Chapter IX: Part 9

As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the disagreements among the Sardars and the carelessness of Khan A`zam, did not look well, and the defeat of `Abdu-llah Khan had taken place, I had sent for Khwaja Abu-l-hasan to make enquiries into the real state of these quarrels. After much enquiry and investigation it became clear that the defeat of `Abdu-llah Khan had been caused by his pride and his sharp temper, and not listening to words (of advice) and partly by the quarrels and want of agreement between the Amirs. Briefly, it had been determined that `Abdu-llah Khan should start from the direction of Nasik and Trimbak with the Gujarat army and the Amirs who had been appointed to accompany him. This army had been brought into proper order by trustworthy leaders and zealous Amirs, such as Raja Ram Das, Khan A`lam, Saif Khan, `Ali Mardan Bahadur, Zafar Khan, and other servants of the State. The number of the army had passed 10,000 and come up to near 14,000. On the side of Berar it was settled that Raja Man Singh, Khan Jahan, the Amiru-l-umara, and many other leaders should proceed. These two armies should be aware of each other's marches and halts, so that on an appointed day they might catch the enemy between the two. If this rule had been observed and their hearts had been in unison, and self-interest had not come between, it is most probable that Almighty God would have given them the victory of the day. When `Abdu-llah Khan passed the Ghats and entered the enemy's country, he did not take care to send runners (qasidan) to bring intelligence from the other army, nor did he, in accordance with the arrangements, make his movements harmonise with theirs, so that on an appointed day they might take the enemy between two armies. Rather he relied on his own strength, and considered that if he could gain the victory alone it would be better. This idea fixed itself in his mind, and however much Ram Das desired him to promise to go forward with due deliberation, it was of no use. The enemy, who were observing him closely, had sent a large number of leaders and Bargis (Mahrattas) against him, and encounters took place with them every day. They did not fail to throw rockets and different fireworks at night. At last the enemy drew near, and yet he obtained no intelligence about the other army, though he had approached Daulatabad, which was the place of assembly of the Dakhanis. `Ambar, the black-faced, had raised to sovereignty a child who, in his opinion, bore relationship to the family of Nizamu-l-mulk. In order that men might fully accept his (the child's) sovereignty, he raised him up and took him by the hand, and made himself the Peshwa and leader. He sent men again and again (against `Abdu-llah), and the number of the enemy was continually increasing till at last they made an attack, and by throwing rockets and other fireworks made matters hot for him. [365] At length the loyalists thought it best, as no assistance had come to them from the other army and all the Dakhanis had turned against them, to retreat at once and try some other arrangement. All agreed, and with one consent started off before dawn. The Dakhanis followed them to the boundaries of their own country, and the two armies, meeting every day, did not fail in fighting. In these days several of the ambitious and zealous young men were killed. `Ali Mardan Khan Bahadur, behaving like a brave man, carried away terrible wounds and fell into the hands of the enemy, and showed his companions an example of fidelity to his salt and of life-sacrifice. Zu-l-faqar Beg also displayed manly actions, and a rocket struck him on the leg, and two days afterwards he died. When they entered the country of Raja Bharju, [366] who was one of those loyal to the throne, that body (the enemy) turned back, and `Abdu-llah Khan proceeded towards Gujarat. The real truth is this, that if in going he had drawn his rein (gone slowly) and allowed the other army to have come up to him, the matter would have turned out according to the wish of the chief men of the victorious State. [367] As soon as the news of the retreat of `Abdu-llah Khan reached the leaders of the army that was advancing from Berar, not seeing any advantage from further stay, they also retired, and joined the camp of Parwiz at `Adilabad in the neighbourhood of Burhanpur. When this intelligence reached me at Agra I was greatly agitated, and proposed to go there myself and destroy root and branch those servants who had become masters. The Amirs and other devoted ones would in no way consent to this. Khwaja Abu-l-hasan represented that as no one understood the business of that region as the Khankhanan did I ought to send him, and that he should again arrange matters that had fallen into disorder, and according to the exigencies of the time should compose differences so that affairs might return to their original condition. Other well-wishers being consulted, all their opinions were at one in this, that the Khankhanan must be sent and that Khwaja Abu-l-hasan should accompany him. Agreeing with this determination, those who had charge of the affairs of the Khankhanan and his companions obtained leave to go on Sunday, the 17th Urdibihisht, in the 7th year. Shah-nawaz Khan, Khwaja Abu-l-hasan, Razzaq-birdi Uzbeg, and several others of his associates paid their parting salutations on the same day. The Khankhanan was promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal, Shah-nawaz Khan to that of 3,000 and horse, that of Darab Khan increased by 500 personal and 300 horse (altogether 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse), and to Rahman-dad, his (the Khankhanan's) younger son, I also gave a fitting mansab. I presented the Khankhanan with a grand dress of honour, a jewelled dagger, a special elephant with talayir (accoutrements), and an Iraq horse. In the same way I bestowed on his sons and companions dresses of honour and horses. In the same month Mu`izzu-l-mulk came from Kabul with his sons, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Shyam Singh and Ray Mangat Bhadauriya, who belonged to the army of Bangash, according to the request of Qilij Khan, were promoted to higher mansabs. Shyam Singh had 1,500 personal and was increased by 500, and Ray Mangat was also raised to a higher rank.

