Chapter IV: Part 4

I left Asaf Khan to guard Khusrau and defend Lahore. The Amiru-l-umara was deprived of the honour of waiting on me, as he had a severe illness and remained in the city. `Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri, who had been summoned from the Rana's country, was promoted to be bakhshi at headquarters, and it was ordered that in company with `Abu-l-hasan he should perform this service permanently. Following my father's rule, I appoint two men in association in the discharge of the chief offices, not from want of confidence in them, but because, as they are mortal and no man is safe from accidents or illness, if any confusion or obstacle should present itself to one the other is there so that the affairs of the servants of God may not come to ruin.

At this time also news came that at the Dasahra, which is one of the fixed feast days of the Hindus, `Abdu-llah Khan had made an incursion from Kalpi, which is his jagir, into the province of Bandilah, and displaying great valour made prisoner Ram Chand, son of Madhukar, who for a long time had made a centre of disturbance in that difficult country and taken him to Kalpi. For this service he was presented with a standard and raised to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse.

Petitions from the subah of Bihar represented that Jahangir Quli Khan had had a battle with Sangram, one of the chief zamindars of Bihar, who had about 4,000 horse and innumerable foot, on account of certain opposition and disloyalty on rough land, and that on the field the aforesaid Khan had exerted himself manfully. In the end Sangram died of a gunshot wound; many of his men fell in the battle, and those saved from the sword took to flight. Since this distinguished affair had been brought about by Jahangir Quli Khan, I promoted him to the rank of 4,500 personal and 3,500 horse.

Three months and six days passed by in hunting; 581 animals were captured with the gun, hunting leopards and nets, and a qamargah; of these 158 were killed by my own gun. The qamargah was held twice; on one occasion in Girjhak, when the ladies were present, 155 animals were killed; and the second time, in Nandina, 110. [164] The details of the animals killed are as follows: mountain sheep, 180; mountain goats, 29; wild asses, 10; Nilgai, 9; antelope, etc., 348.

On Wednesday the 16th Shawwal I returned safe from my hunting, and when one watch and six gharis of day had passed I entered Lahore on the day named. During this hunting a strange affair was witnessed. At Chandwalah, where a minaret had been erected, I had wounded in the belly a black antelope. When wounded, a sound proceeded from him such as I have never heard from any antelope, except in the rutting season. Old hunters and those with me were astonished, and said they never remembered nor had they heard from their fathers that such a voice issued from an antelope except at rutting time. This has been written down because it is not void of strangeness. I found the flesh of the mountain goat more delicious than that of all wild animals, although its skin is exceedingly ill-odoured, so much so that even when tanned the scent is not destroyed. I ordered one of the largest of the he-goats to be weighed; it was 2 maunds and 24 seers, equal to 21 foreign maunds (Persian). I ordered a large ram to be weighed, and it came to 2 maunds and 3 seers Akbari, equal to 17 Persian (wilayati) maunds. The largest and strongest of the wild asses weighed 9 maunds and 16 seers, equal to 76 Persian (wilayati) maunds. I have frequently heard from hunters and those fond of the chase that at a certain regular time a worm develops in the horns of the mountain ram, and that this worm causes an irritation which induces the ram to fight with his hind, and that if he finds no rival he strikes his head against a tree or a rock to allay the irritation. After enquiry it seems that the same worm appears in the horn of the female sheep, and since the female does not fight the statement is clearly untrue. Though the flesh of the wild ass is lawful food and most men like to eat it, it was in no way suited to my taste.

Inasmuch as before this time the punishment of Dulip and of his father, Ray Ray Singh, had been ordered, there now came news that Zahid Khan, the son of Sadiq Khan, and `Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Shaikh Abu-l-fazl, and Rana Shankar and Mu`izzu-l-mulk, with another force of mansabdars and followers of the Court, had heard news of Dulip in the neighbourhood of Nagor, which is in the subah of Ajmir, and having moved against him had found him. As he could find no way of escape, of necessity he planted a firm foot and came to blows with the royal army. After a short encounter he was badly beaten and gave over many to slaughter, and himself, taking with him his own effects, fled into the vale of ruin.

