Chapter XVIII: Part 18

[59] Perhaps the reference is to the boy's own father. He was alive at this time, and Akbar was not.

[60] This is the man who afterwards rebelled and made Jahangir his prisoner.

[61] Text, ulus-i-Dihli. Blochmann (p. 482 n.) points out that this is a very doubtful term, as Mirza `Ali came from Badakhshan. On examining three MSS. of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri I find no word Dihli, but the words in ulus, 'this tribe or family,' and I think this must be the correct reading, and refers to the Timurides. The same phrase occurs at text, p. 173. Blochmann suggests to read Dulday for Dihli, but I think it more probable that the word Dihli should be `ali. Mirza `Ali was styled Akbarshahi, and no doubt this is why Jahangir writes in ulus or ulus-i-`ali. Mirza `Ali is often mentioned in the Akbarnama in connection with the wars in the Deccan, and is generally called Akbarshahi, e.g. at p. 702. For an account of his pathetic death see Blochmann, l.c., the Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 357, and the text, p. 163.

[62] The MSS. have a different reading, "If a king seize country and climes," etc.

[63] Shahrukh was married to Jahangir's half-sister, Shakaru-n-nisa. He was a Timurid.

[64] The MSS. have Abu-l-wali, and this seems more likely.

[65] The MSS. have Bhina, and Price's original seems also to have Bhina. Muqarrab did not return for about seven months, as this entry could not have been made till then. See p. 35 of Persian text of Tuzuk.

[66] Text, Sukhunan-i-past u buland. Cf. Steingass, s.v. past. Words gentle and severe seem meant.

[67] See Blochmann, p. 447. He is mentioned by Du Jarric as disputing with the Catholic priests before Jahangir (see J.A.S.B. for 1896, p. 77). According to Badayuni, iii, 98, it was Naqib's father, `Abdu-l-Latif, with whom Akbar read (see Akbarnama, ii, 19). `Abdu-l-Latif and his family arrived in 963 (1556). Erskine understands Jahangir's remark to mean that Naqib was his (Jahangir's) teacher, but probably Jahangir means that it was Naqib's father who taught Akbar, or he has confounded the father and son. As Naqib lived till 1023 (1614), he would probably be too young in 1556 to have been Akbar's teacher.

[68] Man Singh was the adopted son of Bhagwan Das, and it would appear from this passage that he was his nephew also.

[69] The MSS. have Hatim s. Babui Mangli, and this is right. See Blochmann, p. 370, n. i, and p. 473.

[70] The MSS. have Shahwar.

[71] I.O. MSS. have Abu-l-wali. He was an Uzbeg, and received the title of Bahadur Khan. See Ma asiru-l-umara, i, 400, and Akbarnama, iii, 820 and 839, where he is called Abu-l-Baqa. The real name seems to be Abul Be or Bey, and this is how Erskine writes the name.

[72] The text seems corrupt. The I.O. MSS. say nothing about Shiraz, but merely that Husain Jami was a disciple who had a dervish character (sirat); nor does the R.A.S. MS. mention Shiraz.

[73] That is, descended from the famous Central Asian saint Khwaja Ahrar.

[74] Something seems to have fallen out of the text and MSS., for this passage is obscure and not connected with the context. It is clearer in Price's version, where it is brought in as part of Jahangir's statements about promotions, and where (p. 40) we read as follows:--"I shall now return to the more grateful subject of recording rewards and advancements.... On Khwaja Zakariyya, the son of Khwaja Muhammad Yahya, although in disgrace, I conferred the rank of 500. This I was induced to do on the recommendation of the venerated Shaikh Husain Jami. Six months previous to my accession," etc. Evidently the statement about Zakariyya's promotion has been omitted accidentally from the Tuzuk. There is a reference to the Shaikh's dream in Muhammad Hadi's preface to the Tuzuk (p. 15). He says there that it was the saint Baha'u-l-haqq who appeared in a dream to Husain Jami and told him that Sultan Salim would soon be king.

[75] I.e. of Furj or Furg in Persia. But Furji is a mistake for Qurchi (belonging to the body-guard). He was a Mogul. See Blochmann, p. 457.

[76] Text has wrongly Pakhta. See Blochmann, p. 469. He received the title of Sardar Khan.

[77] Should be Namakin. See Blochmann, p. 199.

[78] This passage has been translated by Elliot (vi, 289). See also Price (p. 44), where the discussion is fuller.

[79] Jahangir's idea is somewhat vaguely expressed, but his meaning seems to be that the ten incarnations do not illustrate any attribute of God, for there have been men who performed similar wonders. The corresponding passage in the text used by Major Price is differently rendered by him, but his version is avowedly a paraphrase, and it appears incorrect in this passage.

[80] Literally, "of the How and the Why."

[81] Text, shir-andam, 'tiger-shaped,' which I think means thin in the flank (see Steingass, s.v.). I have taken the translation of the words malahat and sabahat from Elliot. See his note vi, 376, where the two words seem wrongly spelt.

[82] Erskine has "Let Sulaiman place his ring on his finger."

[83] Price translates--

"In pleasure of the chase with thee, my soul breathes fresh
and clear;
But who receives thy fatal dart, sinks lifeless on his bier."

[84] Perhaps referring to the name which Daniyal gave to his gun, and which recoiled on himself, but the MSS. and text have nagirad, and not bagirad.

[85] The MSS. have Shakar-nisar, 'sugar-sprinkling.' She lived into Shah-Jahan's reign.

[86] She died unmarried in Jahangir's reign.

[87] This must, I think, be the meaning, though according to the wording the statement would seem to be that there is no room for Shias except in Persia. Erskine has "None but Shias are tolerated in Persia, Sunnis in Rum and Turan, and Hindus in Hindustan."

[88] Kings are regarded as shadows of God.

[89] The chronogram is one year short, yielding 962 instead of 963.

[90] According to the Tabaqat, Elliot, v, 366, what the Mirza said was "Where are the elephants?"

[91] The word for 'face-guard' is pish-ruy (front-face), and Jahangir makes his father pun upon the word, saying, "It has loosed (opened) my front-face." Cf. Price, p. 54.

[92] 'The helper.' This is an allusion to Akbar's patron saint, Mu`inu-d-din Chishti, whose name he adopted as his battle-cry.

[93] The reading in the lithograph seems wrong; the MSS. have az bazicha, 'in jest.'