For a long time past news had come of the illness of Asaf Khan; sometimes the disease was got under and sometimes recurred, until he died at Burhanpur in the 63rd year of his age. His understanding and capacity were very good. He was very quick-witted. He also wrote poetry. He composed "Khusrau and Shirin," dedicating it to me, and called it the "Nur-nama" (the writing of light). [368] He had been ennobled in the time of my revered father and made Vizier. In the days when I was a prince he had several times done foolish things, and most men, and indeed Khusrau himself, were of opinion that after my accession I would do unpleasant things (with regard to him). In a manner contrary to what had entered the minds of himself and others, I favoured him and promoted him to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and after he had for some time been Vizier with full authority, neglected no point in increasing favour towards him. After his death I gave mansabs to his sons and bestowed kindnesses on them. At last it was clear that his disposition and sincerity were not as they should be, and, considering his own evil deeds, he had always been suspicious with regard to me. They say he was aware of the conspiracy and disturbance that took place on the Kabul expedition, and had given support to the wretches. Indeed, I had no confidence that notwithstanding my favour and kindness to him he was not disloyal and of perverse fortune.

After a short space of time, on the 25th of the same month of Urdibihisht, the news of Mirza Ghazi's death arrived. The said Mirza was of the ruling family of Thatta (Tatta), of the tribe of Tarkhani. His father, Mirza Jani, in the time of my revered father became loyal, and with the Khankhanan, who had been appointed to his province, he had the good fortune to have the honour of waiting on Akbar near Lahore. By the royal favour he was given his own province, and, choosing himself to serve at Court, he sent his men to the charge and administration of Thatta, and remained in the service while he lived. At last he died at Burhanpur. Mirza Ghazi Khan, his son, who was at Thatta, in accordance with the firman of the late king obtained the government of that country. Sa`id Khan, who was at Bhakar (Bukkur), received an order to console him and bring him to Court. The aforesaid Khan sent men to him to recommend loyalty to him. At last, having brought him to Agra, he procured him the honour of kissing the feet of my revered father. He was at Agra when my father died and I ascended the throne. After I arrived at Lahore for the pursuit of Khusrau news came that the Amirs on the borders of Khurasan had assembled together and proceeded against Qandahar, and that Shah Beg, the governor of that place, was shut up in the fort and looking out for assistance. Of necessity an army was appointed for the relief of Qandahar under the leadership of Mirza Ghazi and other Amirs and generals. When this army reached the neighbourhood of Qandahar, the army of Khurasan, not seeing in themselves the power to await it, returned. Mirza Ghazi, having entered Qandahar, handed over the country and the fort to Sardar Khan, who had been appointed to the government of the place, and Shah Beg went to his own jagir. Mirza Ghazi started for Lahore by way of Bhakar. Sardar Khan was only a short time at Qandahar before he died, and that province was again in need of a leader and master. This time I added Qandahar to Thatta and handed it over to Mirza Ghazi. From that time till his death he remained there continuously in performance of the duties of its protection and government. His conduct towards the disaffected was excellent. As it was necessary to send a leader to Qandahar in the place of Mirza Ghazi, I appointed Abu-l-bi Uzbeg, [369] who was at Multan and in that neighbourhood, to that post. I promoted him in rank from 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse to 3,000 personal and horse, and honoured him with the title of Bahad Khan and a standard. The governorship of Delhi and the protection and administration of that province was conferred on Muqarrab Khan. I dignified Rup Khawass, who was one of the personal servants of my revered father, with the title of Khawass Khan, and, giving him the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, bestowed on him the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Qanuj. As I had sought the daughter [370] of I`tiqad Khan, son of I`timadu-d-daulah, in marriage for Khurram, and the marriage festival had been arranged for, I went on Thursday, 18th Khurdad, to his house, and stayed there one day and one night. He (Khurram) presented offerings (to me) and he gave jewels [371] to the Begams, and to his mothers (including stepmothers) and to the female servants of the harem, and dresses of honour to the Amirs.

I sent `Abdu-r-Razzaq, the bakhshi of the palace (darkhana), to settle the country of Thatta (Sind) until a Sardar should be appointed who could conciliate the soldiery and the cultivators, and so bring the province into order. I increased his rank and presented him with an elephant and a shawl (parmnarm), and sent him off. I made Mu`izzu-l-mulk bakhshi in his room. Khwaja Jahan, who had been sent to inspect the buildings in Lahore and to arrange about them, came in the end of this month and waited on me. Mirza `Isa Tarkhan, one of the relations of Mirza Ghazi, had been appointed to the army of the Deccan. I sent for him to arrange about the business of Thatta, and on the same day he had the good fortune to pay his respects. As he was deserving of favour, he was given the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. The disease of khun-para [372] had affected my health. By the advice of the physicians on Wednesday, the (date not given) of the said month, I drew about a sir (asar) [373] of blood from my left arm. As great lightness resulted, it occurred to me that if they were to call blood-letting 'lightening' it would be well. Nowadays this expression is made use of. To Muqarrab Khan, who had bled me, I gave a jewelled khapwa (dagger). Kishan Das, accountant of the elephant department and stable, who from the time of the late king until now has been the clerk in charge of two departments, and for ages had been hopeful of the title of Raja and the rank of 1,000 personal, and before this had been gratified with a title, now had the rank of 1,000 conferred on him. Mirza Rustam, son of Sultan Husain Mirza Safawi, who had been appointed to the army of the Deccan, I sent for at his request. On Saturday, the 9th of the month of Tir, he came with his sons and waited on me. He made an offering of a ruby and forty-six royal pearls. I increased the rank of Taj Khan, the governor of Bhakar, who was one of the old Amirs of this State, by 500 personal and horse.

