Chapter II: Part 2

As it was my desire that many of the Akbari and Jahangiri officers should obtain the fruition of their wishes, I informed the bakhshis that whoever wished to have his birthplace made into his jagir should make a representation to that effect, so that in accordance with the Chingiz canon (tura) the estate might be conveyed to him by al tamgha and become his property, and he might be secured from apprehension of change. Our ancestors and forefathers were in the habit of granting jagirs to everyone under proprietary title, and adorned the farmans for these with the al tamgha seal, which is an impressed seal made in vermilion (i.e. red ink). I ordered that they should cover the place for the seal, with gold-leaf (tilaposh) and impress the seal thereon, and I called this the altun [57] tamgha.

I had selected from the other sons of Shahrukh, Mirza Sultan, [58] son of Mirza Shahrukh the grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, who was a descendant (great-grandson) of Mirza Sultan Abu Sa`id and for a long time ruler of Badakhshan, and with consent of my [59] revered father brought him into my service. I count him as a son, and have promoted him to the rank of 1,000. I also promoted Bhao Singh, son of Raja Man Singh and the most capable of his sons, from his original rank to that of 1,500. I raised Zamana Beg, [60] son of Ghayur Beg of Kabul, who has served me personally from his childhood, and who, when I was prince, rose from the grade of an ahadi to that of 500, giving him the title of Mahabat Khan and the rank of 1,500. He was confirmed as bakhshi of my private establishment (shagird-pisha).

I promoted Raja Bir Singh Deo, a Bandela Rajput, who had obtained my favour, and who excels his equals and relatives in valour, personal goodness, and simple-heartedness, to the rank of 3,000. The reason for his advancement and for the regard shown to him was that near the end of my revered father's time, Shaikh Abu-l-fazl, who excelled the Shaikhzadas of Hindustan in wisdom and learning, had adorned himself outwardly with the jewel of sincerity, and sold it to my father at a heavy price. He had been summoned from the Deccan, and, since his feelings towards me were not honest, he both publicly and privately spoke against me. At this period when, through strife-exciting intriguers, the august feelings of my royal father were entirely embittered against me, it was certain that if he obtained the honour of waiting on him (Akbar) it would be the cause of more confusion, and would preclude me from the favour of union with him (my father). It became necessary to prevent him from coming to Court. As Bir Singh Deo's country was exactly on his route and he was then a rebel, I sent him a message that if he would stop that sedition-monger and kill him he would receive every kindness from me. By God's grace, when Shaikh Abu-l-fazl was passing through Bir Singh Deo's country, the Raja blocked his road, and after a little contest scattered his men and killed him. He sent his head to me in Allahabad. Although this event was a cause of anger in the mind of the late king (Akbar), in the end it enabled me to proceed without disturbance of mind to kiss the threshold of my father's palace, and by degrees the resentment of the king was cleared away.

I made Mir Ziya'u-d-din of Qazwin, who had done me service in the days of my princehood and had shown loyalty, commander of 1,000 and accountant of the stables. An order was given that every day thirty horses should be produced before me for the purpose of making presents. I honoured Mirza `Ali Akbarshahi, who is one of the distinguished braves of this family, [61] with the rank of 4,000, and gave him the sarkar of Sambhal as his jagir.

One day the Amiru-l-umara (Sharif Khan) greatly pleased me by an incidental remark. It was this: "Honesty and dishonesty are not confined to matters of cash and goods; to represent qualities as existing in acquaintances which do not exist, and to conceal the meritorious qualities of strangers, is dishonesty. In truth, honesty of speech consists in making no distinction between intimates and strangers and in describing each man as he really is."

When I sent off Parwiz I had said to him, "If the Rana himself, and his eldest son who is called Karan, should come to wait upon you and proffer service and obedience, you should not do any injury to his territory." My intention in this recommendation was of two kinds; one, that inasmuch as the conquest of Transoxiana was always in the pure mind of my revered father, though every time he determined on it things occurred to prevent it, if this business could be settled, and this danger dismissed from my mind, I would leave Parwiz in Hindustan, and in reliance on Allah, myself start for my hereditary territories, especially as at this time there was no permanent ruler in that region. Baqi Khan, who, after `Abdu-llah Khan and `Abdu-l-Mu'min Khan, his son, had acquired complete independence, had died, and the affairs of Wali Muhammad Khan, his brother, who is now the ruler of that region, had not as yet been brought into proper order. Secondly, to bring about the termination of the war in the Deccan, of which a part in the time of my revered father had been acquired, so that it might come into possession, and be incorporated with the Imperial dominions. My hope is that through the favour of Allah both these undertakings will be accomplished.

"Though a king should seize the seven climes, [62]
He still would labour to take others."

I promoted Mirza Shahrukh, [63] grandson of Mirza Sulaiman, (once) the ruler of Badakhshan, who was nearly related to my family, and held the rank of 5,000 in my father's service, to the rank of 7,000. The Mirza is a true Turk in disposition and simple-minded. My father conferred great honour on him, and whenever he bade his own sons sit he gratified him also with this distinction. Notwithstanding the mischievous propensities of the people of Badakhshan, the Mirza in this familiarity never left the right road, or undertook anything that might lead to unpleasantness. I confirmed him in the Subah of Malwa just as my father had kindly conferred it on him.