[94] Abu-l-fazl is more moderate; he says (Blochmann, p. 116) that Akbar killed 1,019 animals with Sangram.

[95] Blochmann says, of Mashhad, p. 381.

[96] The furriery. See Blochmann, pp. 87 n. and 616. Kurk means 'fur' in Turki.

[97] The word yatish is omitted in text, but occurs in the MSS.

[98] Haji Koka was sister of Sa`adat Yar Koka (Akbar-nama, iii, 656). According to Price this passage refers to a widows' fund.

[99] This was one of Akbar's regulations (Blochmann p. 142). The amount was ten dams on each muhr of the horse's value, calculated on an increase of 50 per cent. See also Price, p. 61.

[100] This passage is not clear, but the peculiarity to which attention is drawn seems rather the prominent forehead than the oozing fluid. Price (p. 62) has a fuller account of this elephant.

[101] See Blochmann, pp. 176, 452, and the very full account of him in the Ma'asir, iii, 285. Amul is an old city south of the Caspian and west of Astrabad.

[102] She was Akbar's first and principal wife, but bore him no children. She long survived him.

[103] These are the opening lines of an ode of Hafiz.

[104] Ma'asiru-l-umara. Yatim instead of Pim or Bim. See Blochmann, p. 470. Erskine has Sain Bahadur.

[105] MS. 181 has 34.

[106] I think Jahangir means that though the Khan was an excellent servant in his own line, he was hardly fit for the command of 2,000 or for the title of Khan. Cf. his praise of him at p. 71 (Blochmann, p. 498). He was called Pishrau probably from his going on ahead with the advance camp, as being in charge of the carpets, etc., as well as because of his personal activity.

[107] In Price's Jahangir, p. 15, Jahangir states that he had imprisoned Khusrau in the upper part of the royal tower in the castle of Agra. It from this confinement that Khusrau escaped.

[108] Du Jarric says it was in this way that he was allowed to pass the sentinels. Du Jarric gives the date of Khusrau's flight as 15th April, 1606 (this would be New Style). By Sunday night is meant Saturday evening. Sunday was Akbar's birthday.

[109] Elliot (vii, 292) makes the Amiru-l-umara envious of his peers, and Jahangir apprehensive lest he should destroy Khusrau, but he had just told him that nothing he did against Khusrau would be wrong. Clearly Jahangir's fear was that his favourite should be destroyed by Khusrau, or perhaps by the Amir's treacherous associates.

[110] The text has a curious mistake here: instead of ba Kabul it has bakawal ('superintendent of the kitchen') as part of Dust Muhammad's name. Dust was not bakawal, but held higher office, and was later put in charge of the fort of Agra and given the title of Khwaja Jahan.

[111] Price, p. 6, note.

[112] According to Khafi Khan (i, 250) he was put to death, unless the expression "claws of death" is merely rhetorical. The Ma'asir (iii, 334) says he was imprisoned.

[113] The above obscure passage is explained in Price, p. 69.

[114] Elliot (vi, 293) observes that this is a very involved and obscure passage.

[115] Blochmann, p. 418.

[116] The word tiryaq means both opium and antidote.

[117] Blochmann, relying on Khafi Khan, puts her death in 1011, and the Akbar-nama (iii, 826) puts it in 1012. The chronogram in the Khusrau Bagh yields 1012. See J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 604.

[118] Where Lord Bellomont died in 1656. See Manucci (Irvine), i, 71.

[119] Probably this means the grandsons. At p. 329 it is mentioned that the grandsons had been confined in Gwalior up to the 16th year.

[120] Para, qu. 'a heap'?

[121] Narela is said to be 15 1/2 miles north-west of Delhi. William Finch, in his itinerary, mentions the stage as Nalera, a name that corresponds with Jahangir's.

[122] 53 miles north of Delhi.

[123] Instead of taza the MSS. have para, and the meaning seems to be that he accompanied Khusrau for some distance. In Price's Jahangir (p. 81) it is said that Nizam received 6,000 rupees.

[124] This is an interesting passage, because it is Jahangir's account of his father's 'Divine Faith.' But it is obscure, and copyists seem to have made mistakes. It is explained somewhat by the MS. used by Price (trans., pp. 82, 83), where more details are given than in the text. It is there stated that Ahmad was Mir-i-`Adl of Jahangir before the latter's accession.

[125] The text has dast u sina (hand and bosom), but the correct words, as is shown in the I.O. MS., No. 181, are shast u shabiha or shabah, and these refer to the ring or token and the portrait given by Akbar to the followers of the 'Divine Faith.' See Blochmann, pp. 166 n. and 203; and Badayuni, ii, 338. Ahmad appears to be the Ahmad Sufi of Blochmann, pp. 208, 209, and of Badayuni, ii, 404, and Lowe, p. 418. He was a member of the 'Divine Faith.'

[126] Text, puj or puch, but the manuscript reading luk is preferable. Erskine's MS. has luj, naked.

[127] Price (p. 83) has Anand or Anwand. Apparently Aluwa is right; it is a place 18 miles north-west of Umballa. Cf. "India under Aurangzib," by J. N. Sarkar.

[128] Abu-l-Bey, the Abu-l-Baqa of Akbar-nama, iii, 820.

[129] A member of the 'Divine Faith' (Blochmann, p. 452, etc.).

[130] The text has qatl by mistake for qabl.

[131] Biryani. See Blochmann, p. 60.

[132] The Gundval of Tiefenthaler, i, 113. Cunningham, in his history of the Sikhs, spells it Goindwal. It is on the Beas.

[133] The text has singhasan instead of sukhasan. Kamgaar Husaini has sukhpal.

[134] Instead of the basuzanad of the text, the MSS. have bashuranad, he defiles. In the last line they have jay instead of takht.

[135] I.e. the place to which to turn in prayer.

[136] Elliot (vi, 299) has Jahan, and the word in the MSS. does not look like Jaipal.

[137] This word appears to be a mistake; it is not in the MSS.

[138] When the boat stuck, the boatmen swam ashore, and it was probably then that Husain shot at them. See Blochmann, p. 414, n. 2.

[139] "With a chain fastened from his left hand to his left foot, according to the law of Chingiz Khan" (Gladwin's Jahangir, quoted by Elliot, vi, 507). But apparently what is meant is that Khusrau was led up from the left side of the emperor.