"With broken arms and loosened belt,
No power to fight and no care for head."

In spite of his old age, I continued Qilij Khan in his mansab because of his service under my father, and I ordered that he should get a jagir in the sarkar of Kalpi.

In the month Zi-l-qa`da the mother of Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka, who had given me her milk and was as a mother to me or even kinder than my own kind mother, and in whose lap I had been brought up from infancy, was committed to the mercy of God. I placed the feet of her corpse on my shoulders and carried her a part of the way (to her grave). Through extreme grief and sorrow I had no inclination for some days to eat, and I did not change my clothes.

FEAST OF THE SECOND NEW YEAR.

On Wednesday the 22nd Zi-l-qa`da, 1015 (10th March, 1607), when 3 1/2 gharis of the day had passed, the sun rose to his House of Honour. They decorated the palace after the usual fashion: a great entertainment was prepared, and having seated myself at an auspicious hour on the throne of accession I exalted the nobles and courtiers with kindness and favour. On this same auspicious day it was learned from the reports sent from Qandahar that the army sent under Mirza Ghazi, son of Mirza Jani, to succour (which had been appointed to assist) Shah Beg Khan, had entered the city of Qandahar on the 12th of Shawwal. When the Persians heard of the arrival of the victorious army at the last stage before the aforesaid city, [165] they became surprised and wretched and repentant, and did not draw rein until they had reached the Helmand, fifty or sixty kos distant.

In the second place it became known that the governor of Farah and a number of the officers of that neighbourhood had taken it into their heads, after the death of the late king, that in this confusion Qandahar might easily fall into their hands, and without waiting for an order from Shah `Abbas had collected together and won over the Chief of Sewistan (Sistan). Sending someone to Husain Khan, the governor of Herat they asked for support from him. He also sent a force. After that they turned to attack Qandahar. Shah Beg Khan, the governor of that place, seeing that battle has two heads, and that if (which God forbid!) he should be defeated he would lose possession of Qandahar, thought that to confine himself in a fort would be better than to fight. He therefore determined to hold the fort, and sent quick messengers to the Court. It happened that at this time the royal standards had started from Agra in pursuit of Khusrau, and had arrived at Lahore. Immediately on hearing this news (from Shah Beg Khan), a large force was sent off of amirs and mansabdars under Mirza Ghazi. Before the Mirza reached Qandahar the news had been carried to the Shah (of Persia) that the governor of Farah, with some of the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, had proceeded towards the province of Qandahar. Considering this an improper proceeding, he sent Husain Beg, a well-known man and one of his own intimates to make enquiries. He also sent a farman in their names that they should move away from the vicinity of Qandahar and go to their own places and abodes, because the friendship and amity of his ancestors with the dignified family of Jahangir Padshah were of old standing. That body, before the arrival of Husain Beg and the King's order, not being able to oppose the royal army, considered the opportunity of returning a favourable one. The said Husain Beg censured the men and started off to wait on me, which he had the honour to do at Lahore. He explained that the ill-fated army which had attacked Qandahar had acted without the order of Shah `Abbas. God forbid (he said) that in consequence of this any unpleasantness should remain in my mind. In short, after the victorious troops reached Qandahar, they, according to orders, delivered the fort over to Sardar Khan, and Shah Beg Khan returned to Court with the relieving force.

On the 27th Zi-l-qa`da, `Abdu-llah Khan, having brought Ram Chand Bandilah into captivity and chains, brought him before me. I ordered them to take the fetters from his legs, and bestowed on him a robe of honour, and handed him over to Raja Baso that he might take security and release him and a number of his relations who had been captured with him. This through my clemency and kindness came to pass. He had never imagined such clemency and kindness as I showed to him.