I conferred on Khwaja `Abdu-llah, who is of the Naqshbandi family, and in the commencement of his service was an ahadi, and who had risen by degrees to the command of 1,000, but without reason had gone into my father's service, the rank and jagir my father had conferred on him. Although I considered it best for my own prosperity that my attendants and people should go into his (Akbar's) service, yet this had occurred without my leave, and I was rather annoyed at it. But the fact is that he is a manly and zealous man; if he had not committed this fault he would have been a faultless hero (jawan).

Abu-n-nabi, [64] the Uzbeg, who is one of the distinguished inhabitants of Mawara'a-n-nahr and in the time of `Abdu-l-Mu'min Khan was governor of Mashhad, obtained the rank of 1,500.

Shaikh Hasan is the son of Shaikh Baha. [65] From the days of his childhood to this day he has always been in my service and in attendance on me, and when I was prince was distinguished by the title of Muqarrab Khan. He was very active and alert in his service, and in hunting would often traverse long distances by my side. He is skilful with the arrow and the gun, and in surgery is the most skilful of his time. His ancestors also had been well practised in this profession. After my accession, in consequence of the perfect confidence I had in him, I sent him to Burhanpur to bring the children and dependants of my brother Daniyal to wait on me, and sent a message to the Khankhanan in low and high words [66] and profitable admonitions. Muqarrab Khan performed this service correctly and in a short time, and, clearing off the suspicions which had entered the minds of the Khankhanan and the nobles of that place, brought those who had been left behind by my brother in safety and security, together with his establishment and property and effects, to Lahore, and there presented them before me.

I promoted Naqib Khan, [67] who is one of the genuine Sayyids of Qazwin and is called Ghiyasu-d-din `Ali, to the rank of 1,500. My father had distinguished him with the title of Naqib Khan, and in his service he had complete intimacy and consideration. Shortly after his accession he (Akbar) had discussed several matters with him, and from this familiarity he called him akhund. He has no equal or rival in the science of history and in biographies. There is in this day no chronologist like him in the inhabited world. From the beginning of Creation till the present time, he has by heart the tale of the four quarters of the world. Has Allah granted to any other person such faculty of memory?

Shaikh Kabir, who was of the family of the venerable Shaikh Salim, I had honoured with the title of Shaja`at Khan when I was prince, on account of his manliness and bravery. I now selected him for the rank of 1,000.

On Sha`ban 27th (28th December, 1605) a strange thing was done by the sons of Akhayraj, son of Bhagwan Das, the paternal uncle [68] of Raja Man Singh. These unlucky ones, who bore the names of Abhay Ram, Bijay Ram, and Shyam Ram, were exceedingly immoderate. Notwithstanding that the aforesaid Abhay Ram had done improper (disproportioned) acts, I had winked at his faults. When at this date it was represented to me that this wretch was desirous of despatching his wives and children without leave to his own country and afterwards of himself running away to the Rana, who is not loyal to this family, I referred to Ram Das and other Rajput nobles, and said to them that if any one of them would become security for them, I would confirm the rank and jagir of those wretches, and passing over their offences would forgive them. In consequence of their excessive turbulence and bad disposition no one became security. I told the Amiru-l-umara that as no one would be bound for them, they must be handed over to the charge of one of the servants of the Court until security was forthcoming. The Amiru-l-umara gave them over to Ibrahim Khan Kakar, who was afterwards dignified with the title of Dilawar Khan, and Hatim, [69] second son of Mangli, who held the title of Shahnawaz Khan. [70] When these wished to disarm these foolish people, they refused, and, not observing the dues of good manners, began, together with their servants, to quarrel and fight. The Amiru-l-umara reported the circumstance to me, and I ordered them to be punished according to their deeds. He betook himself to driving them off, and I sent Shaikh Farid also after him. One Rajput armed with a sword, and another with a dagger stood up to the Amiru-l-umara. One of his attendants named Qutb engaged the man with the dagger and was killed. The Rajput also was cut to pieces. One of the Afghan attendants of the Amiru-l-umara attacked the one who had the sword and killed him. Dilawar Khan drew his dagger and turned towards Abhay Ram, who with two others was holding his ground, and after wounding one of these fell down after receiving wounds from the three. Some of the ahadis and the men of the Amiru-l-umara opposed and slew these doomed men. A Rajput drew his sword and turned to Shaikh Farid; he was met by a Habshi slave, who brought him down. This disturbance took place in the courtyard of the public palace. That punishment served as a warning to many who had not looked to consequences. Abu-n-nabi [71] represented that if such a deed had been done in the Uzbeg country the whole family and connections of that band of men would have been destroyed. I replied that as these people had been treated kindly and educated by my revered father I carried on the same benevolence to them, and justice demands that many shall not be chastised for the fault of one.