The tale of the death of Shaja`at Khan is a very strange affair. After he had performed such services and Islam Khan had given him leave to go to the Sarkar of Orissa, one night on the road he was riding on a female elephant chaukandi-dar [374] (? in a square howdah or four-pillared canopy), and had given a young eunuch a place behind him. When he left his camp they had fastened up an elephant that was in heat on the road. From the noise of the horses' hoofs and the movement of the horsemen he attempted to break his chain. On this account a great noise and confusion took place. When this noise reached the ear of the eunuch, he in a state of bewilderment awoke Shaja`at Khan, who was asleep or in the insensibility of wine, and said: "An elephant in heat has got loose and is coming in this direction." As soon as he heard this he became confused and threw himself down from the front of the chaukandi. When he threw himself off his toe struck against a stone and was torn open, and he died in two or three days of that same wound. In short, from hearing this affair I was completely bewildered. That a brave man on the mere hearing of a cry or a word coming from a child should become so confused and throw himself down without control from the top of an elephant is in truth a matter of amazement. The news of this event reached me on the 19th of the month of Tir. I consoled his sons with kindnesses and the conferring of offices. If this accident had not happened to him, as he had done notable service, he would have obtained exaltation with greater favours and kindnesses.

"One cannot strive against destiny."

Islam Khan had sent 160 male and female elephants from Bengal; they were brought before me and placed in my private elephant stables. Raja Tekchand, the Raja of Kumaon, asked for leave to depart. As in the time of my father there had been given to his father 100 horses, I gave him the same number as well as an elephant, and while he was at Court bestowed on him dresses of honour and a jewelled dagger. Also to his brothers I gave dresses of honour and horses. I presented him with his territory according to previous arrangements, and he went back to his home happy and successful.

It happened incidentally that this verse of the Amiru-l-umara was quoted:--

"Pass, O Messiah, o'er the heads of us slain by love;
Thy restoring one life is worth a hundred murders." [375]

As I have a poetical disposition I sometimes intentionally and sometimes involuntarily compose couplets and quatrains. So the following couplet came into my head:--

"Turn not thy cheek, without thee I cannot live a moment;
For thee to break one heart is equal a hundred murders."

When I had recited this, everyone who had a poetical vein composed a couplet in the same mode. Mulla `Ali Ahmad, [376] the seal-engraver, of whom an account has been given previously, had not said badly--

"O Censor, fear the weeping of the old vintner;
Thy breaking one jar is equal to a hundred murders."

Abu-l-fath Dakhani, [377] who was one of the most considerable of `Adil Khan's Amirs, and had two years previously taken to being loyal and had entered himself among the leaders of the victorious army, on the 10th of Amurdad waited on me, and being accepted by my grace and favour had bestowed on him a special sword and a robe of honour, and after some days I also gave him a special horse. Khwajagi Muhammad Husain, [378] who had gone to Kashmir as the deputy for his brother's son, when he was satisfied in his mind with the state of affairs of that place, came on the same day and waited on me. As a Sardar was needed to be sent for the governorship of Patna and the rule of that place, it occurred to me to send Mirza Rustam. Having raised his rank from 5,000 personal and 1,500 horse to 5,000 personal and horse, on the 26th Jumada-s-sani, corresponding to the 2nd Shahriwar, I gave him the government of Patna, and bestowing on him a special elephant, a horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, and a superb dress of honour, I dismissed him. His sons and the sons of his brother Muzaffar Husain Khan Mirza'i were exalted with increased rank, elephants, horses, and dresses of honour, and sent off with him. I appointed Ray Dulip to support Mirza Rustam. As his residence was near that place, he collected a good body of men for that service. I increased his rank by 500 personal and horse, so that it became 2,000 with 1,000 horse, and also gave him an elephant. Abu-l-fath Dakhani had obtained a jagir in the Sarkar of Nagpur and that neighbourhood. He was dismissed in order that he might administer his jagir and look to the guarding and government of that country as well. Khusrau Bi Uzbeg was appointed to the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Mewar. His rank of 800 personal and 300 horse was now increased to 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and I also presented him with a horse. As I had my eye on the old service of Muqarrab Khan, it occurred to me that I must not pass by the desire of his heart. I had increased his rank and he had obtained good jagirs, but he longed for a standard and drums, and he was now honoured with these as well. Salih, the adopted son of Khwaja Beg-Mirza Safawi, was a youth of great bravery and zeal. I gave him the title of Khanjar Khan, and made him eager in the service.