[140] Du Jarric, in his history of the Jesuit Missions, gives some details about the punishment. The bullock and ass were slaughtered on the spot and their skins were sewed on the bodies of the unhappy men. Horns and ears were left on the skins.

[141] Perhaps the meaning is that the weather was bad.

[142] The proper form seems to be Bhaironwal, the Bhyrowal of the maps. It is on the right bank of the Biah (Beas) on the road from Jalandhar to Amritsar. See Blochmann, p. 414, note.

[143] The words are omitted in the text. Erskine read in his MS. gau jizwan, which I do not understand. The I.O. MSS. and B.M. MS. Or 3276 have gawan u kharan. Husain Beg, whose proper name was Hasan, was a brave soldier, and did good service under Akbar. See his biography in Blochmann, p. 454.

[144] The fifth Guru of the Sikhs and the compiler of the Granth. He was the father of Har Govind. See Sayyid Muhammad Latif's history of the Punjab, p. 253. Arjun's tomb is in Lahore.

[145] But qashqa is a Turkish word. The Hindi phrase seems to be tika.

[146] The cousin of Moses, famous for his wealth; the Korah of the Bible.

[147] Gladwin has Nagh.

[148] Blochmann, p. 50.

[149] Akbar-nama, iii, 748, and Blochmann, p. 546. He was a man of piety and learning, and Jahangir means that he restored him to his former quiet life. The arbab-i-sa`adat, or auspicious persons, were those who offered up prayers for the king's prosperity and other blessings.

[150] Amba was killed later by Nur-Jahan's husband, Shir-Afgan (Tuzuk, pp. 54, 55).

[151] Blochmann, p. 310.

[152] These words are not in the MSS., and they seem to have crept into the text by mistake and to be a premature entry of words relating to Hashim, etc. The brother of the former ruler (or king) of Khandesh could hardly be a khanazad.

[153] This should be, according to the MSS., "army against the Rana," not army of the Deccan.

[154] The MSS. have "in the neighbourhood of Lahore." Parwiz had then charge of Bihar.

[155] Text, wrongly, Bahman. Jahangir was born on the 21st of Shahriwar.

[156] Apparently, had long looked forward to the happy day when Jahangir should be weighed as a king.

[157] Perhaps the meaning is that he was introduced along with Daniyal's children.

[158] Blochmann, p. 492.

[159] This refers to his parentage.

[160] In the MSS. this name seems to be Bhim Mal. Manjholi is written Manjholah in Blochmann, p. 175.

[161] ? Nandanpur. These places are in Sindsagar, near Multan.

[162] MS. 181 has Bahar, and it has 600 instead of 800 horse.

[163] Text, Uymaq puri (?). MS. 181 has buri, and 305 seems to have the same. Can it mean 'red cavalry'? As Blochmann has pointed out, 371, n. 2, the word Uymaq does not always mean the tribe, but was used to denote a superior kind of cavalry.

[164] The qamargah or ring-hunt produced 265 head of game; the rest were shot at other times; the total of the list should be apparently 576.

[165] The MSS. have the 6th stage instead of "last."

[166] This is the famous Khan Jahan Lodi of Shah Jahan's reign.

[167] Text, ba dastur.

[168] I.e. built him up in it.

[169] Jahangir did not like the Khankhanan, and so here belittles his services.

[170] During Shah Jahan's reign, Khan Jahan Lodi fled from Court, was pursued, and killed.

[171] Perhaps the antelope's name was Raj, and the syllable man the pronoun 'my,' when the translation would be 'my antelope Raj.' See Elliot, vi, 302, and R.A.S. MS., No. 124.

[172] Perhaps the Jandiala of the Indian Gazetteer, vii, 137.

[173] Indian Gazetteer, v, 239.

[174] Text omits the negative.

[175] Text, susani; apparently a blue iris.

[176] The text has shumar wrongly for shiyar, and it seems that the negative of the text is wrong, since it does not occur in the MSS. Abu-l-fazl gives the number of petals and stamens more correctly than Jahangir.

[177] Az tikka andazi; perhaps 'the cast of a javelin.'

[178] Lit. 'have joined hands.'

[179] Sih-barga; but this reading seems doubtful; perhaps it is sir-i-barga, full of leaves. Jahangir says that to lay a carpet on the grass would be bi-dardi, unfeeling, unsympathetic, and kam saliqagi.

[180] The text has naqsh bar jay, but the true reading seems to be nafiztar.

[181] `Ilm-i-khala`-i-badan, 'withdrawal of the soul from the body' (Erskine).

[182] So in text, but the MSS. and Elliot, vi, 307, have "on one of the gates."

[183] The figures seem wrong, and the MSS. differ. See Elliot, vi, 307. Apparently the correct sum in rupees is 34 lakhs 25,000. At p. 61 the khani of Turan is reckoned at one-third of a rupee. If the dam be taken at its ordinary value of one-fortieth of a rupee, the number of rupees should be 40 lakhs 25,000, and if the khani of Turan be one-third of a rupee we should read one kror instead of one arb. Probably Jahangir has used arb as meaning kror, and not 100 krors. There is a valuable note on his expedition through the Ghakkar country in Blochmann, p. 486. Blochmann takes the figures for the rupees to be four krors, but probably this is due to wrong pointing.

[184] The MSS. and text have Pila or Pila. I adopt Tila from Blochmann, p. 487, note. Elliot has Tillah, vi, 307, and note.

[185] In Tolbort's account of Ludhiyana, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 86, bhakhra is given as the name of a creeping plant (Pedalium murex).

[186] Rud-khana; this, according to Blochmann, should be the river Kahan, khana being a mistake for Kahan. See p. 487 note. But all the MSS. have khana.

[187] See Elliot, vi, 309 note.

[188] Bugyals; Elliot, vi, 309. They are descendants of Sultan Buga.

[189] Paka is mentioned in Tiefenthaler, i, 114.

[190] Khor; Elliot, vi, 309 note. Near the Manikyala tope.

[191] Kharbuza Saray is marked on Elphinstone's map.

[192] Mr. Rogers has "The soul of the fool thou canst purchase for little." Perhaps the sense is "God grants life to the fool on hard terms." Erskine has "To serve a fool is hard indeed." Possibly the literal meaning is "You buy the soul of the fool at a high price," that is, it costs a great deal to win him over. Elliot had what is probably the best rendering, "Barbarous characters should be treated with severity"; though in Elliot, vi, 310, the translation is, "The life of fools is held very cheap in troublous times."

