizamu-d-din the historian.

[546] Gorana in MSS. and the distance 2 1/4 kos and 1 jarib.

[547] 23rd in MSS.

[548] Manpur in text.

[549] MSS. 2,000 rupees.

[550] Perhaps Kanha Das.

[551] Should be Fath-jang as in MSS.

[552] Jarrett, ii, 195.

[553] The name seems to be wrong. Jahangir is evidently copying from the Ayin, and the rivers mentioned there (Jarrett, ii, 195) are the Narbada, Sipra, Kalisindh, Betwa, and the Kodi (or Godi).

[554] 29,668 (Jarrett, ii. 198).

[555] The MSS. also have sweet pomegranates from Yezd, and sub-acid (may-khwush) ones from Farah, and pears from Badakhshan (see Elliot, vi, 348).

[556] The MSS. have khassa-i-sharifa.

[557] Qu. komla? Instead of qabiltar the MSS. have ma'iltar.

[558] Pahna'i. Its area or shade. Perhaps the 175 1/2 are yards, not cubits.

[559] Evidently the four-horned antelope, the Tetracerus quadricornis of Blanford, p. 520, and which has the Hindustani name of doda. Blanford describes its colour as dull pale brown. "The posterior horns are much larger than the anterior ones, which are situated between the orbits and are often mere knobs. It is the only Indian representative of the duikarbok of Africa. Another Indian name is chausingha. In jungle this species and the hog-deer may easily be mistaken the one for the other. It is not gregarious, and moves with a peculiar jerky action." The resemblance between the four-horned antelope and the hog-deer--the kutah paycha or short-legged deer of Babar and Jahangir--may account for Blanford's giving doda as a native name for the hog-deer (Cervus porcinus). For Babar's description of the kutah paya or paycha see Erskine, p. 317. Gladwin in his history of Jahangir writes the native name as Dirdhayan.

[560] Blochmann, p. 493.

[561] Text, khurma, a date, but evidently the khurma-i-Hind or the tamarind, i.e. 'the palm of India,' is meant (see Babar's Mem., Erskine, p. 324). I do not understand the measurements. The word yak, 'one,' before the word shakh is not in the MSS. and is, I think, wrong. I think the 16 gaz and 15 1/2 gaz are the lengths of the two branches, and that the measurements 2 1/2 and 2 3/4 gaz refer to the length and circumference of the two branches at the place when they started from the trunk and before they put out leaves.

[562] Hindwas or Hindawas in MSS.

[563] This is in accordance with and probably derived from Babar's Commentaries, Erskine, p. 51, where he says that 1,584 years have elapsed from the time when Bikramajit made his observatory. Erskine takes this to show that Babar was writing in 934, and if we add 92 years, or the difference between 934 and 1026, we get 1,676 years (or 1,675 if we take the year to be 1025).

[564] See Jarrett, ii, 196. Abu-l-fazl says there that the flow occurred a week before his arrival at Ujjain.

[565] Cf. Jarrett, ii, 196.

[566] Sanyasi-i-murtaz.

[567] Text, mihrabi-shakl uftada, 'a place like a prayer-niche.' Possibly the true reading is majra bi-shakl uftada, 'a passage without form.' However, the MSS. have mihrab. The account in the text may be compared with the Ma'asiru-l-umara, i, 574, and with the Iqbal-nama, p. 94. The measurements of the mouth of the hole in the Ma'asir are taken from the Iqbal-nama, and differ from the account in the Tuzuk. The Ma'asir, following the Iqbal-nama, calls the ascetic Achhad or Ajhad. It also gives his subsequent history. He went to Mathura and was there cruelly beaten by Hakim Beg. Jahangir's visit to Jadrup is referred to by Sir Thomas Roe, who mentions a report that the saint was said to be 300 years old. Jahangir does not say any such nonsense.

[568] See Jarrett, iii, 271, etc. The Sanskrit word is Asrama, or Ashrama.

[569] Left shoulder in Ayin.

[570] Sanskrit, Vanaprastha.

[571] Text qat`i dar miyan alat nihada, but apparently this should be alat qat` ba miyan nihada: that is, "membrum virile in involucris reponens."

[572] Text, sarb biyasi, which may mean 'distributing everything.' The Iqbal-nama, p. 96, has sarb nasi, 'destroying everything.'