On Thursday, the 22nd Shahriwar, corresponding with 17th Rajab, 1021, the feast of my solar weighing took place in the house of Maryam-zamani. It is an approved custom with me to weigh myself in this manner. The late king Akbar, who was the place of manifestation of kindness and grace, also approved of the custom, and twice in every year weighed himself against several sorts of metals, gold, silver, and many precious articles, once according to the solar and once according to the lunar year, and divided their total value, which was worth about a lakh of rupees, among faqirs and needy people. I also observe this annual custom and weigh myself in the same manner, and give those valuables to faqirs. Mu`taqid Khan, Diwan of Bengal, who had been relieved from that service, produced before me the sons and brothers and some of the servants of `Usman, whom Islam Khan had sent with him to the Court. The charge of each one of the Afghans was entrusted to a responsible servant. Then he (Mu`taqid) produced his own offering, which consisted of twenty-five elephants, two rubies, a jewelled phul katara [379] (a kind of dagger), trustworthy eunuchs, Bengal stuffs, etc. Mir Miran, son of Sultan Khwaja, who was in the Deccan army, obtained the honour of kissing the threshold and gave a ruby as an offering. As between Qilij Khan, leader of the army of Bangash on the borders of Kabul, and the Amirs of that Subah who had been sent as companions to him under his leadership, there were quarrels, especially with Khan Dauran, I sent Khwaja Jahan to make enquiry as to which side was in fault. On the 11th of the month of Mihr, Mu`taqid Khan was appointed to the high dignity of bakhshi, and his mansab was raised to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. Raising for the second time the mansabs of Muqarrab Khan a little, I made it 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse by an increase of 500. On the representation of the Khankhanan, Faridun Khan Barlas was raised to the mansab, original and increase, of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Ray Manohar received that of 1,000 personal and 800 horse, and Raja Bir Singh Deo that of 4,000 personal and 2,200 horse. Bharat, grandson of Ramchand Bandilah, I, after the latter's death, honoured with the title of Raja. On the 28th Aban, Zafar Khan, having come according to summons from the Subah of Gujarat, waited on me. He brought as offerings a ruby and three pearls. On the 6th Azar, corresponding with the 3rd Shawwal, news came from Burhanpur that the Amiru-l-umara had died on Sunday, the 27th Aban, in the parganah of Nihalpur. After the illness he had at Lahore his intelligence appeared to be less, and a great loss of memory happened to him. He was very sincere. It is sad that he left no son capable of patronage and favour. Chin Qilij Khan came from his father, who was at Peshawar, on the 20th Azar, and offered (on his father's behalf) 100 muhrs and 100 rupees, and also presented the offerings he had of his own in the shape of a horse and cloth stuffs and other things. To the government of Behar I promoted Zafar Khan, who is one of the trustworthy house-born ones and foster-children, and increasing his mansab by 500 personal and horse, I made it up to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and also honouring his brothers with robes of honour and horses, allowed them to go off to that province. He had always hoped that he might obtain some separate service in order that he might show his natural ability. I also desired to prove him and make this service the touchstone by which to try him. As it was the season for travelling and hunting, on Tuesday, the 2nd Zi-l-qa`da (25th December, 1612), corresponding with the 4th Day, I left Agra with the intention of hunting and encamped in the Dahrah garden, remaining there four days. [380] On the 10th of the same month the news came of the death of Salima Sultan Begam, who had been ill in the city. Her mother was Gul-rukh Begam, daughter of King Babar, and her father Mirza Nuru-d-din Muhammad, of the Naqshbandi Khwajas. She was adorned with all good qualities. In women this degree of skill and capacity is seldom found. H.M. Humayun, by way of kindness (to Bairam), had betrothed her who was his sister's daughter to Bairam Khan. After his death, in the beginning of the reign of the late king Akbar, the marriage took place. After the said Khan had been killed, my revered father married her himself. She received mercy (died) in the 60th year of her age. [381] On the same day I marched from the Dahrah garden and sent I`timadu-d-daulah to bury her (lit. lift her up), and ordered him to place her in the building in the Mandakar garden which she herself had made. On the 17th of the month of Day, Mirza `Ali Beg Akbarshahi came from the army of the Deccan and waited on me. Khwaja Jahan, whom I had despatched to the Subah of Kabul, returned on the 21st of the same month and waited on me. The time for his going and coming had extended to three months and eleven days. He brought twelve muhrs and twelve rupees as an offering. On the same day Raja Ram Das also came from the victorious army of the Deccan and paid his respects, and made an offering of 101 muhrs. As robes of honour for the winter season had not been sent to the Amirs of the Deccan, they were forwarded by the hand of Hayat Khan. As the port of Surat had been assigned in jagir to Qilij Khan, he prayed that Chin Qilij (his son) might be despatched for its guardianship and administration. On the 27th Day he had a dress of honour, and being honoured with a dress of honour and the title of Khan, and a standard, obtained leave to go. For the purpose of advising the Amirs of Kabul, and on account of the disagreements that had sprung up between them and Qilij Khan, I sent Raja Ram Das, and bestowed on him a horse and robe of honour and 30,000 rupees for expenses. On the 6th Bahman, when my camp was in the parganah of Bari, there came the news of the death of Khwajagi Muhammad Husain, who was of the ancient servants of this State. His elder brother, Muhammad Qasim Khan, in the time of my revered father, found great favour, and Khwaja Muhammad Husain as well was one of his confidential servants, and held employments such as that of superintendent of the kitchen (bakawul) and such like. He left no son and was beardless, and not a single hair of moustache or whiskers appeared on him. At the time of speaking he spoke very shrilly, and was looked upon as an eunuch. Shah-nawaz Khan, whom the Khankhanan had sent from Burhanpur to make certain representations, came on the 15th of the same month and waited on me. He presented 100 muhrs and 100 rupees. As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the hasty proceedings of `Abdu-llah Khan and the treachery of the Amirs, did not present a good prospect, the Dakhanis obtained an opportunity for speaking and began to talk of peace to the Amirs and well-wishers there. `Adil Khan embraced the robe of loyalty, and prayed that if the affairs of the Deccan were entrusted to him he would so arrange that some of the districts which had been taken out of the possession of the officers of the State should be restored. The loyal ones, looking to the necessities of the time, represented this, and a settlement of some kind was arrived at, and the Khankhanan undertook to settle matters. The Khan A`zam was also desirous of putting down the rebel Rana, and begged for this service by way of obtaining merit (as a ghazi). He was ordered to go to Malwa, which was his jagir, and after arranging matters there to take up this duty. The mansab of Abu-l-bi Uzbeg [382] was increased by 1,000 personal and 500 horse to 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. My hunting went on for 2 months and 20 days, and during that time I went out every day to hunt. As not more than 50 or 60 days remained before the world-illumining New Year, I returned, and on the 24th Isfandiyar encamped in the Dahrah garden. The courtiers and some of the mansabdars, who by order had remained in the city, came on that day and waited on me. Muqarrab Khan presented a decorated jar, Frank hats, and a jewelled sparrow (?). I remained three days in the garden, and on the 27th Isfandiyar entered the city. During this time [383] 223 head of deer, etc., 95 nilgaw, 2 boars, 36 cranes (or herons), etc., and 1,457 fish were killed.