[193] Apparently this remark must have been written after Jahangir's visit to Kashmir by the Baramula route in the fourteenth year.

[194] Bhanwar, as Mr. Lowe has pointed out, means in Hindi an eddy or whirlpool.

[195] William Finch says that at Hasan Abdal there were many fish with gold rings in their noses hung by Akbar, and that the water is so clear that you may see a penny in the bottom. Jahangir's informants were apparently not versed in hagiography. Baba Hasan Abdal is apparently the saint who was an ancestor of Ma`sum Bhakari, and is buried at Qandahar. See Beale, and Jarrett's translation of the Ayin, ii, 324 note. The Sikhs identify the place with their Baba Nanak. It is not a wife of Akbar who is buried at Hasan Abdal, but Hakim Abu-l-fath and his brother.

[196] Elliot has Amardi, but the MSS. have Amrohi. The Ma'asir, ii, 755, has Ahru'i. See Blochmann, p. 522.

[197] Az taghyan farud amada. Perhaps the meaning is exactly the opposite, viz. 'had come down in violence.' But if so, could a bridge have been made, and with eighteen boats? The time was the 4th or 5th May. Elliot has "the Nilab was very full."

[198] According to the Ma'asiru-l-umara, iii, 376, Ma`mur is a village in Arabia.

[199] The MSS. have sad instead of chand, i.e. 100.

[200] This Asaf Khan is Qawamu-d-din Ja`far Beg and the No. iii of Blochmann, p. 411. Apparently his appointment as Mir Bakhshi was made in 989 (1581), in which year Akbar went to Kabul. Blochmann says Asaf Khan was made Mir Bakhshi in the room of Qazi `Ali, and we find at p. 372 of A. N., iii, that Qazi `Ali Bakhshi was appointed in that year to the Panjab. Twenty-eight years before 1016 (to the beginning of which Jahangir is referring) yields 988. Basawal is on right bank of Kabul River below Jalalabad.

[201] Text bauli, but the MSS. have luli, i.e. dancing-girl.

[202] Generally spelt ballut, either the oak or the chestnut. Cf. Erskine's Baber, p. 145. Sir Alexander Burnes calls the ballut the holly.

[203] See below, p. 52, where the Ra'is or headman of Chikri is mentioned.

[204] Cf. Erskine's Baber, p. 145.

[205] The fort of Pesh Bulaq is mentioned in the third volume of the Akbar-nama, p. 512. It is marked on the map of Afghanistan between Daka and Jalalabad.

[206] Sic in text, but should be Jaunpur as in the MSS.

[207] There was also a Shahr-banu who was Babar's sister. Bika Begam was Babar's widow and the lady who carried his bones to Kabul.

[208] Bakafsh-pay, which Erskine renders 'with slippers on' and Elliot 'with his shoes on.'

[209] Bayazid Biyat describes Humayun as holding a cooking festival in Badakhshan. See A.N., i, translation, p. 496, n. 2. They cooked bughra, which appears to be macaroni. The text wrongly has raqz az `ishq (love-dances). The real word, as the MSS. show, is arghushtaq, which is a kind of dance (not a child's game as in Johnson). It is described in Vullers, s.v., in accordance with the account in the Burhan-i-qati`. It is a dance by girls or young men, and is accompanied with singing and with clapping of hands, etc. Probably it is the dance described by Elphinstone in his account of Kabul, i, 311, where he says: "The great delight of all the western Afghans is to dance the Attun or Ghoomboor. From ten to twenty men or women stand up in a circle (in summer before their houses and tents, and in winter round a fire); a person stands within the circle to sing and play on some instrument. The dancers go through a number of attitudes and figures; shouting, clapping their hands, and snapping their fingers. Every now and then they join hands, and move slow or fast according to the music, all joining in chorus. When I was showed this, a love-song was sung to an extremely pretty tune, very simple, and not unlike a Scottish air." Erskine's translation is: "Custards and confections were presented, and the amusements of dancing girls and arghustak were introduced."

[210] The words seem to me to yield 1066, but if we read pajshanba instead of panjshanba we get 1016, which is the Hijra date of Jahangir's entry into Kabul and corresponds to 4th June, 1607. A marginal note on I.O.M. 305 makes the chronogram clear by writing ruz-i-panchanba hizhdah-i-Safar, thereby getting rid of the mim and the ya of hizhdaham and bringing out the figures 1016.

[211] Evidently a kind of sheep.

[212] This is a reference to Babar's Memoirs.

[213] A juz' is said to consist of eight leaves or sixteen pages. Does Jahangir mean that he wrote sixty-four pages?

[214] Probably the sections which Jahangir wrote were those printed in the Ilminsky edition and which bring the narrative down to Babar's death. They seem to have been in great measure copied from the Akbar-nama. Jahangir does not say if he wrote them when he was in Kabul or previously. According to Blochmann, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 134, one juz' = two sheets of paper. The passage is translated in Elliot, vi, 315. Though Jahangir does not say when he wrote the four sections, I think that his language implies that these additions were in the manuscript when he was looking at it in Kabul. Perhaps he made them when he was a student in India, and for the sake of practice in Turki. He may have translated the sections from the Akbar-nama. All, I think, he did in Kabul was to put the Turki note, stating that the sections were his. But possibly even this was done before. Elliot, vi, 315, has the words "to complete the work," but these words do not occur in the MSS. that I have seen. The translation in Elliot, seems to represent Jahangir's words as meaning that the work was complete, but that the four sections were not, like the rest, in Babar's handwriting, and so Jahangir re-copied them. But it does not appear that there could be any object in his doing this. There is a valuable article in the Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch. for 1883, p. 141, by Dr. Teufel, entitled "Bâbur und Abû'l-fazl," in which the fragments in Ilminsky are discussed. But the passage in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri is not referred to.

[215] The text mentions a horse, but the MSS. have not this, and it seems to be a mistake.

[216] Apparently the Shorkot of I.G., xii, 424. In the Rechnau Duab (Jarrett, ii, 321). It is north of Multan and in the Jhang district.

[217] I.G., v, 188.

[218] Perhaps the `Ali Dust Khan of Blochmann, p. 533.

[219] The MSS. have Herat, and this is probably correct.

