Chapter VIII: Part 8

Although outwardly the distance (between us) prevents my attaining to the ka`bah of desire, yet he is the qiblah of my keen longing for spiritual intercourse. Thank God that by virtue of essential oneness this humble supplicant and that pure nursling of glory have in reality been united to one another. The distance of space and outward separation of the body not having prevented nearness of soul and spiritual union, my face is still towards friendship, and accordingly the dust of sorrow has not settled on the sun-like mirror of my mind, but it has received the reflection of the beauty of that exhibitor of perfection, and the olfactory of my soul has been ever scented with the sweet savour of friendship and love and the ambergris-perfumed breezes of affection and concord, and spiritual fellowship and perpetual union have rubbed off the rust from friendship.

"'I sit beside thee in thought, and my heart is at ease,
For this is an union not followed by separation's pain.'

"Praise be given to the most mighty and pure God that the plant of the desire of true friends hath borne the fruit of fruition. Success (maqsud), that beauty who for years was hidden behind the veil, has by dint of humility and supplication at the throne of the Almighty, come forth and manifested herself from the hidden bridal chamber, and a ray of perfection has been thrown on the plain of the hopes of the expectants; she has ascended the auspicious throne and seated herself beside the king who adorns the assembly and enhances the glory of the tribune of the king of kings. The world-opening standard of the Caliphate and rule, and the sky-scraping umbrella of justice and world-sway of that creator of the diadem and throne, and that opener of the knots of knowledge and wisdom have cast the shade of equity and sovereignty and mercy over the heads of the inhabitants of the world. My hope is that the chief of desire-granters may make the auspicious ascension of that blessed rising of fortune brighten the crown and illuminate the throne, making it of good omen and prosperous to all, and may the things that appertain to kingship and rule of the world and the causes of dignity and prosperity be ever on the increase! For long past the customs of amity and the ways of intimacy, which have been in existence between our ancestors, and now freshly have been re-established between this one who is bent on friendship and him who is intent on equity, demanded that when the good news of the accession of him who sits on the Gurgani throne and is the heir of the crown of Timur reached this country, one of the confidants of the royal palace should be quickly nominated to convey congratulations, but inasmuch as the business of Azarbijan and the conquest of the province of Shirwan just then occurred, and until my loving mind was satisfied as to the affairs of that province, I could not return to my capital, some delay took place in the accomplishment of this important duty. Although outward ceremonial observances and politenesses have not much weight with people of knowledge and discernment, yet the observance of them is the observance of the dues of friendship. Of necessity, therefore, at this auspicious time when the attention of the servants of holy angels (?) has been withdrawn from the affairs of that province, which have been arranged in accordance with the desires of my well-wishers, and I am at ease in that quarter, I have returned and settled down in my capital of Isfahan, which is the permanent seat of rule. Therefore I have despatched Kamalu-d-din Yadgar `Ali, who possesses the attributes of nobility, is perfect in sincerity and fully reliable, who is moreover of the number of devoted servants and Sufis of pure design of our family, to the most exalted Court, that after he has obtained the good fortune to salute you, to condole with you, and kissed the carpet of honour, and performed the dues of inquiry (after health, etc.) and congratulations, he may obtain leave to return, and may convey to the sincere mind of your well-wisher the good tidings of the safety of your angelic person and the health of your temperament that is of the brightness of the sun and increases joy. It is hoped that the tree of hereditary friendship and assiduousness, and the garden of intimacy and regard, both apparent and spiritual, which by the irrigation of the rivers of affection and the brooks of sincere regard acquire great splendour and greenness, not casting their leaves, may set in motion the cord of intimacy and drive away the misfortune of estrangement by the arrival of correspondence, which is the communication of the soul, and may connect by spiritual chains our visible friendship, and may favour the course and accomplishment of business.

"May God Almighty give the assistance of the secret powers to that living family of dignity and glory and that household of grandeur and good fortune."

Up to this is the copy of the letter of my brother Shah `Abbas.

My brothers Sultan Murad and Daniyal, who had died in the lifetime of my revered father, people had called by several names. I ordered that one of them should be called Shahzada maghfur (the pardoned prince), and the other Shahzada marhum (the prince admitted to mercy). I promoted I`timadu-d-daulah and `Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri, who each held the rank of 1,500, to that of 1,800, and increased the horse-rank of Qasim Khan, brother of Islam Khankhanan, by 250. I dignified Iraj, eldest son of the Khankhanan, with the title of Shah-nawaz Khan, and Sa`du-llah, son of Sa`id Khan, with the appellation of Nawazish Khan.