On the 2nd Zi-l-hijja I gave my son Khurram a tuman u tugh, a flag and drums, and bestowed on him the rank of 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and gave an order for a jagir. On the same day, having exalted Pir Khan, [166] son of Daulat Khan Lodi, who had come from Khandesh with the children of Daniyal, with the title of Salabat Khan and honoured him with the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and presented him with a standard and drums, I promoted him to the distinction of sonship (farzandi) beyond his fellows and equals. The ancestors and uncles of Salabat Khan's grandfather had been great and honourable among the tribe of Lodi. An earlier Daulat Khan, uncle of Salabat Khan's grandfather, when Ibrahim after his father Sikandar's death, began to behave ill to his father's amirs and destroyed many, became apprehensive, and sent his younger son, Dilawar Khan, to wait upon H.M. Babar in Kabul, and suggested to him the acquisition of Hindustan. As Babar also had this enterprise in mind, he at once proceeded in that direction, and did not turn his rein till he reached the neighbourhood of Lahore. Daulat Khan with his followers obtained the good fortune to wait upon him, and performed loyal service. As he was an old man, adorned with inward and outward excellencies, he did much good service. He (Babar) generally called him "father," and entrusting to him as before [167] the government of the Panjab placed its amirs and jagirdars under his jurisdiction. Taking Dilawar Khan with him he (Babar) returned to Kabul. When he (Babar) came a second time into the Panjab with intent to invade Hindustan, Daulat Khan waited on him, and about the same time died. Dilawar Khan was honoured with the title of Khankhanan and was with Babar in the battle he had with Ibrahim. In the same way he was permanently in waiting on the late king Humayun. In the thana of Mungir, at the time of his (Humayun's) return from Bengal, he fought bravely against Shir Khan Afghan, and was made prisoner on the field of battle. Although Shir Khan urged him to take service with him, he refused and said, "Thy ancestors were always the servants of mine: how, then, could I do this?" Shir Khan was enraged, and ordered him to be shut up in a wall. [168]

`Umar Khan, the grandfather of Salabat Khan Farzand, who was cousin of Dilawar Khan, had been treated with respect in the time of Salim Khan. After Salim Khan's death and the slaughter of Firuz, his son, at the hand of Muhammad Khan, `Umar Khan and his brethren became suspicious of Muhammad Khan and went to Gujarat, where `Umar Khan died. Daulat Khan, his son, who was a brave young man of pleasant appearance, and good at all things, chose the companionship of `Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Bairam Khan, who had been dignified with the title of Khankhanan in the reign of Akbar, and performed excellent service. The Khankhanan regarded him as his own brother, or even a thousand times better than his brother, and dearer. Most of the Khankhanan's victories were gained through Daulat Khan's valour and manliness. [169] When my revered father, having taken the province of Khandesh and the fort of Asir, returned to Agra, he left Daniyal in charge of that province and of all the provinces acquired from the rulers of the Deccan. At this time Daniyal had separated Daulat Khan from the Khankhanan, and was keeping him in attendance on himself and handing over to him for disposal all the business of the State. He showed him much favour and perfect affection until he died in his service. He left two sons, one Muhammad Khan, and the other Pir Khan; Muhammad Khan, who was the elder, died a short time after his father. Daniyal, too, wore himself out with drinking. After my accession I summoned Pir Khan to Court. As I discovered in him a good disposition and natural abilities, I raised the pedestal of regard for him to the point that has been described. To-day there is not in my government any person of greater influence than he, so much so that on his representation I pass over faults which are not pardoned at the intercession of any of the other servants of the Court. In short, he is a young man of good disposition, brave, and worthy of favour, and what I have done for him has been done rightly, and he will be exalted by further favours. [170]