[220] That is, apparently, Mirza Shadman, but perhaps the meaning is that Qaracha had sought a wife for his son among the Hazaras, and not that he had himself married an Hazara woman.

[221] The MSS. have "less than 1 1/2 gaz by 1/8 (nim-pao)."

[222] Should, I think, be Tattah, i.e. Sind.

[223] Ghaibana, 'secretly.' But the phrase merely means that the appointment was not made in the Emperor's presence.

[224] Text bargasht, 'he turned round.' But the MSS. have chi rawish-i-tuzukast, "What kind of arrangement is this?"

[225] Shamshir-i-sikhaki, 'pointed sword, poniard'?

[226] The meaning of two words being used probably is that both Hindu and Persian astrologers are referred to. Blochmann, p. 311, says that Shah-Jahan's birthday was 30th Rabi`u-l-awwal.

[227] Lit., "His disposition had changed from equability."

[228] Gilas is a cherry in Kashmiri. See Blochmann's Ayin, p. 616. Abu-l-fazl mentions in the Ayin (Blochmann, p. 66) that Akbar called gilas shah-alu.

[229] Paywandi means 'to graft,' and possibly this is the meaning here, but Steingass gives paywandi as part of the name of a plum. The text seems to be corrupt, and perhaps what Jahangir wrote was "the zard-alu resembles the khubani."

[230] Text has Yaqut, but it is clear from the Iqbal-nama, p. 25, and from I.O. MS. 181 that the name is Khwaja Tabut, 'the coffin Khwaja.' The author of the Iqbal-nama was the person sent to make the inquiry, and he gives a long account of what he saw. A surgeon was sent with him, as the Khwaja was said to have been martyred, and it was necessary to report on the wounds. The coffin story is mentioned in the Ayin, i, 194. See Jarrett, ii, 409-10, but the translation is not quite accurate, I think. The punctuation of the text seems to me to be correct. It is characteristic of Jahangir and the author of the Iqbal-nama that they take no notice of the colossal figures at Bamiyan, though Abu-l-fazl does. See Jarrett's note. It is stated in the Iqbal-nama that Khwaja Tabut was said to have been killed in the time of Chingiz Khan. If so, the Sultan Mahmud mentioned by Jahangir must be Sultan Mahmud Ghori.

[231] He was appointed governor of Sehwan (Iqbal-nama, p. 27).

[232] The MSS merely have "of a size that I had never seen before." Probably the text is corrupt, and the meaning may be "as big as a head." Bih is a quince, and perhaps this is what is meant here. Or the meaning may be "equal to the biggest for size." Or sar may be a mistake for sih and the meaning be "equal in size to three (ordinary peaches)."

[233] I.O. MS. 181 has Qarqara mountains. There is also the reading Kharaq.

[234] Blochmann, p. 31.

[235] Du'aba is mentioned as a stage by W. Finch.

[236] The text omits the word zinda, 'alive.'

[237] The urdu or camp was probably not with Jahangir then, and he thought that if he sent to it for the capture of 500 there would be confusion. He therefore contented himself at the time with arresting the ringleaders. There is a full account of the conspiracy in the Iqbal-nama, p. 27, etc.

[238] Possibly the meaning is "his experience was greater than his skill."

[239] Lit., when he was smooth-faced, i.e. beardless.

[240] The I.O. MSS. do not call him governor, and the names of the animals captured differ in the MSS. from those given in the text. The latter are obviously wrong, and I have discarded them. The Iqbal-nama, p. 30, has Arzana as the name of the hunting-ground. Erskine has Arzina.

[241] Erskine has "many of the hounds were destroyed." Sagan-i-tazi probably means greyhounds, whether bred in Arabia or elsewhere.

[242] Blochmann, p. 377, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 642. He was an Arghun.

[243] The passage is obscure and the text is corrupt. Erskine's translation is: "His manners towards the soldiers is frank and gallant, but not according to the rules of discipline, especially towards those who have been or are in the wars with him. He is much flattered by his servants, which gives him a light appearance." Evidently Erskine read udzi or naz instead of baz as in the text, and the MSS. support his reading. I think, however, that naz kashidan means 'to jest.' Instead of the ta bamandand of text the MSS. have ya namayand, the meaning being those soldiers who have served him well, or are doing so. We learn from Blochmann, p. 378, that Shah Beg was "a frank Turk."

[244] The peculiarity of this year was that the lunar month and the solar month of Akbar's birth, viz. Rajab and Aban, coincided, so that there was a double celebration.

[245] Wajihu-d-din was a famous Gujarat saint. He died in 998.

[246] The word used by Jahangir, and which has been translated 'repeat continually,' is mudawamat, and Erskine understood it to mean that Jahangir hoped to prolong his life by this exercise.

[247] Har ahu'i kih zad bar sar-i-tir raft. The literal rendering apparently is: "whenever an antelope was struck by him the arrow entered up to its (the arrow's) head." Perhaps the meaning simply is every arrow (or bullet) that he shot went home.

[248] Jalal Khan was a grandson of Sultan Adam (Blochmann, pp. 455 and 486).

[249] See infra for another notice of him in the chapter on Gujrat.

[250] One of Jahangir's wives was a daughter of Ray Ray Singh (of Bikanir). See Blochmann, p. 310.

[251] See Rieu, Cat. ii, p. 634.

[252] There is evidently something wrong in the text, for a ruby weighing 6 surkhs could not weigh 2 tanks and 15 surkhs. I.O. MS. 181 has barja instead of surkh, but I do not know what this means. Perhaps shash-gusha, 'hexagonal,' was intended. This view is confirmed by the Iqbal-nama, p. 31, which has shash pahlu, 'six-sided.' Erskine's MS. also had 'six-sided,' and he translates "a six-sided ruby which weighed two tangs fifteen surkhs." I.O. MS. 305 has shash parcha, and it is evident that this word, as also the barja of No. 181, is the parche of Steingass, which means a segment or facet.

[253] This remark about Mirza Ghazi, and also the quotation, do not occur in the two I.O. MSS.

[254] Blochmann, p. 417.

[255] Bayakta, but the I.O. MSS have batagpay, 'rapidly.'

[256] Properly Zainu-d-din Mahmud. See the story in Badayuni, Ranking, p. 589; also Akbar-nama translation, i, 611, and Blochmann, p. 539 and note.