At the time of my accession I had increased weights and measures (lit. gaz), viz. to the extent of three ratis (small weight equal to eight barleycorns), in the weight of muhrs and rupees. At this time it was represented to me that in mercantile transactions it would be for the convenience of the people that muhrs and rupees should be of the same weight as previously. As in all affairs the contentment and ease of the people are to be looked to, I gave an order that from the present day, that is, the 11th Urdibihisht in the 6th year of my reign, they should strike muhrs and rupees of the former weight in all the mints of my dominions. As before this, on Saturday, the 2nd of the month of Safar, in the year 1020, the evil-dispositioned Ahdad had heard that Kabul was deprived of an eminent leader, that Khan Dauran [332] was in the interior, and only Mu`izzu-l-mulk with a few servants of the aforesaid was in Kabul, thinking it a good opportunity he (Ahdad) betook himself unexpectedly to Kabul with a large number of horsemen and foot-soldiers. Mu`izzu-l-mulk, according to the measure of his ability, displayed activity, and the Kabulis and other inhabitants, especially the Farmuli [333] tribe, barricaded up the streets and fortified their houses. The Afghans with some guns came in to the streets and bazars from different directions. The people from the shelter of their terraces and houses killed many of these wretches with arrows and guns, and Bargi, [334] one of the confidential leaders of Ahdad, was killed. From the occurrence of this affair, for fear that the people from all sides and quarters should assemble and block the road for them to get out, giving up their hearts and feet (in a state of distraction), in fear and confusion they turned back. About 800 of those dogs went to jahannam (hell), and 200, having caught horses, hastily escaped with their lives from that deadly place. Nad `Ali Maidani, who was in Lahugar, at last on the same day arrived there, and pursued them for a short distance. As the distance (between them) was too great and his band small, he turned back. For the energy he had shown in coming quickly, and for the activity displayed by Mu`izzu-l-mulk, they were both promoted in rank; Nad `Ali, who held that of 1,000 personal to that of 1,500, and Mu`izzu-l-mulk, who held the rank of 1,500, to 1,800. As it transpired that Khan Dauran and the Kabulis were in the habit of passing their days in carelessness, and the repelling of the evil disposition of Ahdad had taken a long time it occurred to me that as the Khankhanan was without employment I might appoint him and his sons to this duty. Soon after this idea occurred, Qilij Khan, to summon whom a firman had already been issued, came from the Panjab and obtained the honour of an audience. It became evident from the forehead of his circumstances (his manner) that he was annoyed at the duty of driving back the ill-dispositioned Ahdad being assigned to Khankhanan. As he faithfully promised to take up this duty, it was settled that the governorship of the Subah of the Panjab should belong to Murtaza Khan, and that the Khankhanan should remain at home, and that Qilij Khan should be promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and be appointed to Kabul to drive back Ahdad and the up-country robbers. I ordered the Khankhanan to have a jagir in the Subah of Agra in the Sarkars of Qanauj and Kalpi, that he might inflict condign punishment on the rebels of that region and exterminate them (pull them out by the roots). When I dismissed them I gave each of them special robes of honour and horses and elephants, and having received the robes of exaltation they started off. At the same time, on account of the sincerity of his friendship and his old services, I bestowed on I`timadu-d-daulah the rank of 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and presented him with a sum of 5,000 rupees by way of gift. Mahabat Khan, whom I had sent to make the necessary preparations for war for the victorious army of the Deccan and point out to the Amirs the desirability of concord and unanimity, paid his respects to me at the capital of Agra on the 12th of the month of Tir, the 21st of Rabi`u-s-sani. It was brought to notice in a letter from Islam Khan that `Inayat Khan had performed approved service in the Subah of Bengal; on this account I increased by 500 personal the rank he already held of 2,000. I also increased by 500 personal and 300 horse, so as to make it up altogether to 1,500 personal and 800 horse, the rank of Raja Kalyan, who was one of the officials of that Subah. I appointed Hashim Khan, [335] who was in Orissa, to the government of Kashmir, and sent his uncle, Khwaja Muhammad Husain, there to look after the affairs of that country until his arrival. In the time of my revered father his father, Muhammad Qasim, had conquered Kashmir. Chin Qilij, who was the eldest son of Qilij Khan, came from the Subah of Kabul and waited on me. As in addition to his natural excellence he was a khanazad (houseborn one), he was honoured with the title of Khan, and according to the prayer of his father, and on condition of his undertaking service in Tirah, I increased his rank by 500 personal and 300 horse. On the 14th Amardad on account of the previous service and great sincerity and ability of I`timadu-daulah, I bestowed on him the high rank of the viziership of the kingdom, and on the same day presented a belt with a jewelled dagger to Yadgar `Ali, ambassador of the ruler of Iran. As `Abdu-llah Khan, who had been appointed to command the army against the rebel Rana, promised to enter the province of the Deccan from the direction of Gujarat, I promoted him to be Subahdar of that province, and at his request appointed Raja Baso to the command of the army against the Rana, increasing his rank by 500 horse. In place of Gujarat I conferred the Subah of Malwa on Khan A`zam and sent 400,000 rupees to provide for the army and warlike materials for the force that had been appointed to accompany `Abdu-llah Khan by way of Nasik, which is near the province of the Deccan. Safdar Khan, with his brothers, came from the Subah of Behar, and had the honour of kissing the threshold.