[573] I.O. MS. No. 306 says nothing about a garden, but speaks of a village Khirwar and of halting under a mango-tree. Nor does No. 305 mention a garden.

[574] Cf. Elliot, vi, 348. The MSS. say nothing about two sons.

[575] From the "Gulistan."

[576] Cf. Jarrett, ii, 197. The story is also told with many more details in Price's Jahangir, p. 108 etc.

[577] Text, Madan. But the name is Mandan, as MS. No. 181 and the Ayin-i-Akbari (Jarrett, ii, 197) show. The legend is intended to show how Mandu got its name (see also Tiefenthaler, i, 353).

[578] Elliot, vi. 348.

[579] Monday, the 23rd Isfandarmuz, the day on which he reached Mandu. It was about the 6th March, 1617.

[580] The MSS. have 1,672.

[581] See Elliot, vi, 351 and 362, note. Jahangir only gives details of the 17,167 animals killed by himself. The mhaka is possibly a clerical error for mar-khwur. The text says it is allied to the gawazn, but the MSS. have gur, a wild ass. The details of the quadrupeds come to 3,203, the total stated by Jahangir. The details of the birds come to 13,954, but the 10 crocodiles bring up the figures to 13,964, and the total 3,203 + 13,964 comes to the 17,167 mentioned. It has been suggested to me that the mhaka of the text is the maha or swamp-deer of the Terai, Rucervus Duvaucelli.

[582] The MSS. have Saturday instead of Tuesday, and this seems reasonable, for there were no offerings on Tuesday (see infra).

[583] Text, Sakar. Now locally called the Sagan, 'sea,' tank.

[584] The MSS. only speak of twelve.

[585] The MSS. seem to have merely ba tir-i-banduq, 'with bullets.'

[586] Biyana in text.

[587] That is, apparently, the journey back by sea from the Deccan. The MSS. have Hasan instead of Husain, and say the route by Ormuz was closed. Perhaps the ba Mir of text is a mistake for bar bahr, 'by sea.'

[588] Tuquz means nine in Turki.

[589] The I.O. MSS. seem to have Sakakdar or Sakakandar.

[590] It appears from Shah `Abbas's letter to Jahangir (Tuzuk, p. 165) that Muhammad Husain Chelebi had been employed by Jahangir to collect curios in Persia.

[591] Note by Sayyid Ahmad. They say that a poet recited this impromptu couplet--

"Though Nur-Jahan be in form a woman, In the ranks of men she's a tiger-slayer."

The point of this couplet is that before Nur-Jahan entered Jahangir's harem she was the wife of Shir-afgan, the tiger-slayer. The line may also read "In battle she is a man-smiter and a tiger-slayer."

[592] The two I.O. MSS. have "a pair of pearls and a diamond."

[593] There is a fuller account of this flute-player in Price's Jahangir, p. 114. The melody which he composed in Jahangir's name is there called by Price Saut Jahangiri. (The text does not give the name Jahangiri.) It is there stated that Shah Jahan brought the flute-player with him from Burhanpur and introduced him.

[594] Hauza-dari, 'with a basin-shaped litter on it.'

[595] The word pashida, 'scattered,' does not occur in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the word has two opposite meanings.

[596] Father and son both died apparently at the same age.

[597] It was in Sarkar Qanauj (Jarrett, ii, 185). It is Chibramau of I.G., iii, 97, and is in Farrukhabad district.

[598] Urvasi is the name of an Apsara or celestial nymph. Probably it is here the name of a dress. (In Forbes's Hindustani Dictionary urbasi is said to denote a particular kind of ornament worn on the breast.)

[599] The MSS. have maghra, which may be connected with the Arabic maghr, 'travelling quickly.' It may be the name of a courier, or merely mean 'quickly.'

[600] Apparently it should be Bhim; see infra. Gadeha is probably Gadhi in Khandesh; see Lethbridge's "Golden Book of India," p. 138. It is the Garvi of I.G., v, 33, and is one of the Bhil States in the Dang Tract.

[601] There was a Bodah in Sarkar Marosor in Malwa, but its revenue was only 2 1/2 lakhs of dams (Jarrett, ii, 208). The two I.O. MSS. and Debi Prasad's Hindi version have Toda. Toda was in Ajmir, Rantambhor Sarkar, and its revenue in Akbar's time was 1 1/2 lakhs of rupees (Jarrett, ii, 275).