[257] I do not know if this is the author. There appears to be no mention of the construction in the Akbar-nama. Nakodar is in the Jalandhar district (I.G., x, 180, and Jarrett, ii. 317). Perhaps the two tombs at Nakodar mentioned in I.G. as of Jahangir's time are those of Muqim the Waziru-l-mulk and his wife. See Tuzuk, pp. 6 and 64.

[258] Khwurd, lit. 'devoured.' Apparently he refers to the fact of the birth as a misfortune. I.O. MS. 181 has sar-i-madar u pidar ra khwurd, and the A.S. 124 has shir-i-madar u pidar-i-khud, 'the milk of his own mother and father'!

[259] This is given as a quotation in No. 181.

[260] This should be the 17th if Monday was the 14th.

[261] The MSS. seem to have mutassil-i-mab-i-chaukandi, 'in shape like a chaukandi(?).' It was from the roof of this building that Humayun fell.

[262] Turghai or turghei is a thrush according to Vambéry, and was the name of Timur's father. Perhaps the bird was the large maina, the Bhimraj or Bhringraj(?) of the Ayin, Jarrett, ii, p. 125 and note. In Scully's Glossary, turghai is said to be the lark. The text arranges the words differently from the MSS. They have mushakhkhas Miyan Tuti gufta, and Erskine translates 'which said clearly Miyan Tuti.' But possibly Jahangir meant that it spoke clearly like a parrot.

[263] Blochmann, p. 332. Sikandra, Akbar's tomb, lies half-way between Rankattah and Agra. Tiefenthaler, i, 206, gives the name as Runcta, and says it is a famous place, as Ram there took the figure of Paras Ram. Jarrett, ii, 180, has Rangtah, and it is there described as a village on the Jumna, near the city, and a much frequented place of worship. The Agra volume of the N.W.P. Gazetteer, p. 764, spells it Runkutta, and says it is 9 miles north-west of Agra. See also Ma'asir, ii, 407, art. Sa`id Khan, where mention is made of Rankatta and Hilalabad, and Blochmann, p. 332.

[264] If Thursday was the 2nd, Saturday would be the 4th. He went first to Agra from Rangta, apparently.

[265] Tuyghun or tuyghun is given in Zenker as Turki for the white falcon. See Elliot, vi, 317.

[266] Bighu, which is given in Zenker, is Turki. The text has lifu. The I.O. MSS. have bigu.

[267] Should be budana, 'quail.'

[268] Apparently this is a translation from the Hindi.

[269] Text wrongly has 1014.

[270] Jahangir calls Islam farzand because he was the son of his foster-brother. Jahangir Quli means 'slave of Jahangir.'

[271] The seed of Abrus precatorius.

[272] Or devtaq. Qu. devanayak? The MSS. have yunk and wabunk. The text is corrupt and has converted the word for 'bat' into a 'lamb.'

[273] The text is corrupt.

[274] Blochmann, p. 387.

[275] Sister of Mirza Hakim, also known as Fakhru-n-nisa (Blochmann, p. 322). The MSS. have Bakhtu-n-nisa, and it would seem that the Najibu-n-nisa of the text is a wrong reading. See Gulbadan Begam's Memoirs, p. 214.

[276] Text wrongly has Shamshiri. The MSS. have Shustari, and this is right. See Blochmann, pp. 208, 209, and 518.

[277] Riqa` is a kind of writing (Blochmann, pp. 99, 100).

[278] Blochmann, p. 417. His name was Anisu-d-din.

[279] This must be Raja Sangram of Kharakpur, who had been a rebel. See Blochmann, p. 446 and note.

[280] Text Qutbi, but I think the word is Qibti, 'Egyptian.'

[281] Fighani was a famous poet and also a drunkard. See Rieu, ii, p. 651, and Sprenger, Oude Cat., p. 403. Fighani also means lamentation, and there is a play in the couplet on the double meaning.

[282] In the Elliot MSS., B.M., the second line is translated "Alas! if the angels made his shroud of another kind of odour!" The angels meant are Nakir and Munkar.

[283] Blochmann, p. 612.

[284] Cf. Jarrett, ii, p. 122.

[285] Blochmann, p. 469.

[286] "What money and articles he could produce at the time" (Elliot, vi, 320).

[287] Apparently the person spoken of as a Nazarene (Christian) was the Emperor of Constantinople. Can this picture be the original of that prefixed to White & Davey's translation of Timur's Institutes?

[288] Perhaps the meaning is enough milk to fill a coffee-cup.

[289] According to the contemporary, but anonymous, author quoted in Elliot, vi, 448, this was in reward for restoring the sight of Khusrau.

[290] Majzub-i-madar-zad. Probably the meaning is that he was a born idiot.

[291] The story is also told in the Iqbal-nama, p. 37, where it is said that the tiger was one brought by a calendar as a present. It had the name of La`l Khan and was very tame. It is added that the tiger did no injury to the jogi with his claws or teeth.

[292] The MSS. have `Inayat.

[293] I.O. MS. No. 181, Shah Beg Khan.

[294] Salamu-llah is mentioned later on (p. 78), and is described as brother's son of Mubarak, who held the country of Jotra (?) and Darful. He is also mentioned in the Iqbal-nama, p. 38, where Mubarak is described as ruler (hakim) of Juyza and Saful (?). But a MS. of the Iqbal-nama in my possession only mentions Juyza or Juyna. I think Juyza must be Juina or Juanny, which, according to Sir William Jones, is one of the names of the island of Johanna or Hinzuan (one of the Comorro Islands), and that Saful must be Sofala, a town on the east coast of Africa. Sir W. Jones was landed on Johanna, and has a long account of the island (see his works). The Iqbal-nama says that Salamu-llah killed himself with drink. There is a short notice of him in the Ma'asir, ii, 641, where he is called by his title of Shaja`at Khan.

[295] The I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. Instead of 'every morning' they have 'renew (humility).' The word nur, 'light,' in the last line probably refers to Jahangir's name of Nuru-d-din.

[296] See note above. Jutra or Jotra is probably a mistake for the island of Johanna, i.e. Hinzuan. Darful is Dazful in I.O. MS. No. 181.

[297] Possibly Qur Yasawul is right, but most probably it was a yasawul attached to the Qur, for which see Blochmann, p. 50.

[298] Jahangir's conduct was sufficiently brutal, but the text has made it worse than it was by omitting the word pay before pay. The back tendons of the bearers' feet were cut. Their feet were not cut off. Erskine translates the passage rightly, and the I.O. MSS. agree with him.