One of the royal slaves who was serving in the seal-cutting departments prepared and laid before me a design such as I had never seen or heard of before. As it is exceedingly strange, a detailed [336] description of it is given. In the shell of a filbert four compartments had been carved out of ivory. The first compartment was one of wrestlers, in which two men were engaged in wrestling, a third was standing with a spear in his hand, a fourth with a hard stone. [337] Another was sitting with his hands placed on the ground, while in front of him were laid a piece of wood, a bow and a pot. In the second a throne had been made above which a shamiyana (a tent-fly or canopy) was depicted, and a man of wealth (a prince) was seated on the throne with one leg placed over the other and a pillow at his back. Five servants were standing around and before him, and tree-boughs threw a shade over the throne. In the third compartment is a company of rope-dancers, who have raised upright a pole with three ropes fastened to it. A rope-dancer upon it (qu. on the ropes? [338]) has taken hold of his own right foot with his left hand behind his head, and standing on one foot has placed a goat on the top of the pole. Another person has thrown a drum on his neck and is beating it, whilst another man is standing with his hands lifted up and looking at the rope-dancer. Five other men are also standing, of whom one has a stick in his hand. In the fourth compartment there is a tree, below which the figure of the revered (hazrat) Jesus is shown. One person has placed his head at Jesus' feet, and an old man is conversing with Jesus and four others are standing by. [339] As he had made such a masterpiece, I honoured him with a present and with increased salary.

On the 30th Shahriwar, Mirza Sultan, who had been sent for from the Deccan, came and waited on me. Safdar Khan had an increase of rank conferred on him, and was appointed to go to the assistance of the army against the rebel Rana. As `Abdu-llah Khan Bahadur Firuz-jang had proposed to enter the neighbouring province of the Deccan by way of Nasik, it occurred to me to appoint Ram Das Kachhwaha, who was one of the sincere servants of my revered father, to accompany him in order that he might in every place look after him, and not allow him to be too rash and hasty. For this purpose I bestowed on him great favours, as well as the title of Raja, which he had not thought of for himself. I also gave him drums and the fort of Ranthanbur, which is one of the noted castles in Hindustan, and honouring him with a superb robe of honour and an elephant and horse I dismissed him. I appointed Khwaja Abu-l-hasan, who had been transferred from the chief Diwanship, to the duty of the Subahdarship of the Deccan, as he had been for a long time in those regions in the service of my deceased brother (Daniyal). I honoured Abu-l-hasan, son of I`timadu-d-daulah, with the title of I`tiqad Khan, and having promoted the sons of Mu`azzam Khan to fitting ranks sent them to Bengal to Islam Khan. At the request of Islam Khan, Raja Kalyan was appointed to the government of the Sarkar of Orissa and had an increase in rank of 200 personal and horse. I presented Shaja`at Khan Dakhani with 4,000 rupees. On the 7th Aban Badi`u-z-zaman, son of Mirza Shahrukh, came from the Deccan and waited on me.

About this time, in consequence of the disturbances that had occurred in the country of Mawara'a-n-nahr, many of the Amirs and Uzbeg soldiers, such as Husain Bi, Pahluwan Baba, and Nauras Bi Darman, and Baram Bi and others came to Court and waited on me. They were all honoured with robes of honour, horses, cash, mansabs, and jagirs. On the 2nd Azar Hashim Khan came from Bengal and had the honour of kissing my threshold. I sent 500,000 rupees for the expenses of the victorious army of the Deccan, of which the leader was `Abdu-llah Khan, to Ahmadabad in Gujarat by the hands of Rup Khawass and Shaikh Anbiya. On the 1st day I went to the village of Samonagar, which is one of my fixed hunting-places, to hunt. Twenty-two antelope were killed, of which I myself killed sixteen and Khurram the other six. Remaining there two days and two nights, on the night of Sunday I returned to the city in health and safety, and one night this couplet threw its brilliance on my mind:--

"As long as there's in heaven light for the sun,
Be not the reflection far from the Shah's umbrella."