Shaikh Husain Jami, who now sits on the cushion of darwishi and is one of the disciples of the dervish of Shiraz, [72] had written to me from Lahore six months before my accession that he had seen in a dream that saints and pious men had delivered over the affairs of the kingdom to that chosen one of the Court of Allah (Jahangir), and that, rejoicing in this good news, he should await the event, and that he hoped that when it had occurred, the faults of Khwaja Zakariyya, who was one of the Ahrariyya, [73] would be pardoned. [74]

I conferred on Tash Beg Furji, [75] who was one of the old servants of the State, and whom my father had honoured with the title of Taj Khan, and who had the rank of 2,000, that of 3,000, and I raised Tukhta [76] Beg Kabuli from the rank of 2,500 to that of 3,000. He is a brave and active man, and was greatly trusted in the service of my uncle, Mirza Muhammad Hakim. I promoted Abu-l-Qasim Tamkin, [77] who was one of my father's old servants, to the rank of 1,500. There are few men such as he for abundance of children; he has thirty sons, and if his daughters do not number so many they must be half that number. I dignified Shaikh `Ala'u-d-din, grandson of Shaikh Salim, who had strong connections with me, with the title of Islam Khan, and promoted him to the rank of 2,000. He had grown up with me from his childhood, and may be a year younger than I. He is a brave and well-dispositioned youth, and is distinguished in every way above his family. Till now he has never drunk intoxicating drinks, and his sincerity towards me is such that I have honoured him with the title of son.

I have bestowed on `Ali Asghar Barha, who has not a rival in bravery and zeal, and is the son of Sayyid Mahmud Khan Barha, one of my father's old nobles, the title of Saif Khan, and thus distinguished him amongst his equals and connections. He is evidently a brave youth. He was always one of the confidential men who went with me to hunt and to other places. He has never in his life drunk anything intoxicating, and as he has abstained in his youth he probably will attain high dignities. I granted him the rank of 3,000.

I promoted Faridun, son of Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, who held the rank of 1,000, to that of 2,000. Faridun is one of the tribe of Chaghatay, and is not devoid of manliness and courage.

I promoted Shaikh Bayazid, grandson of Shaikh Salim, who held the rank of 2,000, to that of 3,000. The first person who gave me milk, but for not more than a day, was the mother of Shaikh Bayazid.

[78]One day I observed to the Pandits, that is, the wise men of the Hindus, "If the doctrines of your religion are based on the incarnation of the Holy Person of God Almighty in ten different forms by the process of metempsychosis, they are virtually rejected by the intelligent. This pernicious idea requires that the Sublime Cause, who is void of all limitations, should be possessed of length, breadth, and thickness. If the purpose is the manifestation of the Light of God in these bodies, that of itself is existent equally in all created things, and is not peculiar to these ten forms. If the idea is to establish some one of God's attributes, even then there is no right notion, for in every faith and code there are masters of wonders and miracles distinguished beyond the other men of their age for wisdom and eloquence." [79] After much argument and endless controversy, they acknowledged a God of Gods, devoid of a body or accidents, [80] and said, "As our imagination fails to conceive a formless personality (zat-i-mujarrad), we do not find any way to know Him without the aid of a form. We have therefore made these ten forms the means of conceiving of and knowing Him." Then said I, "How can these forms be a means of your approaching the Deity?"

My father always associated with the learned of every creed and religion, especially with Pandits and the learned of India, and although he was illiterate, so much became clear to him through constant intercourse with the learned and wise, in his conversations with them, that no one knew him to be illiterate, and he was so acquainted with the niceties of verse and prose compositions that his deficiency was not thought of.

In his august personal appearance he was of middle height, but inclining to be tall; he was of the hue of wheat; his eyes and eyebrows were black, and his complexion rather dark than fair; he was lion-bodied, [81] with a broad chest, and his hands and arms long. On the left side of his nose he had a fleshy mole, very agreeable in appearance, of the size of half a pea. Those skilled in the science of physiognomy considered this mole a sign of great prosperity and exceeding good fortune. His august voice was very loud, and in speaking and explaining had a peculiar richness. In his actions and movements he was not like the people of the world, and the glory of God manifested itself in him.

"Greatness in his manner, kingship in his lineage,
As if Solomon would have put the ring on his finger." [82]

Three months after my birth my sister, Shahzada Khanam, was born to one of the royal concubines; they gave her over to his (Akbar's) mother, Maryam Makani. After her a son was born to one of the concubines, and received the name of Shah Murad. As his birth occurred in the hill country of Fathpur, he was nicknamed Pahari. When my revered father sent him to conquer the Deccan, he had taken to excessive drinking through associating with unworthy persons, so that he died in his 30th year, in the neighbourhood of Jalnapur, in the province of Berar. His personal appearance was fresh-coloured; he was thin in body and tall of stature. Dignity and authority were evident in his movements, and manliness and bravery manifested themselves in his ways. On the night of Jumada-l-awwal 10th, A.H. 979 (September, 1572), another son was born to one of the concubines. As his birth took place at Ajmir in the house of one of the attendants of the blessed shrine of the reverend Khwaja Mu`inu-d-din Chishti, whose name was Shaikh Daniyal, this child was called Daniyal.