[299] This was the same `Abdu-r-Rahim who was a companion of Khusrau, and after his capture was sweated in a skin. As he had life left in him he escaped from that destruction, and, on being released, became one of the personal servants, and served His Majesty till by degrees the latter became gracious to him. (Note of Sayyid Ahmad.)

[300] Ghazi Khan was one of the famous officers of Akbar. Husam his son was married to Abu-l-fazl's sister. See Blochmann, p. 440.

[301] Brahmini ducks.

[302] A son of Akbar's officer, Muhammad Quli Barlas (Blochmann, pp. 342 and 478).

[303] Mir `Ali was a famous calligrapher. See Rieu, Cat., ii, 531. Can the copy mentioned by Jahangir be that in the Bodleian Library, which Sir W. Jones praised so highly? A writer in the Journal of the Moslem Institute for January-March, 1907, p. 186, suggests that the copy is in the Bankipur Library.

[304] The Iqbal-nama, p. 41, has Shayyadi, 'a dervish, a hypocrite,' and the R.A.S. MS. has Sayyidi Shayyad. Shayyad is used at p. 60 to mean an impostor. Here, perhaps, it would mean a buffoon.

[305] `Ali Ahmad's father was Shaikh Husain. See Blochmann, p. 53.

[306] It was the bathing of the Hindus that the saint was watching.

[307] The point of Amir Khusrau's hemistich is that kaj-kulah literally means 'the awry cap,' and so refers to the saint, who had his cap on his ear or on the side of his head. But it also means one who is presumptuous, and has left the true path of religion. It also means, according to Steingass, a beloved person.

[308] I.O. MS. 181 has Takht-i-bakht (Throne of fortune).

[309] Kesho Das was perhaps the father of Karamsi, one of Akbar's wives. See Blochmann, p. 310.

[310] Blochmann, p. 465.

[311] Takhti, qu. a signet?

[312] Kaukab is mentioned again at the end of the twelfth year. For notice of his father see Blochmann, p. 485.

[313] Elliot, vi, 321.

[314] Ujjainiyya here means Bhojpur.

[315] Apparently we may infer from this that Jahangir did blind or attempt to blind his son Khusrau, though he says nothing about it. Else why should this impostor pretend that he had marks of the blinding? Tavernier says Khusrau was blinded. Du Jarric also tells us that Jahangir blinded Khusrau on his way back from Kabul, when he came to the place where Khusrau had fought the battle. He was blinded by some juice of a plant being poured into his eyes. The juice resembled milk (qu. Euphorbia). One of his captains, who was also a judge, was likewise blinded there along with his son. W. Finch, too, speaks of this outbreak. He also says that Khusrau was reported to have been blinded on the battlefield with a glass. Another story was that Jahangir merely caused a handkerchief to be tied over his eyes and had it sealed with his own seal. It is mentioned in Whiteway's "Rise of the Portuguese Power in India," p. 165, note, that fifteen relatives of the King of Ormuz had been blinded by red-hot bowls having been passed close to their eyes.

[316] Kharakpur. The word is written Gorakhpur in some MSS., but I think it is clear that Kharakpur is the place meant, for `Abdu-r-Rahman had lately got Sangram's estate of Kharakpur in jagir. The fact, too, that he fought with the impostor at the Pun Pun to the east of Patna shows that he was coming back from down the Ganges.

[317] Text wrongly has Mandhu.

[318] A tasu, or tasu, is said in Wilson's Glossary to be the 24th part of a gaz or about a third of an inch. I.O. MS. makes the breadth 3 1/2 cubits 1 tasu. The slab is described in Keene's Guide and in the N.W.P. Gazetteer, Agra volume. One inscription has the date 1011, or 1602. Archæological Report, lv, pp. 132-5, says it is 10 ft. 7 1/2 ins. long, 9 ft. 10 ins. broad, and 6 inches thick. It is supported on octagonal pedestals. See also Beale's Miftahu-t-tawarikh, pp. 300, 301, where a representation of the stone and copies of the inscriptions are given.

[319] A fort in the Deccan "sixty miles north of Bidar" (Elliot, vi, 70).

[320] So in MSS. Apparently Khan Jahan's meaning was that if this Deccani man were sent to Agra (as if to be punished) the other Deccani leaders would be discouraged.

[321] The text seems corrupt. Apparently I.O. MS. has Sargala, and this may have been Kesho Das's title.

[322] Para durtar, but it would seem from the Ma'asir, ii, 231, five lines from foot, that para, or bara, is a word meaning a body of men. Perhaps it is barah, 'twelve.'

[323] At p. 256 we have the phrase majra girand applied to the directing of cannon against the buildings of Fort Ranthambhor. I confess that I do not know whether Jahangir fired the gun that was on the stand or the one that Kamal loaded.

[324] Majra giriftam seems rather to mean here 'adjusted the tripod,' for from what follows it appears that the gun was not then loaded. The Iqbal-nama, p. 47, has masha ra zir kard, 'applied the match'(?).

[325] Apparently the meaning is that he rolled the tiger over to the side furthest from Jahangir.

[326] Kuragi. The Iqbal-nama, p. 48, says the night was dark, and so the lamplighter blindly (az kuragi) fell upon the tiger and was killed. This tiger hunt and Jahangir's danger, etc., are described by William Finch (Purchas, i, 430).

[327] Anikini means an army in Sanskrit and Rai is a title meaning leadership.

[328] Text, Zangchiyan (?). I.O. 181 has Ibachkiyan, i.e. people of the Ibachki-khana or closet. See Ayin, Persian text, i, 42, and Blochmann, i, 46.

[329] This is said ironically.

[330] The text has 14th night, but I follow the I.O. MS. 181.

[331] Jahangir does not mention that it was in this year that he married Nur-Jahan. He saw her on New Year's Day (Iqbal-nama, p. 56), and it appears from a note of Jahangir on p. 132 of B.M. MS. Or. 3276 that he married her on 14th Khurdad (end of May, 1611). It was in the 11th year that she got the title of Nur-Jahan. Before that she was known as Nur-Mahall. It would seem that Jahangir married Nur-Jahan four years and a few days after her first husband's death.

[332] Khan Dauran was away in the district of Ningnahar (Iqbal-nama, p. 53).

[333] Text wrongly has Qizilbashes.

[334] Or Barki.