As I had made up my exalted mind to the conquest of Mawara'a-n-nahr (Transoxiana), which was the hereditary kingdom of my ancestors, I desired to free the face of Hindustan from the rubbish of the factious and rebellious, and leaving one of my sons in that country, to go myself with a valiant army in due array, with elephants of mountainous dignity and of lightning speed, and taking ample treasure with me, to undertake the conquest of my ancestral dominions. In accordance with this idea, I despatched Parwiz to drive back the Rana, and intended to go myself to the Deccan, when just at that moment the improper action of Khusrau took place, and it became necessary to pursue him and put an end to that disturbance. For the same reason, the undertaking of Parwiz did not assume a promising appearance, and regarding the exigency of the time he gave a respite to the Rana. Bringing with him one of the Rana's sons, he came to wait on me, and had the bliss of attending me in Lahore. When I was at ease about Khusrau's disturbance, and the repulse of the Qizilbashes, who had invested Qandahar, had been brought about in a facile way, it came into my mind to make a hunting tour to Kabul, which is like my native land. After that I would return to Hindustan, when the purposes of my mind would pass from design to action. In pursuance of these steps, on the 7th Zi-l-hijja, at an auspicious hour, I left the fort of Lahore and took up my quarters in the Dil-amiz Garden, which is on the other side of the Ravi, and stayed there four days. Sunday, the 19th Farwardin, which is the culmination of His Majesty the Sun, I passed in the garden, and some of the servants of the Court were favourably and kindly honoured with increased rank. Ten thousand rupees were bestowed on Hasan Beg, the envoy of the ruler of Persia (Shah `Abbas). Leaving Qilij Khan, Miran Sadr Jahan, and Mir Sharif Amuli in Lahore, I ordered them to settle in consultation any matters that might present themselves. On Monday I marched from the garden mentioned, and encamped at the village of Harhar, 3 1/2 kos distant from the city. On Tuesday the royal standards alighted at Jahangirpur, which is one of my fixed hunting-places. In this neighbourhood had been erected by my order a manar at the head of the grave of an antelope called Mansaraj, [171] which was without equal in fights with tame antelopes and in hunting wild ones. On a stone of that manar was carved this prose composition, written by Mulla Muhammad Husain of Kashmir, who was the chief of the elegant writers of the day: "In this enchanting place an antelope came into the world-holding (jahan-giri) net of the God-knowing ruler Nuru-d-din Jahangir Padshah. In the space of one month, having overcome his desert fierceness, he became the head of the special antelopes." On account of the rare quality of this antelope, I commanded that no person should hunt the deer of this plain, and that their flesh should be to Hindus and Muhammadans as is the flesh of cows and pigs. They made the gravestone in the shape of an antelope. I ordered Sikandar Mu`in, the jagirdar of the aforesaid pargana, to build a strong fort in the village of Jahangirpur.

On Thursday, the 14th, I encamped in the pargana of Chandala. [172] Thence on Saturday, the 16th, making one stage in the middle, I came to Hafizabad. [173] I stayed in the station which had been erected by the exertions of the karori of that place, Mir Qiyamu-d-din. Having reached the Chenab in two marches on Thursday, the 21st Zi-l-hijja, I crossed the river by a bridge which had been built there and my camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Gujrat. At the time when His Majesty Akbar went to Kashmir, a fort had been built on that bank of the river. Having brought to this fort a body of Gujars who had passed their time in the neighbourhood in thieving and highway robbery, he established them here. As it had become the abode of Gujars, he made it a separate pargana, and gave it the name of Gujrat. They call Gujars a caste which does little manual work and subsists on milk and curds. On Friday I pitched at Khawasspur, five kos from Gujrat, founded by Khawass Khan, a slave of Shir Khan Afghan. Thence, with two halts in the middle, I pitched on the bank of the Bihat (Jhelam). On that night a great wind blew and a black cloud hid the face of the sky. The rain was of such violence that old men remembered none such. It turned to hail, and every hailstone was the size of a hen's egg. From the flooding of the river and the force of the wind and rain, the bridge broke. I, with the inmates of the harem, crossed in a boat. As there were few boats, I ordered the men not [174] to cross in these, but to rebuild the bridge. It was finished in a week, and the whole army crossed with ease. The source of the Bihat is a spring in Kashmir called the Vir-nag; in the language of India a snake is vir-nag. Clearly there had been a large snake at that place. I went twice to the spring in my father's lifetime; it is 20 kos from the city of Kashmir. It is an octagonal reservoir about 20 yards by 20. Near it are the remains of a place of worship for recluses; cells cut out of the rock and numerous caves. The water is exceedingly pure. Although I could not guess its depth, a grain of poppy-seed is visible until it touches the bottom. There were many fish to be seen in it. As I had heard that it was unfathomable, I ordered them to throw in a cord with a stone attached, and when this cord was measured in gaz it became evident that the depth was not more than once and a half the height of a man. After my accession I ordered them to build the sides of the spring round with stone, and they made a garden round it with a canal; and built halls and houses about it, and made a place such that travellers over the world can point out few like it. When the river reaches the village of Pampur, at a distance of ten kos from the city, it increases, and all the saffron of Kashmir is obtained in this village. I do not know if there is so much saffron in any other place in the world. The annual crop is 500 maunds by Hindustan weight, equal to 5,000 wilayat (Persian) maunds. In attendance on my revered father, I went to this place at the season when the saffron was in flower. On other plants of the world, first the branches (stems) shoot out and then the leaves and flowers. On the contrary, when the saffron stem is four fingers breadth from the dry ground, its flowers shoot out, of the colour of the iris, [175] with four petals, and in the middle are four threads (risha) of an orange colour like that of the flower, and of the length of a finger-joint. This is the saffron. The land is not ploughed [176] or irrigated, the plant springs up amongst the clods. In some places its cultivation extends for a kos, and in others for half a kos. It looks better from a distance. At the time of plucking, all my attendants got headache from its sharp scent. Though I drank wine and took a cup, I too got headache. I asked the animal-like Kashmiris, who were employed in picking the flowers how they felt. I ascertained that they had never experienced headache in their lives.