After the death of my brother Shah Murad, he (Akbar), towards the end of his reign, sent Daniyal to conquer the Deccan and followed him himself. When my revered father was besieging Asir (Asirgarh) he, with a large body of nobles such as the Khankhanan and his sons and Mirza Yusuf Khan, invested the fort of Ahmadnagar, and it came into the possession of the victorious officers about the time that Asir was taken. After my father `Arsh-ashyani had returned in prosperity and victory from Burhanpur towards his capital, he gave the province to Daniyal and left him in possession of that territory. Daniyal took to improper ways, like his brother Shah Murad, and soon died from excessive drinking, in the 33rd year of his age. His death occurred in a peculiar way. He was very fond of guns and of hunting with the gun. He named one of his guns yaka u janaza, 'the same as the bier,' and himself composed this couplet and had it engraved on the gun:--

"From the joy of the chase with thee, life is fresh and new;
To everyone whom thy dart strikes, 'tis the same as his bier." [83]

When his drinking of wine was carried to excess, and the circumstance was reported to my father, farmans of reproach were sent to the Khankhanan. Of course he forbade it, and placed cautious people to look after him properly. When the road to bring wine was completely closed, he began to weep and to importune some of his servants, and said: "Let them bring me wine in any possible way." He said to Murshid Quli Khan, a musketeer who was in his immediate service: "Pour some wine into this yaka u janaza, and bring it to me." That wretch, in hope of favour, undertook to do this, and poured double-distilled spirit into the gun, which had long been nourished on gunpowder and the scent thereof, and brought it. The rust of the iron was dissolved by the strength of the spirit and mingled with it, and the prince no sooner drank of it than he fell down.

"No one should draw a bad omen: [84]
If he does, he draws it for himself."

Daniyal was of pleasing figure, of exceedingly agreeable manners and appearance; he was very fond of elephants and horses. It was impossible for him to hear of anyone as having a good horse or elephant and not take it from him. He was fond of Hindi songs, and would occasionally compose verses with correct idiom in the language of the people of India, which were not bad.

After the birth of Daniyal a daughter was born to Bibi Daulat-Shad whom they named Shakaru-n-nisa Begam. [85] As she was brought up in the skirt of my revered father's care, she turned out very well. She is of good disposition and naturally compassionate towards all people. From infancy and childhood she has been extremely fond of me, and there can be few such relationships between brother and sister. The first time when, according to the custom of pressing the breast of a child and a drop of milk is perceptible, they pressed my sister's breast and milk appeared, my revered father said to me: "Baba! drink this milk, that in truth this sister may be to thee as a mother." God, the knower of secrets, knows that from that day forward, after I drank that drop of milk, I have felt love for my sister such as children have for their mothers.

After some time another girl was born to this same Bibi Daulat-Shad, and he (Akbar) called her Aram Banu Begam. [86] Her disposition was on the whole inclined to excitement and heat. My father was very fond of her, so much so that he described her impolitenesses as politenesses, and in his august sight they, from his great love, did not appear bad. Repeatedly he honoured me by addressing me, and said: "Baba! for my sake be as kind as I am, after me, to this sister, who in Hindi phrase is my darling (that is, dearly cherished). Be affectionate to her and pass over her little impolitenesses and impudences."

The good qualities of my revered father are beyond the limit of approval and the bounds of praise. If books were composed with regard to his commendable dispositions, without suspicion of extravagance, and he be not looked at as a father would be by his son, even then but a little out of much could be said.

Notwithstanding his kingship and his treasures and his buried wealth, which were beyond the scope of counting and imagination, his fighting elephants and Arab horses, he never by a hair's breadth placed his foot beyond the base of humility before the throne of God, but considered himself the lowest of created beings, and never for one moment forgot God.

"Always, everywhere, with everyone, and in every circumstance,
Keep the eye of thy heart secretly fixed on the Beloved."

The professors of various faiths had room in the broad expanse of his incomparable sway. This was different from the practice in other realms, for in Persia [87] there is room for Shias only, and in Turkey, India, and Turan there is room for Sunnis only.

As in the wide expanse of the Divine compassion there is room for all classes and the followers of all creeds, so, on the principle that the Shadow [88] must have the same properties as the Light, in his dominions, which on all sides were limited only by the salt sea, there was room for the professors of opposite religions, and for beliefs good and bad, and the road to altercation was closed. Sunnis and Shias met in one mosque, and Franks and Jews in one church, and observed their own forms of worship.

He associated with the good of every race and creed and persuasion, and was gracious to all in accordance with their condition and understanding. He passed his nights in wakefulness, and slept little in the day; the length of his sleep during a whole night and day (nycthemeron) was not more than a watch and a half. He counted his wakefulness at night as so much added to his life. His courage and boldness were such that he could mount raging, rutting elephants, and subdue to obedience murderous elephants which would not allow their own females near them--although even when an elephant is bad-tempered he does no harm to the female or his driver--and which were in a state in which they might have killed their drivers or the females, or not have allowed their approach. He would place himself on a wall or tree near which an elephant was passing that had killed its mahout and broken loose from restraint, and, putting his trust in God's favour, would throw himself on its back and thus by merely mounting, would bring it under control and tame it. This was repeatedly seen.

He ascended the throne in his 14th year. Hemu, the infidel whom the Afghan ruler had raised to high station, collected a wonderful force after King Humayun's death with a stud of elephants such as no ruler of Hindustan had at that time, and he went towards Delhi. Humayun had appointed Akbar to drive off some of the Afghans from the foot-hills of the Panjab, but just then he exemplified the hemistich which is a description of the accident and the chronogram of his death--

"The august monarch (Humayun) fell from the roof. The news (of
the death) was conveyed to my father by Nazar-jivi." [89]

Bairam Khan, who was then his tutor, having collected the nobles who were in the province, chose an auspicious hour and seated him on the throne of rule in pargana Kalanur, near Lahore.

When Hemu reached the neighbourhood of Delhi, Tardi Beg Khan and a large force that was in the city drew up to oppose him. When the preparations for the combat had been made the armies attacked one another, and, after considerable endeavours and strife, defeat fell on Tardi Beg Khan and the Moguls, and the army of darkness overcame the army of light.