[335] The text has here the word ghayatan, which does not seem to have much meaning. Erskine has 'without his knowledge,' so he probably had gha'ibana in his MS.

[336] Compare Elliot, vi, 324.

[337] Sang-i-durushti. Elliot had the name reading and translates 'a heavy stone.' But both MSS. have sang u rasani, 'a stone and a cord,' query a sling, and this is certainly the right reading. See Iqbal-nama, p. 57.

[338] Text bar pay, but the I.O. MS. and Iqbal-nama, p. 58, have bar bazi ('on the rope'? or perhaps 'is doing gymnastics')

[339] Note of Sayyid Ahmad (to the fourth compartment).--"Evidently this masterpiece was not the work of a slave in the seal department, for no reason appears why the portrait of Jesus should be introduced into the fourth compartment. Probably this masterpiece was the work of Frank artists and had fallen into the hands of the slave, and he had ascribed it to his own workmanship. (Perhaps the scene depicted was the Transfiguration.)"

[340] See Blochmann, p. 89, note. It came from Europe.

[341] In Scinde; it is the same as Sahwan, and is on the Indus.

[342] Blochmann, p. 45.

[343] Elliot, vi, 325.

[344] Both MSS. have bar ru instead of bar u, 'in front' or 'in the face' of the letter, and this is no doubt the correct reading. See Iqbal-nama, p. 59. See Blochmann, p. 263, for the different places where seals are to be put. Jahangir's order apparently was that the provincial governors were not to impress their seals on the face of their letters or other documents.

[345] The reference seems to be, not to these subsidiary regulations, but to the code of twelve rules promulgated by him at the commencement of his reign.

[346] Quruqchi in I.O. MS. and in Iqbal-nama, p. 60. Steingass gives it as meaning one who looks after the king's game, and as a sentinel.

[347] Text has pustha, skins, but I.O. MS. has pustinha.

[348] Copied from Ayin. See Jarrett, ii, 115. See also Elliot, vi, 326.

[349] This is equal to one krore, fifty lakhs of rupees. The Sarkar of Orissa was included in Bengal, and its revenue is included in this. (Note of Sayyid Ahmad.)

[350] Also called Shaikh Kabir Chishti (Blochmann, p. 519; Ma'asiru-l-umara, ii, 630).

[351] Perhaps this is only rhetoric, but Abu-l-fazl describes how lots were cast between him and Raja Birbal as to who should go on the Yusufzai expedition.

[352] Ichi means a hawk, but the meaning may be a Shaikh of Uch. Acha is given in Zenker as meaning a father in Turki. The Iqbal-nama has Ajha.

[353] Text wrongly has A`zam. See Blochmann, p. 521, note.

[354] Kishwar was the son of Jahangir's foster-brother Qutbu-d-din, who was killed by Shir-afgan.

[355] The Iqbal-nama and the B.M. MSS. call it Bakhla.

[356] These last words seem to be part of Shaja`at's speech, but see Iqbal-nama, p. 63. See also Elliot, vi, 329, and the translation of the Iqbal-nama account in Appendix L, Stewart's Cat. of Tippo Sultan's MSS., p. 275. The Iqbal-nama says that `Usman's corpulence compelled him to ride on an elephant.

[357] The text has dar adhar u tarf kih dar tasarruf-i-an tira-ruzgar bud. I do not know if adhar is the name of a place or what its meaning is. The I.O. MSS., Nos. 181 and 305, have arhad. Blochmann, p. 520, on the authority of the Makhzan-i-Afghani, says the fight took place 100 kos from Dacca and in a place called Nek Ujyal, and he points out in a note that there are several Ujyals in Eastern Bengal. Possibly Adhar is Udhar or Uzar, and a corruption of Ujyal. The 'hills of Dacca,' referred to by Blochmann, might be Ran Bhawal or the Madhupur jungle. The Riyazu-s-salatin does not mention the site of the battle, and the translator, Maulawi `Abdu-s-Salam, has in his note at p. 175 confounded two `Isa Khans, and so drawn groundless inferences. Blochmann points out, p. 520, that the Ma'asiru-l-umara says the prisoners were afterwards put to death. The passage is at vol. ii, p. 632. It says they were put to death by Jahangir's orders by `Abdu-llah (who certainly was brute enough for anything). Jahangir, Tuzuk, p. 112, mentions the arrival of `Usman's sons and brothers at Court, so that Blochmann's statement at p. 520 about their being executed on the road is not correct. It appears, too, they came to Court after Shaja`at's death. Jahangir says (Tuzuk, p. 112) he made over the prisoners to responsible servants of government. `Abdu-llah may have been one of these, and have got rid of his prisoners by killing them. It would appear that the battle with `Usman took place to the east or south-east of Dacca, and not near Orissa, as Stewart supposed.

[358] The lines occur in Hafiz' divan, under the letter M, Brockhaus' ed., No. 396, but Jahangir has missed out two lines in his quotation. An Indian lithograph has rakht in the first line instead of sabr, but the latter reading occurs in Brockhaus. In the fourth line nargis is a mistake for tirkash. Tir-i-falak, 'the arrow of the spheres,' is also a name for the planet Mercury. Tirkash-i-Jauza means both a particular constellation in the sign Gemini, which is supposed to resemble a quiver in appearance, and also the strings of a musical instrument. The meaning of the lines seems to be, "I have been wounded by the shaft of heaven: give me wine that I may become intoxicated and be able to tie a knot in the quiver-girdle of the Gemini." The appositeness of the fal is not very apparent, but the mention of an arrow was taken to be an allusion to the death of `Usman by a shot from an unknown hand.

[359] Elliot, vi, 331.

[360] They call this in the English language a turkey, and the people of India call it piru; Persian-knowing Indians call it in Persian filmurgh. They are now plentiful in India. (Note of Sayyid Ahmad.)

[361] Akbar-nama, iii, 533. It was in the 33rd year.

[362] He asked Todar Mal's protection, but the son was sent (Akbar-nama, iii, 533).

[363] This name is not in all the MSS. It is another name for I`tiqad, son of I`timadu-d-daulah.

[364] Blochmann, p. 508.

[365] Elliot, vi, 333.

[366] Raja of Baglana.

[367] A periphrasis for Jahangir himself.

[368] The history of Nur, i.e. the history of Nuru-d-din Jahangir.

[369] Should be Abu-n-nabi. See infra.