The waters from the spring Vir-nag and of other streams and nullahs that join from right and left form the river Bihat, which passes through the heart of the city. Its breadth in most places is not more than a bowshot. [177] No one drinks its water, because of its heaviness and indigestibility. All the people of Kashmir drink the water of a lake that is near the city, and is called Dall. The river Bihat enters this lake and flows through to the Panjab by the Baramula Pass, Pakli, and Dantur.

In Kashmir there is plenty of water from streams and springs. By far the best is that of the Lar valley, which joins the Bihat in the village of Shihabu-d-din-pur. This village is one of the celebrated places of Kashmir, and is on the Bihat. About a hundred plane-trees (chanar) of graceful form clustered [178] together on one plot of ground, pleasant and green, join each other so as to shade the whole plot, and the whole surface of the ground is grass and trefoil [179]; so much so that to lay a carpet on it would be superfluous and in bad taste. The village was founded by Sultan Zainu-l-`abidin, who for 52 years ruled Kashmir with absolute sway. They speak of him as the great Padshah. They tell many strange customs of his. There are many remains and traces of buildings of his in Kashmir. One of these is in the midst of a lake called Wulur, and of which the length and breadth are more than three or four kos. It is called Zain-lanka, and in making it they have exerted themselves greatly. The springs of this lake are very deep. The first time they brought a large quantity of stone in boats and poured it on the place where now the building stands it had no result. At last they sank some thousands of boats with stones, and with great labour recovered a piece of ground 100 gaz by 100 gaz out of the water, and made a terrace, and on one side thereof the Sultan erected a temple for the worship of his supreme God. Than this there is no finer place. [180] He often came to the spot by boat and engaged in worship of the King of Wisdom. They say he spent many "forty days" in that place. One day a wicked son of his came to that place to kill him, and finding him alone, drew a sword and went in. When his eye fell on the Sultan, however, on account of his venerable dignity and the might of his virtues, he became confused and bewildered and turned away. The Sultan shortly after came out and seated himself in the boat with this same son, and started for the city. On the way he said to his son, "I have forgotten my rosary; get into a canoe and fetch it for me." The son having gone into the temple sees his father in the same place, and the graceless man with complete shame of face falls at his father's feet and asks pardon for his fault. They have told many tales of such miracles as this of him, and they say also that he had well practised the science of khala`. [181] When, from the ways and methods of his sons, he perceived in them signs of haste in seeking for rule and government, he would say to them, "To me it is very easy to abandon rule, and even to pass away from life, but when I am gone you will do nothing and the time of your prosperity will not endure long, but in a short time you will obtain the recompense of your evil deeds and your own dispositions." Having spoken thus, he gave up eating and drinking, and passed forty days in this manner. He made not his eye acquainted with sleep, and employed himself after the manner of men of piety and austerity in the worship of God Almighty. On the fortieth day he gave up the deposit of his existence, and entered into the mercy of God. He left three sons--Adam Khan, Haji Khan, and Bahram Khan. They quarrelled with each other, and all three were ruined. The government of Kashmir was transferred to the tribe of the Chaks, who belonged to the class of the common soldiers of the country. During their dynasty three of the rulers constructed buildings on three sides of the terrace formed by Zainu-l-`abidin in the Wulur Lake, but none of these is as strong as his.