"All things and battles and fights are of God,
He knows whose will be the victory.
From the blood of the brave and the dust of the troops,
The earth grew red and the heavens black."

Tardi Beg Khan and the other defeated ones took the road to my revered father's camp. As Bairam Khan disliked Tardi Beg, he made this defeat an excuse to put him to death.

A second time, through the pride engendered in the mind of this accursed infidel by his victory, he came out of Delhi with his force and elephants and advanced, while the glorious standards of His Majesty (Akbar) proceeded from Kalanur for the purpose of driving him away. The armies of darkness and light met in the neighbourhood of Panipat, and on Thursday, Muharram 2nd, A.H. 964 (November 5th, 1556), a fight took place. In the army of Hemu were 30,000 brave fighting horsemen, while the ghazis of the victorious army were not more than 4,000 or 5,000. On that day Hemu was riding an elephant named Hawa'i. Suddenly an arrow struck the eye of that infidel and came out at the back of his head. His army, on seeing this, took to flight. By chance Shah Quli Khan Mahram with a few brave men came up to the elephant on which was the wounded Hemu, and would have shot an arrow at the driver, but he cried "Do not kill me; Hemu is on this elephant." A number of men immediately conveyed Hemu as he was to the king (Akbar). Bairam Khan represented that it would be proper if the king with his own hand should strike the infidel with a sword, so that obtaining the reward of a ghazi (warrior of the Faith) he might use this title on the imperial farmans. The king answered, "I have cut him in pieces before this," and explained: "One day, in Kabul, I was copying a picture in presence of Khwaja`Abdu-s-Samad Shirin Qalam, when a form appeared from my brush, the parts of which were separate and divided from each other. One of those near asked, 'Whose picture is this?' It came to my tongue to say that it was the likeness of Hemu." Not defiling his hand with his (Hemu's) blood, he told one of his servants to cut off his head. Those killed in the defeated army numbered 5,000 in addition to those who fell in various places round about.

Another of the well-known deeds of Akbar was the victorious expedition against Gujarat, and his rapid march there, at the time when Mirza Ibrahim Husain, Muhammad Husain Mirza, and Shah Mirza revolted from this State and went towards Gujarat, and all the nobles of that province, combining with the turbulent of those parts, besieged the fort of Ahmadabad in which was Mirza `Aziz Koka with the royal army. His Majesty, in consequence of the distracted state of Jiji Anga, the mother of the last-named Mirza, started for Gujarat with a body of royal troops without delay from the capital of Fathpur. Having covered in the space of nine days the long road which it should take two months to accomplish, sometimes on horseback, sometimes on a camel or in a bullock-cart, he arrived at Sarnal.

When, on 5th Jumada-l-awwal, 980 (September 15th, 1572), he reached the neighbourhood of the enemy's camp, he consulted with those who were loyal to him. Some said he should make a night attack on the camp. His Majesty, however, said that a night attack was the resort of the faint-hearted and the way of the deceitful, and immediately gave orders to beat the drums and set the horsemen at them. When the river Sabar Mahi (Sabarmati) was reached, he ordered his men to cross it in order. Muhammad Husain Mirza was agitated by the noise of the army of victory, and himself came forward to reconnoitre. Subhan Quli Turk, also with a troop of brave men, went to the river's bank to enquire into the enemy's position. The Mirza asked what troops these were. Subhan Quli replied that they were of the army of King Jalalu-d-din Akbar. That ill-fated one would not believe this, and said his spies had seen the king fourteen days before in Fathpur, and that it was clear Subhan Quli was lying. To this Subhan Quli rejoined, "Nine days ago the king with this expedition started from Fathpur." "How could elephants have come?" [90] asked the Mirza. "What need was there of elephants?" answered Subhan Quli. "Young men and heroes who cleave rocks, and are better than famous and raging elephants, have come; the difference between loyalty and sedition will now become known." The Mirza, after this conversation, turned aside and began to marshal his troops. The king waited until his advanced guard sent word that the enemy had put on their armour. He then moved forward, and although he sent several times to order the Khan A`zam to advance, the latter stood still. It was said to Akbar that, as the enemy was in force, it would be well to remain on his side of the river until the army of Gujarat arrived from within the fort. His Majesty answered: "Always, and especially in this affair, I have put my trust in God. If I had considered routine, I should not have come in this rapid manner. Now that our foe is ready for the fight, we ought not to delay." With these words, and with his innate reliance on God as his shield, he put his horse into the river with a few chosen men whom he had appointed to ride with him. Though it was not supposed that there was a ford, he crossed in safety. He had called for his helmet, but in the agitation of bringing it his armour-bearer dropped the face-guard (buffe). His comrades did not regard this as a good omen, but he said at once, "It is an excellent omen, for it has revealed my face." [91] Meantime the wretched Mirza arrayed his ranks to fight his benefactor.

"If thou come out (to fight) with thy benefactor,
If thou wert the sphere, thou wouldest be reversed."