I ordered the lamplighters and the relators of stories that at the time of their salutations and telling stories they should commence with this couplet, and it is still in use. On Saturday, the 3rd day, a letter came from Khan A`zam that `Adil Khan Bijapuri had given up his evil ways and become penitent, and in the rank of servants was now more loyal than ever. On the 14th day, corresponding with the last day of Shawwal, leave was given to Hashim Khan to go to Kashmir. I gave a special wrapper [340] (fargal) to Yadgar `Ali, ambassador of Persia. I presented I`tiqad Khan with one of my special swords called Sar-andaz (thrower of heads). Having honoured Shadman, son of Khan A`zam, with the title of Shadman Khan, I increased his rank to 1,700 personal and 500 horse. He was also honoured with a standard. Sardar Khan, brother of `Abdu-llah Khan Firuz-jang, and Arslan Bi Uzbeg, who had been appointed to the charge of Sivistan, [341] were also presented with standards. I ordered that ja'i-namaz (prayer carpets) should be made of the skins of the antelopes I had myself killed, and be kept in the public audience hall for people to use in saying their prayers. By way of special respect to the Law I ordered that the Mir-i-`Adl and Qazi, who are the pivot of affairs of the divine law, should not kiss the ground (before me), which is a kind of sijda. On Thursday, the 22nd day, I went again to Samonagar to hunt. As many antelope had collected together in that neighbourhood I had this time sent off Khwaja Jahan to prepare a qamargah and drive in the antelope into a broad place from all sides, to place canvas-walls (sara-parda) and a gulal-bar [342] round it. They enclosed a kos and half of ground with sarapardas. When news came that the hunting-place had been prepared and a great deal of game had been confined, I went there and began to hunt on the Friday. Until the next Thursday I went every day to the qamargah with the ladies and hunted as much as I liked. Some of the deer were taken alive and some killed with arrows and guns. On the Sunday and Thursday, on which I do not fire guns at animals, they took them alive in nets. In these seven days 917 head, male and female, were caught, and of these 641 deer were caught alive. Four hundred and four head were sent to Fathpur to be let loose on the plain there, and with regard to 84 I ordered them to put silver rings in their noses and set them free in the same place. The 276 other antelope that had been killed with guns and arrows and by cheetahs were divided from day to day among the Begams and the slaves of the palace, and Amirs and servants of the palace. As I became very tired (dilgir) of hunting, I gave orders to the Amirs to go to the shikargah (hunting-place) and hunt all that were left over, and myself returned in safety to the city. On the 1st Bahman, corresponding with the 17th Zi-l-qa`da, I ordered that in the large cities of my dominions, like Ahmadabad, Allahabad, Lahore, Delhi, Agra, etc., they should arrange bulghur-khanas (places for the distribution of cooked food) for the poor; thirty mahalls (districts) had been ordered. Six had already been established, and twenty-four other districts were now ordered. On the 4th Bahman I increased the rank of Raja Bir Singh Deo by 1,000 personal; it was previously 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse: I gave him a jewelled sword. Another sword out of my special ones, that was called Shah-bacha, (king's child), was presented to Shah-nawaz Khan. On the 16th Isfandarmuz, Badi`u-z-zaman, son of Mirza Shahrukh, was appointed to the army against the rebel Rana and a sword sent by his hand for Raja Baso. Having again heard that the Amirs on the borders interfere with authority in matters that do not concern them, and do not observe laws and regulations, I ordered [343] that the Bakhshis should circulate orders, to be obeyed amongst the Amirs of the borders, that hereafter they should not interfere in such things, which are the private affair of kings. The first thing is this, that they should not sit in the jharokha (private window), and should not trouble their officers and captains of the auxiliaries with keeping guard or saluting them, and should not have elephant fights, and should not inflict the punishment of blinding, and should not cut off ears and noses, and should not force Islam on anyone, and should not confer titles on their servants, and should not order the royal servants to do kurnish or prostration, and should not force singers to remain on duty in the manner customary in (royal) darbars, and should not beat drums when they go out, and when they give a horse or elephant to anyone, whether to the king's attendants or to their own servants, they should not place reins or elephant's goads on their backs and make them perform obeisance. In going in procession they should not take with them on foot in their retinue the royal attendants. If they write anything to them they should not put a seal on it. [344] The regulations which have been styled the rules of Jahangir (Ayin-i-Jahangiri) are now in force. [345]

THE SEVENTH NEW YEAR'S FESTIVAL AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION.