[602] Ode 192 of Brockhaus' edition, p. 112, first couplet.

[603] This is the building described by William Finch. See the Journal of John Jourdain, ed. by Foster for the Hakluyt Society, App. D. Finch speaks of a high turret 170 steps high. The tower was the Tower of Victory erected by Sultan Mahmud I in 1443 to commemorate a victory over the Raja of Chitor. "The stump of it has been found." Jourdain speaks of six storeys. It was built of green stone like marble.

[604] Two hundred rupees per storey(?).

[605] Blochmann, p. 371, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 537. Now locally called the Nil-kanth, 'blue neck.'

[606] The text misses out a conjunction before sada.

[607] Apparently the meaning is that the standard of two and three horses had not been kept up.

[608] Some lines of this agree with the verses in the Akbar-nama, ii, 190. The last two lines are quoted again in the account of the 15th year (p. 299 of Persian text).

[609] The account is obscure. Elliot's translation is "In the root of the tree is found a lump of sweet substance which is exactly like that of Faluda. It is eaten by the poor." The text and some MSS. have yak parcha-i-shirini, but B. M. Or. 3276 has yak para. Roxburgh says nothing about any such growth on the wild plantain. Faluda or paluda is the name of a sweetmeat.

[610] It is curious that the word amukhta, 'taught,' in the text, and which appears to be almost necessary for the sense, does not occur either in the two I. O. MSS. or in the R. A. S. one. Burhanpur is about 100 miles as the crow flies south-south-east of Mandu.

[611] The text has par, 'feathers,' instead of the sign of the comparative tar, but the MSS. have kalantar.

[612] The word is hawali, which is sometimes translated 'neighbourhood,' and has been so translated here by Mr. Rogers. But either Jahangir has made a mistake or the word hawali is capable of a wide interpretation, for Jaitpur appears to be Jaitpur in Kathiawar. See Jarrett, ii, 258. and I. G., vii, 192. Possibly Mandu is a mistake for Bandhu. But there is a Jetgarh in Malwa (Jarrett, ii, 200).

[613] Probably this was the author who collaborated with Jerome Xavier. See Rieu's Catalogue, iii, 1077.

[614] I. O. MS. 305 has dana-i-naziki, 'soft (or small) seeds.'

[615] Note 181 has wasil gashtan. 'becoming united' (to the Deity).

[616] Ja dadan, 'to give way,' the meaning apparently being that they had protected Ruhu-llah's murderers. But I. O. MS. 305 seems to have jawidan, 'eternal,' which would mean that they were killed and also eternally disgraced as rebels. The Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 13, has a different account of the manner of Ruhu-llah's death. He was Fida'i's elder brother.

[617] The I. O. MSS. have Pir Bahar and Chandra Kona, which latter may be the place in Midnapur.

[618] Text 8th, but should be 20th. See p. 196, where the next Thursday is mentioned as the 27th. See Elliot, vi, 351.

[619] Text 15 months and 11 days, but it should be 11 months. Shah Jahan left his father at Ajmir on the last day of Shawwal, 1025, and he rejoined him on 11th Shawwal of the following year.

[620] So in text, but I.O. MSS. have kursi, 'a chair or stool' (l. 37).

[621] Text budand, but Uda Ram is the only Dakhani officer mentioned.

[622] The MSS. have zar-baft, 'gold brocade.'

[623] In reference to his own name of Nuru-d-din.

[624] Gharagi, 'unripeness.'

[625] The Udaji Ram of Ma'asiru-l-umara, i, 142.

[626] Jamkura is given in Forbes as the Dakhani word for a covering made of reeds or palm-leaves and used in rainy weather.

[627] The MS. has eight.

[628] In the MSS. the name seems to be Hansomat (swan-like?).

[629] Text has walida-i-khud, 'his own mother.'

[630] A repetition.

[631] The MSS. have 3 3/4 kos.

[632] Text khata', 'fault,' but the MSS. show that the word is khatar, 'danger.'

[633] The passage is obscure, and the MSS. do not throw much light on it. Fortunately for the Mirza, there was no bullet in his gun. The word which I have translated by 'flexible' is rawan. Perhaps the meaning is quite different. Possibly it is "he would fire a shot and then reload. As many of his bullets had been shot away, he put a pellet (ghalula) into his mouth and was shaping it," etc.