The Khan A`zam had had no idea that the king would cast the shadow of his compassion on these regions with such speed and eagerness, and he believed no one who gave him news of that arrival, until convinced by visible proof. Then, arraying the army of Gujarat, he prepared to march. Meanwhile Asaf Khan also sent news to him. Before his army issued from the fort the enemy had appeared from amongst the trees. The king, taking the Divine aid as the security of his courage, started off. Muhammad Quli Khan Turk and Tardi Khan Diwana came forward with a band of brave followers, and after a little fighting turned rein. On this His Majesty said to Bhagwan Das, "The enemy are unnumbered and we are few; we must attack with one face and one heart; for a clenched fist is more useful than an open hand." With these words he drew his sword, and with shout of Allahu-akbar and Ya Mu`in [92] charged with those devoted to him.

"The sense of the age evaporated with the clamour,
The ear of the heavens was split with the shouts."

The royal right and left wings and a band of brave men in the centre fought with valour. Stars (kaukaba'i), which are a kind of firework, were lighted by the enemy; they twisted about among the thorn-bushes, and created such confusion that a noted elephant of the enemy began to move and threw their troops into disarray. With this the royal centre came up and dispersed Muhammad Husain and his force. Man Singh Darbari overcame his foe under the king's eyes, and Ragho Das Kachhwaha sacrificed his life. Muhammad Wafa, who was of the house-born of the State, behaving very bravely, fell wounded from his horse. By the favour of the Creator who cherishes His servants, and simply through the courage and good fortune of the exalted king, the enemy were scattered and defeated. In gratitude for this great victory the king turned his face in supplication to the throne of his merciful Maker, and poured forth his thanks.

One of the kalawants (musicians) represented to His Majesty that Saif Khan Kokaltash had offered the coin of his life in loyalty to the State, and on enquiry it appeared that when Muhammad Husain Mirza with some of his riffraff was attacking the centre Saif Khan met him and fighting valiantly became a martyr. The Mirza himself was wounded by the hands of the brave men of the main body. The Kokaltash mentioned is the elder brother of Zain Khan Koka.

A strange circumstance was this: on the day before the battle, when the king was eating, he asked Hazara, who was learned in the science of looking at the shoulder-blades (a kind of divination), to see on whose side the victory would be. Hazara said: "The victory will be on your side, but one of the chiefs of your army will become a martyr." Whereupon Saif Khan Koka said "Would that this blessing might fall to my lot!"

"Many an omen that we have treated as jest [93]
Became true when the star passed by."

In short, Mirza Muhammad Husain turned his reins, but his horse's feet became entangled in the thorn-brake and he fell. An ahadi of the king, Gada `Ali by name, found him, and having mounted him before him on his horse took him to the king. As two or three claimed a share in his capture, His Majesty asked who had made him prisoner. "The king's salt," he answered. The king ordered his hands, that had been fastened behind him, to be tied in front. Meanwhile he asked for water. Farhat Khan, who was one of the confidential slaves, struck him on the head, but the king, disapproving of this, sent for his private drinking water and satisfied his thirst. Up to this time Mirza `Aziz Koka and the garrison of the fort had not come out. After the capture of the Mirza, His Majesty was proceeding slowly towards Ahmadabad. He had delivered the Mirza to Ray Ray Singh Rathor, one of the Rajput chiefs, to be put on an elephant and brought with him. Meanwhile Ikhtiyaru-l-mulk, who was one of the influential Gujarati leaders, made his appearance with an army of nearly 5,000 men. Complete confusion fell upon the royal troops. The king, as his natural valour and lofty disposition required, ordered the drums to be beaten, and Shaja'at Khan, Raja Bhagwan Das, and some others charged on in front to fight this force. Fearing that the enemy might get possession of Mirza Muhammad Husain, Ray Ray Singh's men, by the advice and plan of the aforesaid Raja (Bhagwan Das), cut off his head. My father did not want to kill him. The forces of Ikhtiyaru-l-mulk also were dispersed, and he was thrown from his horse into the thorn thicket. Suhrab Beg Turkman cut off his head and brought it in. It was only by the grace and power of God that such a victory was won by a small number of men.

In the same way are beyond all reckoning the conquest of the province of Bengal, the capture of well-known and celebrated forts in Hindustan such as Chitor and Rantambhor, the subjection of the province of Khandesh, and the taking of the fort of Asir and of other provinces which by the exertions of the royal armies came into the possession of the servants of the State. If these were related in detail it would be a long story.

In the fight at Chitor, the king with his own hand killed Jitmal, the leader of the men in the fort. He had no rival in shooting with a gun, and with the one with which he killed Jitmal, and which was called Sangram, he killed some 3,000 or 4,000 birds and beasts. [94] I may be reckoned a true pupil of his. Of all sports I am most disposed to that with the gun, and in one day have shot eighteen deer.

Of the austerities practised by my revered father, one was the not eating the flesh of animals. During three months of the year he ate meat, and for the remaining nine contented himself with Sufi food, and was no way pleased with the slaughter of animals. On many days and in many months this was forbidden to the people. The days and months on which he did not eat flesh are detailed in the Akbarnama.