On Tuesday, the 1st Farwardin of the seventh year from my accession on the 16th Muharram u-l-haram (19th March, 1612) in the year 1021, the New Year's assembly that illuminates the world, and the festival that brings joy, were held in the capital of Agra. After four gharis of the night had passed on Thursday, the 3rd of the aforesaid month, the hour that the astrologers had chosen, I sat on the throne. I had ordered that, according to annual custom, the bazars should be decorated and the assembly should be kept up until the day of culmination (ruz-i-sharaf). Khusrau Bi Uzbeg, who was known among the Uzbegs as Khusrau Qimchi, [346] came on these days and had the honour of waiting on me. As he was one of the influential men of Mawara'a-n-nahr, I bestowed many favours on him, and gave him a fine robe of honour. I gave 15,000 rupees to Yadgar `Ali, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, for his expenses. On the same day the offering of Afzal Khan, which he had sent from the Subah of Behar, was laid before me. There were 30 elephants and 18 ponies (gunth), and pieces of Bengal cloth, sandalwood, some pods of musk, aloes-wood (Agallochum), and all kinds of things. The offering of Khan Dauran was also produced before me. He had sent 45 head of horse and two strings of camels, porcelain from China, dressing-gowns (pustinha [347]) of sable (sammur), and other valuable presents procurable in Kabul and its neighbourhood. The officers of the palace had taken trouble about their offerings, and according to the yearly custom from day to day of the festival the offerings of the servants were laid before me. Having looked at them in detail, I took what I approved and gave them the remainder. On the 13th Farwardin, corresponding with the 29th Muharram, a representation from Islam Khan arrived to the effect that through the blessing of Allah's favour and through the benign influence of the royal grace, Bengal had been freed from the disturbance of `Usman, the Afghan. Before the circumstances of this war are written down, some particulars with regard to Bengal will be recorded. [348] Bengal is a country of great extent, and in the second clime its length, from the port of Chittagong to Gari, is 450 kos; and its breadth, from the Northern hills to the boundary of Sarkar Madaran, 220 kos. Its revenue is about 60 krores of dams. [349] The former rulers of this place always had 20,000 horse, a lakh of foot-soldiers, 1,000 elephants, and 4,000 or 5,000 war-boats. From the time of Shir Khan and his son Salim Khan, this country was in the possession of the Afghans. When the throne of sovereignty of Hindustan in the hands of my revered father acquired beauty and splendour, he ordered the victorious forces (of the empire) into it, and for a long time made the conquest of it his object, until the aforesaid province, through the great efforts of the chiefs of the victorious State, passed from the possession of Da'ud Karani, who was the last of its rulers. That wretch was killed in the fight with Khan Jahan, and his army became scattered and in desperate condition. From that date until now the province is in the possession of the servants of the State. In the end a few of the remaining Afghans had remained in the corners and sides of the country, and kept a few distant places in their possession, until, by degrees, most of that body became despised and helpless, and were captured by the chiefs of the State in the places of which they had still possession. When the arrangement of the affairs of rule and empire, simply through the grace of God, became entrusted to this humble servant of the throne of Allah, in the first year after my accession I sent for Raja Man Singh, who had been appointed to the rule and government of that place, to Court, and sent Qutbu-d-din Khan, who, out of all the officials, was distinguished as my foster-brother, in his place. As he entered the province he attained to martyrdom at the hand of one of those mischievous ones who had been appointed to that country, and that man, who had not thought of the consequences, also obtained the reward of his deeds, and was slain. I promoted Jahangir Quli Khan, who was governor and a Jagirdar in the province of Behar, on account of his nearness to that neighbourhood, to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and ordered him to go to Bengal and take possession of the province. I sent an order to Islam Khan, who was at the capital of Agra, to go to Behar and consider that province his jagir. When a short time had passed under the rule of Jahangir Quli Khan, he contracted a severe illness, in consequence of the bad water and air of that place, and by degrees the power of the disease and his weakness became so great as to end in his destruction. When the news of his death came to my hearing at