THE EIGHTH NEW YEAR AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION.

The eighth year after my accession, corresponding with Muharram, 1022. On the night of Thursday, the 27th Muharram, corresponding with the 1st Farwardin in the eighth year after my accession, after 3 1/2 gharis of day had elapsed, his honour the sun passed from the constellation of Pisces to that of Aries, which is his abode of rejoicing and victory. Early in the morning of the New Year's Day the feast was prepared and adorned after the custom of every year. At the end of that day I sat on the throne of State, and the Amirs and ministers of the State and the courtiers of the palace came to salute and congratulate me. On these days of happy augury I sat the whole day in the public audience hall. Those who had anything to ask or claim presented their petitions, and the offerings of the servants of the palace were laid before me. Abu-l-bi, governor of Qandahar, had sent for an offering Iraq horses and hunting dogs, and they were brought before me. On the 9th of the same month Afzal Khan came from the Subah of Behar, and in waiting on me presented 100 muhrs and 100 rupees, as well as an elephant. On the 12th the offering of I`timadu-d-daulah was laid before me, consisting of jewels, cloths, and other things. That which pleased me attained to the dignity of acceptance. Of the elephants of Afzal Khan's offering ten others were inspected on this day. On the 13th the offerings of Tarbiyat Khan were laid before me. Mu`taqid Khan bought a house at Agra, and passed some days in that place. Misfortunes happened to him one after another. We have heard that prosperity and bad luck depend on four things: first, upon your wife; second, upon your slave; third upon your house; fourth, upon your horse. In order to know the prosperity or ill-luck of a house a rule has been established, indeed they say it is infallible. One must clear a small piece of the site from earth, and again strew the earth upon the same ground. If it cover it, one may call it middling good fortune for that house, neither prosperity nor misfortune; if it become less (i.e. does not cover it exactly) it points to ill-luck, and if it does more (than cover it) it is fortunate and auspicious. On the 14th the mansab of I`tibar Khan was raised from 1,000 and 300 horse to 2,000 personal and 500 horse. I increased the mansab of Tarbiyat Khan by 500 personal and 50 horse, so that it became 2,000 personal and 850 horse. Hushang, son of Islam Khan, who was in Bengal with his father, came at this time and paid his respects. He brought with him some Maghs, whose country is near Pegu and Arracan, and the country is still in their possession. I made some enquiries as to their customs and religion. Briefly they are animals in the form of men. They eat everything there is either on land or in the sea, and nothing is forbidden by their religion. They eat with anyone. They take into their possession (marry) their sisters by another mother. In face they are like the Qara Qalmaqs, but their language is that of Tibet and quite unlike Turki. There is a range of mountains, one end of which touches the province of Kashghar and the other the country of Pegu. They have no proper religion or any customs that can be interpreted as religion. They are far from the Musulman faith and separated from that of the Hindus.