On the day I made I`timadu-l-mulk diwan, I put Mu`izzu-l-mulk in charge of the diwani-i-buyutat (care of buildings). The latter is a Sayyid of Bakharz, [95] and under my revered father was accountant of the kurkaraq department. [96]

On one of my accession days, a hundred of the Akbari and Jahangiri servants were promoted to higher rank and jagirs. At the commencement of the Ramazan `Id, as it was the first after my accession, I came down to the `Idgah from my auspicious throne. There was a great crowd, and having performed the dues of thanksgiving and praise I returned to the palace, where according to the verse "From the table of kings favours come to beggars," I commanded a sum of money to be spent in alms and charity. Some lakhs of dams of this were entrusted to Dust Muhammad (afterwards Khwaja Jahan), who divided them amongst faqirs and those who were in want, and a lakh of dams each was given to Jamalu-d-din Husain Anju (the lexicographer), Mirza Sadr Jahan, and Mir Muhammad Riza Sabzawari to dispose of in charity in different quarters of the city. I sent 5,000 rupees to the dervishes of Shaikh Muhammad Husain Jami, and gave directions that each day one of the officers of the watch [97] should give 50,000 dams to faqirs. I sent a jewelled sword to the Khankhanan, and promoted Jamalu-d-din Anju to the rank of 3,000. The office of Sadr was entrusted to Miran Sadr Jahan, and I ordered Haji Koka, who was one of my father's foster-sisters, [98] to bring before me in the palace such women as were worthy to be presented with land and money. I promoted Zahid Khan, son of Muhammad Sadiq Khan, from the rank of 1,500 to that of 2,000.

It had been the custom [99] that when the gift of an elephant or horse was made to anyone, the naqibs and the Masters of the Horse (Mir Akhuran) took from him a sum of money as jilawana (bridle-money). I gave orders that this money should be paid by the government, so that people might be freed from the importunities and demands of that set of men.

At this time Salbahan arrived from Burhanpur and produced before me the horses and elephants of my deceased brother Daniyal. Of the elephants, one male named Mast Alast appeared to me the best, and I gave him the name of Nur Gaj. A wonderful thing showed itself in this elephant; on the sides of his ears small lumps had grown about the size of melons, and from them came fluid such as drops from an elephant in the rutting season; moreover, the top of his forehead was more prominent than in other elephants. It was a splendid and imposing animal. [100]

I gave to my son Khurram (Shah-Jahan) a rosary of jewels, with the hope that he might obtain fulfilment of all his desires, both in visible and in spiritual things.

As I had remitted in my dominions customs duties amounting to krors, I abolished also all the transit dues (sa'ir-jihat) in Kabul, which is one of the noted towns on the road to Hindustan. These brought in 1 kror and 23 lakhs of dams. From the provinces of Kabul and Qandahar large sums used to be derived every year from customs (zaka't), which were in fact the chief revenue of those places. I remitted these ancient dues, a proceeding that greatly benefited the people of Iran and Turan.

Asaf Khan's jagir in the subah of Bihar had been given to Baz Bahadur; I therefore ordered that a jagir in the Panjab should be given to him. As it was represented to me that a large sum was in arrears in his jagir, and now that the order for exchange had been given its collection would be difficult, I directed that a lakh of rupees should be given to him from the Treasury and the arrears recovered from Baz Bahadur for the royal revenues.

I promoted Sharif Amuli to the rank of 2,500, original and increase. He is a pure-hearted, lively-spirited man. Though he has no tincture of current sciences, lofty words and exalted knowledge often manifest themselves in him. In the dress of a faqir he made many journeys, and he has friendship with many saints and recites the maxims of those who profess mysticism. This is his conversation, not his practice (qali-u ast na hali). In the time of my revered father he relinquished the garments of poverty and asceticism, and attained to amirship and chiefship. His utterance is exceedingly powerful, and his conversation is remarkably eloquent and pure, although he is without Arabic. His compositions also are not devoid of verve. [101]

A garden in Agra had been left by Shah Quli Khan Mahram, and as he had no heirs I handed it over to Ruqayya Sultan Begam, the daughter of Hindal Mirza, who had been the honoured wife of my father. [102] My father had given my son Khurram into her charge, and she loved him a thousand times more than if he had been her own.

THE GREAT FEAST OF NAURUZ.

On the night of Tuesday, Zi-l-qa`da 11th, A.H. 1014 (March 11th or 12th, 1606), in the morning, which is the time of the blessing of light, his Eminence the Great Luminary passed from the constellation of the Fish to the House of Honour in the constellation of the Ram. As this was the first New Year's Day after my auspicious accession I ordered them to decorate the porticoes of the private and public halls of the palace, as in the time of my revered father, with delicate stuffs, and to adorn them handsomely. From the first day of the Nauruz to the 19th degree of the Ram (Aries), which is the day of culmination, the people gave themselves over to enjoyment and happiness. Players and singers of all bands and castes were gathered together. Dancing lulis and charmers of India whose caresses would captivate the hearts of angels kept up the excitement of the assemblies. I gave orders that whoever might wish for intoxicating drinks and exhilarating drugs should not be debarred from using them.

"Cupbearer! brighten my cup with the light of wine;
Sing, minstrel, for the world has ordered itself as I desire." [103]

In my father's time it had become established that one of the great nobles should prepare an entertainment on each of the 17 or 18 days of the festival, and should present His Majesty the king with choice gifts of all kinds of jewels and jewelled things, precious stuffs, and elephants and horses, and should invite him to take the trouble to come to his assembly. By way of exalting his servants, he would deign to be present, and having looked at the presents would take what he approved of and bestow the remainder on the giver of the entertainment. As my mind was inclined to the comfort and ease of the army and subjects, I this year let them off their gifts with the exception of a few from my immediate retainers, which I accepted in order to gratify them. In those same days many servants of the State obtained higher rank. Amongst them I raised Dilawar Khan Afghan to 1,500, and I raised Raja Baso, who was a landholder of the hill country of the Panjab, and who from the time I was prince till now has kept the way of service and sincerity towards me and held the rank of 1,500, to 3,500. Shah Beg Khan, the governor of Qandahar, I promoted to 5,000, and Ray Ray Singh, a Rajput noble, obtained the same rank. I gave 12,000 rupees for expenses to Rana Shankar.