Autumn and Spring in Kashmir are things worthy to be seen. I witnessed the Autumn season, and it appeared to me to be better than what I had heard of it. I have never seen Spring in that province, but hope to do so some day. On Saturday the 1st of Muharram (18th April, 1607) I left the bank of the Bihat, and with one day between reached the fort of Rohtas, which was built by Shir Khan Afghan. This fort was founded in a cleft of the ground, and the strength of it cannot be imagined. As the place is near the Ghakhar territory, and they are a proud and rebellious people, he had looked to this fort specially as a means of punishing and defeating them. When a little of the building had been done Shir Khan died and his son, Salim Khan, obtained the grace to complete it. On each of the gates [182] they have carved on a stone the cost of erecting the fort; 16 krors, 10 lakhs of dams, and more were expended, equal in Hindustan reckoning to 4,025,000 rupees, and according to the currency of Iran to 120,000 tuman, and in the currency of Turan to 1 arb, 21 lakhs and 75,000 khani, that are now current. [183]

On Tuesday the 4th of the month, having travelled four kos and three-quarters, I encamped at Tila. [184] Thence I came down to the village of Bhakra. In the Ghakhar tongue bhakra [185] is a jungle. The jungle was composed of clusters of flowers, white and scentless. I came the whole way from Tila to Bhakra in the middle of the river-bed, [186] which had running water in it, with oleander flowers of the colour of peach-blossom. In Hindustan this plant is always in full bloom (purbar). There was much of it on the banks of this river. The horsemen and men on foot who were with me were told to put bunches of the flower on their heads, and whoever did not do so had his turban taken off; a wonderful flower-bed was produced.

On Thursday the 6th of the month the halting-place was at Hatya. On this road many palas-trees (Butea frondosa) were in blossom. This flower, too, is peculiar to the jungles of Hindustan; it has no scent, but its colour is flaming orange. The base of the flower is black; the flower itself is as big as a red rose. It is so beautiful that one cannot take one's eyes off it. As the air was very sweet and clouds had hidden the sun, and rain was gently sprinkled about, I felt an inclination to drink wine. In short this road was traversed with great enjoyment and pleasure. They call the place Hatya because it was founded by a Ghakkar named Hathi (elephant). From Margala to Hatya the country is called Pothuwar. [187] In these regions there are few crows. From Rohtas to Hatya is the place and abode of the Bhugyals, [188] who are related to and of the same ancestry as the Ghakkars.

Marching on Friday the 7th, I travelled 4 1/2 kos and alighted at the station of Pakka. [189] This place is called Pakka because the saray is of burnt brick, and in the Hindi language what is ripe (that is, not raw material) is called pakka. The station was strangely full of dust and earth. The carts reached it with great difficulty owing to the badness of the road. They had brought from Kabul to this place riwaj (rhubarb), which was mostly spoiled.

On Saturday the 8th we marched 4 1/2 kos and encamped at the village of Khar. [190] Khar in the Ghakkar language is a rent and breakage. There are few trees in this country. On Sunday the 9th I halted beyond Rawalpindi. This place was founded by a Hindu named Rawal, and pindi in the Ghakkar tongue means a village. In the valley near this station there was a stream flowing, the waters of which were collected in a pool. As this halting-place was not devoid of freshness I alighted there for a time, and I asked the Ghakkars the depth of the pool. They gave me no precise answer, but said they had heard from their fathers that there were alligators in the pool which wounded animals that came there, and on that account no one had the boldness to go in. I ordered them to throw in a sheep. It swam across the pool and came out. I then ordered a farrash to go in, and he also came out safe. It thus became clear that there was no foundation for what the Ghakkars had said. The pool was an arrow's flight in width.