Two or three days before the Sharaf (the sun's highest point) my son Khurram desired me to go to his house that he might present his New Year's offerings from that place. I agreed to his request, and remained for one day and one night at his house. He presented his offerings. I took what I approved of and gave him back the rest. The next day Murtaza Khan presented his offerings. Every day until the day of culmination (ruz-i-sharaf) the offerings of one or of two or three of the Amirs were laid before me. On Monday, the 19th Farwardin, the assembly of the Sharaf was held. On that auspicious day I sat on the throne of State, and an order was given that they should produce all sorts of intoxicating things, such as wine, etc., so that every one according to his desire might take what he liked. Many took wine. The offerings of Mahabat Khan were on this day brought to me. I gave one gold muhr of 1,000 tolas, which is called the star of destiny (kaukab-i-tali`), to Yadgar `Ali Khan, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran. The feast went off well. After the assembly broke up I ordered that they might carry off the furniture and decorations. The offering of the Muqarrab Khan had not been arranged on New Year's Day. All sorts of rareties and excellent presents were now produced which he had collected together. Amongst others, twelve Iraq and Arab horses that had been brought in a ship, and jewelled saddles of Frank workmanship [384] were produced before me. To the mansab of Nawazish Khan 500 horse were added so as to make it one of 2,000 personal and horse. An elephant called Bansibadan, which Islam Khan had sent from Bengal, was brought to me and put among my special elephants. On the 3rd Urdibihisht, Khwaja Yadgar, brother of `Abdu-llah Khan, came from Gujarat and waited on me; he offered 100 Jahangiri muhrs. After he had been in attendance a few days he was honoured with the title of Sardar Khan. As a competent bakhshi had to be sent to the army of Bangash and those regions, I chose Mu`taqid Khan for this duty, and increased his mansab by 300 personal and 50 horse so that it became 1,500 with 350 horse, and dismissed him. It was settled that he must go quickly. I sent off Muhammad Husain Chelebi, who understood the purchase of jewels and collecting curiosities, with money to go by way of Iraq to Constantinople and buy and bring for the Sarkar curiosities and rareties. For this purpose it was necessary that he should pay his respects to the ruler of Iran. I had given him a letter and a memorandum (of what he was to procure). Briefly, he saw my brother, Shah `Abbas, in Mashhad, and the king enquired from him what kind of things should be brought for his master's Sarkar. As he was urgent, Chelebi showed the list he had brought with him. In that list there were entered good turquoise and mumiya (bitumen) from the mine of Ispahan. He told him that these two articles were not to be bought, but he would send them for me. He authorized Uwaisi Tupchi (gunner), who was one of his private servants, to hand over to him six bags (ambancha) of turquoise earth holding about 30 seers, with 14 tolas of mumiya and four Iraq horses, one of which was a piebald, and he wrote a letter containing many, many expressions of friendship. With regard to the inferior quality of the turquoise dust (khaka) and the small quantity of mumiya he made many apologies. The khaka appeared very inferior. Although the jewellers and makers of rings made every endeavour, no stone that was fit to be made into a finger ring could be produced. Probably in these days turquoise dust is not procurable from the mines such as it was in the time of the late king Tahmasp. He mentioned all this in the letter. With regard to the effect of mumiya I had heard much from scientists, but when I tried it no result was apparent. I do not know whether physicians have exaggerated its effect, or whether its efficacy had been lessened by its being stale. At any rate, I gave it to a fowl with a broken leg to drink in larger quantity than they said and in the manner laid down by the physicians, and rubbed some on the place where it was broken, and kept it there for three days, though it was said to be sufficient to keep it from morning till evening. But after I had examined it, no effect was produced, and the broken place remained as it was. [385] In a separate letter the Shah had written a recommendation of Salamu-llah, the Arab. I immediately increased his mansab and his jagir.

I sent one of my private elephants with trappings to `Abdu-llah Khan and gave another to Qilij Khan. I ordered that assignments (tankhwah) should be made to 12,000 horse on the establishment [386] of `Abdu-llah Khan at the rate of three horses and two horses for each trooper. As previously with a view to service in Junagarh I had increased the mansab of his brother Sardar Khan by 500 personal and 300 horse, and had afterwards assigned the duty to Kamil Khan, I ordered that he should retain his increase and that it should be counted (permanently) in his mansab. I increased the rank of Sarfaraz Khan, which was that of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, by 200 horse more. On the 27th Urdibihisht, corresponding with the 26th Rabi`u-l-awwal, in the eighth year of my reign, in the year 1022 of the Hijra era, on Thursday, the meeting for my lunar weighing took place in the house of Maryam-zamani (his mother). Some of the money that was weighed I ordered to be given to the women and the deserving ones who had assembled in my mother's house. On the same day I increased by 1,000 the mansab of Murtaza Khan, so that it came to 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse. Khusrau Beg, a slave of Mirza Khan, came from Patna in the company of `Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri and waited on me, and Sardar Khan, brother of `Abdu-llah Khan, obtained leave to go to Ahmadabad. An Afghan had brought from the Carnatic two goats that had pazahar (bezoar stones, an antidote against poison). I had always heard that an animal that has pazahar is very thin and miserable, but these goats were very fat and fresh. I ordered them to kill one of them, which was a female. Four pazahar stones became apparent, and this caused great astonishment.