At the beginning of my reign, a son of that Muzaffar Gujarati who claimed to be descended from the rulers of that country lifted up the head of disturbance and attacked and plundered the environs of the city of Ahmadabad. Some sardars such as Pim [104] Bahadur Uzbeg and Ray `Ali Bhati, who were amongst the distinguished and brave men there, became martyrs in that outbreak. At length Raja Bikramajit and many mansabdars were provided by me with 6,000 or 7,000 horse, and appointed to assist the army of Gujarat. It was decided that when things had quieted down, by the driving off of those seditious people, Raja Bikramajit should be Subahdar of Gujarat. Qilij Khan, who had been previously nominated to this office, should come to Court. After the arrival of the royal troops the thread of the rebels' union was severed; they took refuge in different jungles, and the country was reduced to order. The news of this victory reached the ear of my state and dignity in the most acceptable of hours (New Year time).

About this time there came a representation from my son Parwiz that the Rana had left thana Mandal, which is about 30 [105] or 40 kos from Ajmir, and had run away, and that a force had been appointed to pursue him; and that it was to be hoped the good fortune of Jahangir would cause him to become non-existent.

On the last day of the feast of the New Year, many servants of the State were honoured with favours and increase of rank. Pishrau Khan was an old retainer and had come from Persia (wilayat) with Humayun; indeed, he was one of the men whom Shah Tahmasp had sent with Humayun. His name was Mihtar Sa`adat. As under my father he was superintendent (darogha) and head (mihtar) of the farrash-khana (store department), and had no equal in this service, he had given him the title of Pishrau Khan (the active Khan). Though he was a subordinate(?) servant and had an artificer's disposition (qalaqchi mashrab), I looked to his claims of service and gave him the rank of 2,000. [106]

THE FLIGHT OF KHUSRAU IN THE MIDDLE OF THE FIRST YEAR OF MY REIGN.

Futile [107] ideas had entered the mind of Khusrau in consequence of his youth and the pride youths have, and the lack of experience and the lack of foresight of worthless companions, especially at the time of my revered father's illness. Some of these short-sighted ones, through the multitude of their crimes and offences, had become hopeless of pardon and indulgence, and imagined that by making Khusrau a tool they might conduct the affairs of State through him. They overlooked the truth that acts of sovereignty and world rule are not things to be arranged by the worthless endeavours of defective intellects. The just Creator bestows them on him whom he considers fit for this glorious and exalted duty, and on such a person doth He fit the robe of honour.

"He who is seized of Fortune cannot be deprived of it;
Throne and diadem are not things of purchase;
It is not right to wrest crown and dominion
From the head which God, the Crown-cherisher, has indicated."

As the futile imaginations of the seditious and short-sighted had no result but disgrace and regret, the affairs of the kingdom were confirmed in the hands of this suppliant at the throne of Allah. I invariably found Khusrau preoccupied and distracted. However much, in favour and affection for him, I wished to drive from his mind some of his fears and alarms, nothing was gained until, at last, by the advice of those whose fortune was reversed, on the night of Sunday, Zi-l-hijja 8th, of the year mentioned (April 6th, 1605), when two gharis had passed, he made a pretence [108] of going to visit the tomb of His Majesty (Akbar), and went off with 350 horsemen, who were his adherents, from within the fort of Agra. Shortly after, one of the lamp attendants who was acquainted with the Waziru-l-mulk gave him the news of Khusrau's flight. The Vizier took him to the Amiru-l-umara, who, as the news seemed true, came in a distracted state of mind to the door of the private apartments and said to one of the eunuchs, "Take in my request and say that I have a necessary representation to make, and let the king honour me by coming out." As such an affair had not entered my thoughts I supposed that news had come from the Deccan or Gujarat. When I came out and heard what the news was, I asked, "What must be done? Shall I mount myself, or shall I send Khurram?" The Amiru-l-umara submitted that he would go if I ordered it. "Let it be so," I said. Afterwards he said, "If he will not turn back on my advice, and takes up arms, what must be done?" Then I said, "If he will go in no way on the right road, do not consider a crime anything that results from your action. Kingship regards neither son nor son-in-law. No one is a relation to a king."

When I had said these words and other things, and had dismissed him, it occurred to me that Khusrau was very much annoyed with him, and that in consequence of the dignity and nearness (to me) which he (the Amir) enjoyed, he was an object of envy to his equals and contemporaries. [109] Perhaps they might devise treachery and destroy him. I therefore ordered Mu`izzu-l-mulk to recall him, and selecting in his place Shaikh Farid Bakhshi-begi commanded him to start off at once, and to take with him the mansabdars and ahadis who were on guard. Ihtimam Khan the kotwal was made scout and intelligence officer. I determined, God willing, to start off myself when it was day. Mu`izzu-l-mulk brought back the Amiru-l-umara.