Lahore, an order was issued in the name of Islam Khan to proceed as soon as possible to Bengal. When I appointed him to this important duty, most of the servants of the State made remarks on his youth and want of experience. As the excellence of his disposition and his natural capacity had been noticed by my judicious eye, I myself chose him for this duty. As it happened, the affairs of this province were carried on by him in such a manner as from the time when it first entered into the possession of the Chiefs of the everlasting State until this day has never been attained to by any of the servants of the Court. One of his noteworthy deeds was the driving away of the rebel `Usman, the Afghan. He frequently in the time of the late king encountered the royal forces, but his expulsion was not accomplished. When Islam Khan made Dhaka (Dacca) his place of abode and made the subjection of the Zamindars of that neighbourhood his chief object, it occurred to him that he should send an army against the rebel `Usman and his province. If he agreed to serve loyally, well and good, but if not, they should punish and annihilate him like other seditious people. At that time Shaja`at Khan [350] joined Islam Khan, and the lot of leading in this service [351] fell on his name. Several others of the State servants were also appointed to go with him, such as Kishwar Khan, Iftikhar Khan, Sayyid Adam Barha, Shaikh Achhay, [352] nephew of Muqarrab Khan, Mu`tamad Khan, the sons of Mu`azzam Khan Ihtimam Khan, and others. He took with him also some of his own men. At the hour when Mushtari (Jupiter) was propitious, he started off this band, and appointed Mir Qasim, son of Mirza Murad, its chief paymaster and news-writer. He took also some of the Zamindars with him to show the road. The victorious armies started. When they reached the neighbourhood of `Usman's fort and land, they sent some eloquent men to admonish him and point out to him the way of loyalty, and bring him back from the road of rebellion to the right path. As much pride had seated itself in his brain-cup, and he had in his head a desire to seize the country, beside other fancies, he turned a deaf ear to their words and prepared himself for conflict and fight. The battlefield happened to be on the bank of a nullah in a place which was a complete bog. On Sunday (12th March, 1612), the 9th Muharram, Shaja`at Khan, choosing the hour for the fight, arrayed the victorious forces, so that everyone should go to his place and be prepared for the battle. `Usman had not settled the battle for that day with himself. When he heard that the royal army had come prepared for battle, having no remedy he himself mounted and came to the bank of the nullah, and arrayed his own horse and foot opposite the victorious army. When the affair grew hot, and the two forces opposed each other, that foolish, obstinate man at the first onset threw his own fighting raging elephant against the advanced guard. After much fighting many of the leaders of the advanced guard, as Sayyid Adam [353] Barha and Shaikh Achhay, attained the dignity of martyrdom. Iftikhar Khan, the leader of the right wing, was in no way remiss in attacking, and sacrificed his own life. The band that was with him fought to such a degree that they were all cut to pieces. In the same way Kishwar [354] Khan and his band of the left wing bravely sacrificed themselves in the affair of their master, but many of the enemy (lit. those of dark fortune) were also wounded and killed. That evil one (`Usman) took account of the combatants and ascertained that the leaders of the advanced guard and right and left wings were killed. The centre alone remained. He took no account of the killed and wounded on his own side, but attacked the centre (of the royal army) with the same energy. On this side the son and brothers and sons-in-law of Shaja`at Khan, as well as other officers, stopped the advance of those lost ones, and attacked them like tigers and leopards armed with claws and teeth. Some of them attained the dignity of martyrdom, and those that remained alive bore away fatal wounds. At this time (`Usman) drove a raging elephant of the name of Gajpat, [355] which was his premier elephant, at Shaja`at Khan, who laid hold of his spear and struck the elephant. What does a raging elephant care for a javelin. He then seized his sword and struck him two blows one after another. How did he regard these either! He then drew his dagger and struck him twice with it, but for this, too, he did not turn back, but overthrew Shaja`at Khan with his horse. Immediately he was separated from his horse; calling out "Jahangir Shah," he leapt up, and his equerry struck the elephant on both front legs a blow with a two-handed sword. As the elephant fell on his knees, the equerry pulled the elephant driver down off the elephant, and Shaja`at with the dagger he had in his hand, and while on foot, struck such blows on the trunk and forehead of the elephant that the elephant roared out at the pain and turned round. As he was severely wounded, he went to his own army and fell down. Shaja`at Khan's horse got up safely. As he was mounting his horse those vile ones drove another elephant at his standard-bearer, and overthrew his horse and standard. Shaja`at Khan gave a manly shout and roused the standard-bearer, saying: "Be bold: I'm alive and the standard is at my feet (?)