[634] He has just spoken of Tuesday as the 15th! And as Jahangir did not shoot on Sundays, Sunday must be a mistake for Wednesday. It is Wednesday in I.O. MS. 305.

[635] Perhaps bukra here means a male nilgaw; bukra means also a he-goat.

[636] This is the same kind of bird that Nur-Jahan is mentioned as having shot. Perhaps a green pigeon is meant.

[637] Text nila, without the addition of gaw. The MSS. have gor or chor, a pheasant (?).

[638] Elliot, vi, 352.

[639] The 'two' is omitted in text.

[640] In Sarkar Mandu (Jarrett, ii, 207) Debi Prasad's Hindi version has Dakna.

[641] The MSS. have "more than 1,000." Raja Bhoj's date, according to Tod, is 567 A.D. (Jarrett, ii, 211).

[642] This iron pillar is not now in existence at the mausoleum of Akbar (Note of Sayyid Ahmad). The pieces of the pillar are still lying at Dhar, outside the Lat Musjid (I.G., new ed., xi, 295).

[643] The MSS. have 807, and this is correct, for Dilawar conquered Malwa in 803 = 1400.

[644] Probably this means that `Amid was the son of Da'ud.

[645] Text 70, but should be 7. 807 = 1405.

[646] A son of Hushang. Muhammad Shah, intervened.

[647] The MSS. have Jalot (as in the Hindi version).

[648] Text, "the parganah aforesaid." But the MSS. have Badnor. See infra, p. 204 of text. (In this passage the Hindi version has Madlor.)

[649] Blochmann, p. 502.

[650] MSS. Bakor.

[651] Dahut in MSS. But Dohad seems right, as it means two boundaries.

[652] The dam was also used as a weight, and was equal to 5 tank or 1 tola, 8 masha, 7 surkh (Blochmann, p. 31).

[653] Apparently Sahra is the name of a town, and does not mean an open space here.

[654] Perhaps the line refers to the bee, and means that the bee wishes to suck the moisture of the flower.

[655] The MSS. have gul-i-kul, 'the flower of the tank.' It seems to be a water-lily.

[656] Query "the tank of Yasoda," the foster-mother of Krishna?

[657] Blochmann, p. 252.

[658] Jahangir crossed the Ghati Chand or Chand, between Ajmere and Malwa, in the 11th year (see p. 172), but he does not speak of having had any rohu fish there. Perhaps the reference is to his halt at Ramsar shortly before coming to Ghati Chand. He got 104 rohu at Ramsar. See p. 169.

[659] Elliot, vi, 353.

[660] Mondah of Jarrett, ii, 253.

[661] Text Nilao. No such parganah is mentioned in the Ayin; the two I.O. MSS. have Naryad.

[662] Pitlad is mentioned in Bayley's Gujarat, p. 9, as having a very large revenue. It is the Patlad of Jarrett, ii, 253. Text wrongly has Nilab. Possibly Bhil is the parganah meant.

[663] Elliot, vi, 353.

[664] The I.O. MSS. have Abhay or Abhi Kar.

[665] Tiefenthaler, i, p. 380, etc., has an interesting notice of Cambay. He also gives a sketch of its bay (plate xxxii).

[666] Now so silted up that no tolerably large vessel can approach it.

[667] Abu-l-fazl calls them tawari (Jarrett, ii, 241).

[668] I.O. MSS. have 'ten.'

[669] Tal tarang. Possibly tarang should read tarang (waves), and the meaning be that Jahangir went to see the famous bore in the Gulf of Cambay.

[670] See Elliot, vi, 355, and note.

[671] In the text ahdi occurs by mistake instead of `ahdi, and man instead of mas.

[672] Wrongly so in text, but Jay Singh should be corrected to Raj Singh. The son of Jay Singh, Raja of Ajmir, was Ram Singh, who was born in Sambat, 1692.

[673] Or `Arabi (Arabian?).

[674] Matar or Natar in I. O. MSS.

[675] I. O. MS. 181 has "in all the cities of Upper India."

[676] The historian.

[677] A saint of Multan who died in 1384. See Beale, s.v. Shaikh Jalal, and Jarrett, iii, 369.