It is an established fact that cheetahs in unaccustomed places do not pair off with a female, for my revered father once collected together 1,000 cheetahs. He was very desirous that they should pair, but this in no way came off. He had many times coupled male and female cheetahs together in gardens, but there, too, it did not come off. At this time a male cheetah, having slipped its collar, went to a female and paired with it, and after two and a half months three young ones were born and grew up. This has been recorded because it appeared strange. As cheetahs did not pair with cheetahs, (still less) had it ever been heard in former times(?) that tigers mated in captivity. As in the time of my reign wild beasts have abandoned their savagery, tigers have become so tame that troops of them without chains or restraint go about amongst the people, and they neither harm men nor have any wildness or alarm. It happened that a tigress became pregnant and after three months bore three cubs; it had never happened that a wild tiger after its capture had paired. It had been heard from philosophers that the milk of a tigress was of great use for brightening eyes. Although we made every effort that the moisture of milk should appear in her breasts, we could not accomplish it. It occurs to me that as it is a raging creature, and milk appears in the breasts of mothers by reason of the affection they have for their young, as milk [387] comes into their breasts in connection with their young ones drinking and sucking at the time of their taking (the milk), their (the mothers') rage increases and the milk in their breasts is dried up.

At the end of Urdibihisht, Khwaja Qasim, brother of Khwaja `Abdu-l-`Aziz, who is of the Naqshbandi Khwajas, came from Mawara'a-n-nahr and waited on me. After a few days 12,000 rupees were given to him as a present. As Khwaja Jahan had made a melon-bed in the neighbourhood of the city, when two watches of day had passed on Thursday, the 10th Khurdad, I got into a boat and went to inspect the melon-bed, and took the ladies with me. We reached there when two or three gharis of day were left, and passed the evening in walking among the beds. A wonderfully sharp wind and whirlwind sprang up, so that the tents and screens fell down. I got into the boat and passed the night in it. I also passed part of the Friday in walking about the melon-bed, and returned to the city. Afzal Khan, who for a long time had been afflicted with boils and other sores, died on the 10th Khurdad. I transferred the jagir and hereditary land of Raja Jagman, who had failed in his service in the Deccan, to Mahabat Khan. Shaikh Pir, who is one of the emancipated ones who hold aloof from the attachments of the age, and who on account of the pure friendship that he bears towards me has chosen to be my companion and servant, had before this founded a mosque in the parganah of Mairtha, which is his native place. At this time he took occasion to mention the circumstance. As I found his mind bent on the completion of this building I gave him 4,000 rupees, so that he himself might go and expend it, and also gave him a valuable shawl and dismissed him. In the public audience hall there were two railings (mahjar) of wood. Inside the first, Amirs, ambassadors, and people of honour sat, and no one entered this circle without an order. Within the second railing, which is broader than the first, the mansabdars of inferior rank, [388] ahadis, and those who had work to do are admitted. Outside this railing stand the servants of the Amirs and all the people who may enter the Diwankhana. As there was no difference between the first and second railings, it occurred to me that I should decorate the first with silver. I ordered this railing and the staircase that led from this railing to the balcony of the Jharokha, as well as the two elephants placed on the two sides of the seat of the Jharokha, which skilful people had made of wood, to be decorated with silver. After this was completed it was reported to me that 125 maunds of silver in Hindustani weight, equal to 880 maunds of Persia, had been used up; indeed, it now assumed a worthy appearance.

On the 3rd of the month of Tir, Muzaffar Khan came from Thatta [389] and waited on me. He made an offering of twelve muhrs and a Koran with a jewelled cover, and two jewelled roses(?) (du gul). On the 14th of the same month Safdar Khan came from the Subah of Behar and waited on me, offering 101 muhrs. After Muzaffar Khan had been some days in attendance, I increased his former mansab by 500 personal, and giving him a standard and a private shawl dismissed him to Thatta. [390]

I knew that every animal or living thing bitten by a mad dog died, but this had not been ascertained in the case of an elephant. In my time it so happened that one night a mad dog came into the place where was tied one of my private elephants, Gajpati [391] by name, and bit the foot of a female elephant that was with mine. She at once cried out. The elephant-keepers at once ran in, and the dog fled away into a thorn-brake that is there. After a little while it came in again and bit my private elephant's fore-foot as well. The elephant killed it. When a month and five days had passed after this event, one day when it was cloudy the growling of thunder came to the ear of the female elephant, that was in the act of eating, and it of a sudden raised a cry and its limbs began to tremble. It threw itself on the ground, but rose again. For seven days water ran out of its mouth, then suddenly it uttered a cry and showed distress. The remedies the drivers gave it had no effect, and on the eighth day it fell and died. A month after the death of the female elephant they took the large elephant to the edge of the river in the plain. It was cloudy and thundery in the same way. The said elephant in the height of excitement all at once began to tremble and sat down on the ground. With a thousand difficulties the drivers took it to its own place. After the same interval and in the same way that had happened to the female elephant this elephant also died. Great amazement was caused by this affair, and in truth it is a matter to be wondered at that an animal of such size and bulk should be so much affected by a little wound inflicted on it by such a weak creature.