." [356] At this critical moment all the servants of the State who were present seized their arrows and daggers and swords, and smote the elephant. Shaja`at himself came up and shouted to the standard-bearer to rise, and got another horse for the standard-bearer and mounted him on it. The standard-bearer unfurled the standard and maintained his ground. At the time of this struggle a (ball from a) gun struck that rebel on his forehead. However much they enquired for the man who fired it he could not be found. When this struck him, he recognized that he was a dead man. Yet for two watches, notwithstanding this fatal wound, he urged on his men to the fight, and the battlefield was still deadly and the struggle warm. Afterwards the enemy turned their faces, and the victorious army pursued them, and continually striking them drove back those vile ones into the place where they had encamped. With arrows and guns those wretches would not allow the royal troops to enter the place where they were. When Wali, the brother of `Usman, and Mamrez, his (`Usman's) son and other relations and followers became aware of `Usman's wound, they made up their minds that he would not recover from it, and that if they, defeated and put to flight, should go towards their fort none would reach it alive. They thought it best to remain for the night in the place where they had encamped, and towards the end of the night seek an opportunity and get to their fort. Two watches of night had passed when `Usman went to hell. In the third watch they raised his lifeless body, and leaving his tent and the things they had with them in the camp, proceeded to their fortress. The scouts of the victorious army, having obtained news of this, informed Shaja`at Khan. On the morning of Monday the loyalists assembled and decided to follow them, and not allow breathing-time to those of dark fortune. In the end, in consequence of the tired state of the soldiers, and in order to bury the martyrs and out of sympathy for the wounded, they were perplexed in their minds as to going or settling down (where they were). Just at this time `Abdu-s-Salam, son of Mu`azzam Khan, arrived with a body of servants of the State, altogether 300 horse and 400 musketeers (tupchi). When this fresh body of men arrived it was determined to pursue, and they accordingly went on. When Wali, who after `Usman was the stock of the disturbance, learned that Shaja`at Khan with the victorious army had come together with another fresh force, he saw no resource for himself but to go to Shaja`at Khan on the straight line of faith and loyalty. In the end he sent a message that he who had been the cause of the disturbance had gone, and that the body of those who were left were servants and Musulmans. If he would give his word they would wait upon him and would agree to serve the State, giving their elephants as an offering. Shaja`at Khan and Mu`taqid Khan, who had arrived on the day of the battle and had done approved service, and all those who were loyal, in accordance with the necessity of the time and with what was best for the State, gave their word and encouraged them. On the next day, Wali and the sons, brothers, and sons-in-law of `Usman all came and waited upon Shaja`at Khan and the other servants of the State. They brought forty-nine elephants as an offering. After the completion of this work Shaja`at Khan, leaving some of the royal servants in Adhar [357] and the neighbourhood which was in the possession of that one of evil fortune, took with him Wali and the other Afghans, and on Monday, the 6th of the month of Safar, came to Jahangirnagar (Dacca) and joined Islam Khan. When the joyful news reached in Agra this supplicant at the throne of Allah, he performed the prostrations of gratitude, and recognized that the driving away of this description of enemy was brought about simply through the unstinted mercy of the Almighty Giver. As a reward for this good service I promoted Islam Khan to the rank of 6,000 personal, and honoured Shaja`at Khan with the title of "Rustam of the age" (Rustam-zaman), as well as increased his rank by 1,000 personal and horse. I also increased the rank of other servants according to the measure of their services, and they were selected for other honours.