[678] So in text, but surely it should be "8th or 7th"? It appears from the Khazinatu-l-asfiya, ii, 71, that the attendant who lost the child was a female disciple, and that the child was young.

[679] According to Bayley's Gujarat, p. 238, and Index, p. 515, the name is either Taj Khan Turpali or Narpali.

[680] Suwari-i-khud u khwush-jalu-i-u, "my own riding and his pleasant paces (?)." It does not seem likely that Jahangir would himself drive the elephant. The meaning here probably is that Jahangir trusted to his being on the elephant. Khwush-jalu is used lower down about another elephant, and seems to refer to the elephant's paces. See p. 214.

[681] Or doors. The Iqbal-nama, 108, has "in front of each gate there is a bazar."

[682] 123 in Iqbal-nama.

[683] 350 in I.O. MSS.

[684] Panjara-i-sang, presumably lattice-work in stone.

[685] See for dimensions of the mosque Bayley's Gujarat, p. 92 and note, and the authorities there quoted.

[686] Text wrongly has Sunday.

[687] Muhammad Ghaus was accused of heresy by some of the Gujarati mullas. He was much respected by Humayun, and is buried at Gwalior.

[688] Jahangir means that Wajihu-d-din was a very learned man, and that his devotion to Muhammad Ghaus, who was an ignorant man (ummi), shows what a great personality the latter was. Cf. Iqbal-nama, 169, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 583, where we are told that Wajihu-d-din thanked God that both his Prophet and his Pir were ignorant.

[689] He wrote a history of Gujarat--the Mirat-i-Sikandari. Rieu, Cat., i, 287.

[690] Blochmann, 507, note.

[691] "Shaikh Ahmad Khattu, who had the title of Jamalu-d-din, was born at Delhi of a noble family in 737 A.H. (1336-7). He was the disciple and successor of Baba Ishaq (Isaac) Maghribi. His name was Nasiru-d-din. By the jugglery of the heavens he was separated from his home in a storm, and after a while entered the service of Baba Ishaq. Maghribi. He acquired from him spiritual and secular learning, and came to Gujarat in the time of Sultan Ahmad. High and low accepted him, and paid him homage. Afterwards he travelled to Arabia and Persia, and made the acquaintance of many saints. He is buried at Sarkhech, near Ahmadabad."--Ayin-i-Akbari (vol. ii, p. 220, of Bib. Ind., ed. Jarrett, iii, 371). See Bayley's Gujarat, p. 90, note, and Khazinatu-l-asfiya, ii, 314, and Blochmann, 507, note, where the reference to the Khazina, 957, seems wrong. The story told in the Khazina is that Shaikh Ahmad belonged to the royal family of Delhi, and was, as a baby, blown out of his nurse's arms into the street during a storm.

[692] Text khawanin, 'khans,' but evidently this is a mistake for khawatin, the plural of khatun, 'a lady.'

[693] I.O. MSS. have Sundar Sen.

[694] See Elliot, vi, 355.

[695] This name is doubtful, for the MSS. have a different reading, apparently Namud. There is a Halod in Gujarat (Jarrett, ii, 242). See also Bayley's Gujarat, 439. Perhaps it is the Halol of the Indian Gazetteer.

[696] The existence of this son of Baqi Tarkhan does not seem to have been known to Abu-l-fazl or to Blochmann. Nor is he mentioned in the Ma'asiru-l-umara. See Jarrett, ii, 347, where only Payanda is spoken of as the son of Baqi Khan, and Blochmann, p. 362. See also Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 485, the biography of Mirza `Isa Tarkhan. His name appears, however, in the pedigree of his house in the Tarkhan-nama of Jamal Shirazi.

[697] The word sani in Sahib-qiran-i-sani in text is a mistake.

[698] Shaqa'iq, which perhaps means tulips. In Price's Jahangir, p. 115, there is much more said about the "Garden of Victory," and Jahangir's entertainment there by his wife Khairu-n-nisa, the daughter of the Khankhanan.

[699] Bagina in text. Debi Prasad has Bakina.

[700] Banoh in text. See Bayley's Gujarat, p. 237; also Tiefenthaler, i, 377, who speaks of it as being 3 leagues south of Ahmadabad. See also Jarrett, ii, 240, n. 7.