As Khankhanan had repeatedly begged for leave to be given to his son Shah-nawaz Khan, on the 4th Amurdad I gave him a horse and a robe of honour and dismissed him to the Deccan. I promoted Ya`qub Badakhshi, whose mansab was 150, to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse, on account of the bravery he had displayed, and gave him the title of Khan as well as a standard.

The Hindus are in four divisions, and each of these acts according to its own rules and ways. In every year they keep a fixed day. The first is the caste of the Brahmans, [392] that is those who know the Incomparable God. Their duties are of six kinds--(1) to acquire religious knowledge, (2) to give instructions to others, (3) to worship fire, (4) to lead men to the worship of fire, (5) giving something to the needy, (6) taking gifts. There is for this caste an appointed day, and that is the last day of the month of Sawan, the second month of the rainy season. [393] They consider this an auspicious day, and the worshippers go on that day to the banks of rivers and tanks, and recite enchantments, breathe upon cords and coloured threads; on another day, which is the first of the New Year, they fasten them on the hands of the Rajas and great men of the time, and look on them as (good) omens. They call this thread rakhi, [394] that is, preservation (nigah-dasht). This day occurs in the month of Tir, when the world-heating sun is in the constellation of Cancer. The second caste is that of the Chhatri, which is known as Khatri. Their duty is to protect the oppressed from the evil of the oppressors. The customs of this caste are three things--(1) that they study religious science themselves but do not teach others; (2) that they worship fire, but do not teach others to do so; (3) that they give to the needy, but although they are needy take nothing themselves. The day of this caste is the Bijay dasamin, 'the victorious tenth.' [395] On this day with them it is lucky to mount and go against one's enemy with an army. Ram Chand, whom they worship as their god, leading his army on that day against his enemy won a victory, and they consider this a great day, and, decorating their elephants and horses, perform worship. This day falls in the month of Shahriwar, [396] when the Sun is in the mansion of Virgo, and on it they give presents to those who look after their horses and elephants. The third caste is that of Baish (Vaishya). Its custom is this, that they serve the other two castes of which mention has been made. They practise agriculture and buying and selling, and are employed in the business of profit and interest. This caste has also a fixed day which they call the Dewali; this day occurs in the month of Mihr when the sun is in the constellation of Libra, the 28th day of the lunar month. On the night of that day they light lamps, and friends and those who are dear assemble in each other's houses and pass their time busily in gambling. As the eyes of this caste are on profit and interest, they consider carrying over and opening new accounts on that day auspicious. The fourth caste is the Sudras, who are the lowest caste of the Hindus. They are the servants of all, and derive no profit from those things which are the specialities of every (other) caste. Thursday is the Holi, which in their belief is the last day of the year. This day occurs in the month of Isfandarmuz, when the sun is in the constellation of Pisces. On the night of this day they light fires at the head of the streets and ways, and when it becomes day they for one watch scatter the ashes on each other's heads and faces, and make a wonderful noise and disturbance, and after this wash themselves, put on their apparel, and walk about in the gardens and on the plains. As it is an established custom of the Hindus to burn the dead, to light fires on this night, which is the last night of the year that has passed, signifies that they burn the last year, which has gone to the abode of the dead. In the time of my revered father the Hindu Amirs and others in imitation of them performed the ceremony of rakhi in adorning him, making strings of rubies and royal pearls and flowers jewelled with gems of great value and binding them on his auspicious arms. This custom was carried on for some years. As they carried this extravagance to excess, and he disliked it, he forbade it. The brahmans by way of auguries used to tie these strings and (pieces of) silk according to their custom. I also in this year carried out this laudable religious practice, and ordered that the Hindu Amirs and the heads of the caste [397] should fasten rakhis on my arms. On the day of the rakhi, which was the 9th Amurdad, they performed the same rites, and other castes by way of imitation did not give up this bigotry; this year I agreed to it, and ordered that the brahmans should bind strings (of cotton) and silk after the ancient manner. On this day by chance fell the anniversary of the death of the late king. [398] The commemoration of such an anniversary is one of the standing rules and customs in Hindustan. Every year on the day of the death of their fathers and those who are dear to them, each according to his circumstances and ability prepares food and all kinds of perfumes, and the learned men, the respectable and other men assemble, and these assemblies sometimes last a week. On this day I sent Baba Khurram to the venerated tomb to arrange the assemblage, and 10,000 rupees were given to ten trustworthy servants to divide among fakirs and those who were in want.

On the 15th of the month of Amurdad the offering of Islam Khan was laid before me. He had sent 28 elephants, 40 horses of that part of the country which are known as tanghan, 50 eunuchs, 500 pargala nafis sitarkani. [399]