When this news first came of the killing of `Usman it appeared to be a joke, but by way of ascertaining the truth or falsehood of the words I took an omen from the divan of the tongue of the unseen world, Khwaja Hafiz of Shiraz, and this ghazal [358] turned up:--

"I make my eyes red and throw patience to the wilds,
And in such a case throw my heart into the sea.
I'm wounded by the shaft of heaven:
Give wine, so that intoxicated I may cast a knot in the girdle
of the Twins."

As this couplet was very appropriate to the occasion, I drew an omen from it. After some days news came again that the arrow of Fate, or rather of God, had struck `Usman, for however much they enquired for him, he who fired the shot was not made manifest. This has been recorded on account of its strange nature.

On the 16th Farwardin, Muqarrab Khan, who is one of my chief retainers and the old confidants of the Jahangiri service, who had attained the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, came from the fort of Cambay and had the honour of waiting on me. I had ordered him, on account of certain business, to go to the port of Goa [359] and buy for the private use of the government certain rareties procurable there. According to orders he went with diligence to Goa, and remaining there for some time, took at the price the Franks asked for them the rareties he met with at that port, without looking at the face of the money at all (i.e. regardless of cost). When he returned from the aforesaid port to the Court, he produced before me one by one the things and rareties he had brought. Among these were some animals that were very strange and wonderful, such as I had never seen, and up to this time no one had known their names. Although King Babar has described in his Memoirs the appearance and shapes of several animals, he had never ordered the painters to make pictures of them. As these animals appeared to me to be very strange, I both described them and ordered that painters should draw them in the Jahangir-nama, so that the amazement that arose from hearing of them might be increased. One of these animals in body is larger than a peahen and smaller than a peacock. [360] When it is in heat and displays itself, it spreads out its feathers like the peacock and dances about. Its beak and legs are like those of a cock. Its head and neck and the part under the throat are every minute of a different colour. When it is in heat it is quite red--one might say it had adorned itself with red coral--and after a while it becomes white in the same places, and looks like cotton. It sometimes looks of a turquoise colour. Like a chameleon it constantly changes colour. Two pieces of flesh it has on its head look like the comb of a cock. A strange thing is this, that when it is in heat the aforesaid piece of flesh hangs down to the length of a span from the top of its head like an elephant's trunk, and again when he raises it up it appears on its head like the horn of a rhinoceros, to the extent of two finger-breadths. Round its eyes it is always of a turquoise colour, and does not change. Its feathers appear to be of various colours, differing from the colours of the peacock's feathers. He also brought a monkey of a strange and wonderful form. Its hands, feet, ears, and head are like those of a monkey, and its face like that of a fox. The colour of its eyes is like that of a hawk's eye, but the eyes are larger than those of a hawk. From its head to the end of its tail it is an ordinary cubit in length. It is lower than a monkey and taller than a fox. Its hair is like the wool of a sheep and its colour like that of ashes. From the lobe of its ear to its chin it is red and of the colour of wine. Its tail is two or three finger-breadths longer than half a cubit, quite different from that of other monkeys. The tail of this animal hangs down like the tail of a cat. Sometimes it makes a sound like a young antelope. On the whole it is a very strange beast. Of the wild birds which they call tadru (pheasant) till now it has never been heard that they breed in captivity. In the time of my revered father they made great efforts to obtain eggs and young ones but it was not managed. I ordered them to keep some of them, male and female, in one place, and by degrees they bred. I ordered them to place the eggs under hens, and in a space of two years sixty or seventy young were produced and fifty or sixty grew up. Whoever heard of this matter was astonished. It was said that in the Wilayat (Persia?) the people there had made great efforts, but no eggs were produced and no young were obtained.

In these days I increased the mansab of Mahabat Khan by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, which thus became 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. The mansab of I`timadu-d-daulah, original and increased, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 1,000 horse. To the mansab of Maha Singh also an increase of 500 personal and horse was given: it was originally and with increase 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. The mansab of I`tiqad Khan was increased by 500 personal and 200 horse, and made up to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. Khwaja Abu-l-hasan in these days came from the Deccan and waited on me. Daulat Khan, who had been appointed to the faujdarship of Allahabad and of the Sarkar of Jaunpur, came and paid his respects: an increase of 500 was made to his mansab, which was 1,000. On the day of culmination (ruz-i-sharaf), which was the 19th Farwardin, I raised the mansab of Sultan Khurram, which was 10,000, to 12,000, and made that of I`tibar Khan, which was 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, up to 4,000. I raised the mansab of Muqarrab Khan from 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse by 500 personal and horse; and increased that of Khwaja Jahan, which was 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, by 500. As these were the days of the New Year, many of the servants (of the State) obtained an increase of their mansabs. On the same day Dulip came from the Deccan and waited on me. As his father Ray Ray Singh had died, I honoured him with the title of Ray and clothed him in a dress of honour. Ray Ray Singh had another son, by name Suraj Singh. Although Dulip was his tika (marked with the tika) son, he wished Suraj Singh to succeed him, in consequence of the love that he bore to his mother. When the circumstances of his death were reported to me, Suraj Singh, in consequence of his want of intelligence and tender years, represented to me: "My father has made me his successor and given me the tika." This remark was not to my liking, and I said: "If thy father has given the tika to thee, we shall give it to Dulip." Then marking the tika with my own hand, I presented the latter with his father's jagir and hereditary possessions. I bestowed on I`timadu-d-daulah an inkstand and jewelled pen. Rudar, the father of Lakhmi Chand, Raja of Kumaon, who is one of the considerable Rajas of the hill country, had come in the time of the late King Akbar, [361] and when he came had petitioned [362] that the son of Raja Todar Mal might take him by the hand and bring him to wait on him. In consequence, the Raja's (Todar Mal's) son had been appointed to bring him. Lakhmi Chand now similarly asked that the son of I`timadu-d-daulah might bring him to pay his respects. I sent Shapur [363] to bring him to wait on me. He laid before me rare things from his own hill country, such as gunth ponies, and birds of prey, such as hawks, jurra (falcons), royal falcons, qatas (yaks), navels of musk, and skins of the musk antelope with the musk-bags on them, swords which in their language they call khanda, and daggers which they call katar, and all kinds of things. Amongst the Rajas of this hill country this Raja is well known for the large quantities of gold he has. They say there is a gold-mine in his territory. [364]

In order to lay the foundation of a palace at Lahore, I sent there Khwaja Jahan Khwaja Dust Muhammad, who is well skilled in this kind of business.