On Monday the 10th the village of Kharbuza [191] was our stage. The Ghakkars in earlier times had built a dome here and taken tolls from travellers. As the dome was shaped like a melon it became known by that name. On Tuesday the 11th I halted at Kala-pani, which in Hindi means black water. There is a mountain pass (kotal) at this place called Margalla; in Hindi mar means to beat and galla is a caravan, the name therefore means the place of the plundering of the caravan. The boundary of the Ghakkar country is here. This tribe are wonderfully like animals; they are always squabbling and fighting with one another. Although I wished to put an end to this fighting, I was unable to do so.

"The soul of the fool is doomed to trouble." [192]

On Wednesday the 12th the camp was at Baba Hasan Abdal. One kos to the east of this station there is a waterfall over which the stream rushes with great force. There is no fall like it on the way to Kabul. On the road to Kashmir there are two or three like it. [193]

In the middle of the basin, in which is the source of the stream, Raja Man Singh has erected a small building. There are many fish in the basin of the length of half a gaz and a quarter gaz. I halted three days at this enchanting place, drinking wine with those who were intimate with me and employing myself in catching fish. Until now I had never thrown a sufra net, which is a famous kind of net, and which in Hindi they call bhanwar [194] jal. It is not easy to throw. I threw it with my own hand and caught twelve fish, and putting pearls into their noses, [195] let them loose in the water. I enquired into the story of Baba Hasan from the story-tellers and from the inhabitants of the place, but no one could tell me any particulars. The celebrated place at that station is a spring which flows from the foot of a little hill, exceedingly clear, sweet, and nice, as witness this couplet of Amir Khusrau:--

"In the bottom of the water, from its clearness, a blind man
Can count the sand-grains in the heart of the night."

Khwaja Shamsu-d-din Muhammad Khwafi, who was for long employed as Vizier by my revered father, had made a platform and a reservoir there, into which is led the water from the spring, and thence is used in cultivation and in gardens. On the edge of this terrace he had built a dome for his own burial. By chance his destiny was not there, and (the bodies of) Hakim Abu-l-fath Gilani and his brother Hakim Humam, who were close to the person and had the complete confidence of my revered father, were placed in that dome in accordance with his order.

On the 15th the halt was at Amrohi. [196] It is a wonderfully green place, in which no ups and downs were visible. In this village and its neighbourhood there are 7,000 or 8,000 households of Khaturs and Dalazaks. All kinds of mischief and oppression and highway robbery take place through this tribe. I ordered the government of this region and Attock to be given to Zafar Khan, son of Zain Khan Koka, and that by the time of the return of the royal standards from Kabul they should march all the Dalazaks to Lahore and capture the head men of the Khaturs and keep them in prison.

On Monday, the 17th, a march was made, and, with one stage in between, the royal standards alighted near the fort of Attock on the bank of the river Nilab (Indus). At this stage Mahabat Khan was promoted to the rank of 2,500. This fort was built by the late king Akbar, and was completed by the labours of Khwaja Shamsu-d-din Khwafi. It is a strong fort. At this time the water of the Nilab was low, [197] and accordingly a bridge had been made with eighteen boats, and the people crossed over easily. I left the Amiru-l-umara at Attock on account of weakness of body and illness. An order was given to the bakhshis that, as the province of Kabul could not support a large army, they should only allow the immediate attendants of the Court to cross the river, and until the return of the royal standards the royal camp should remain at Attock. On Wednesday, the 19th, with the princes and some of the private servants, having mounted on to a raft (with inflated skins underneath), and having crossed the river Nilab safely, I alighted on the bank of the river Kama. The Kama is a river that flows by the qasba (fortified town) of Jalalabad. The jala is a structure they make of bamboos and grass and place underneath it skins full of air. In this province they call them shal (or sal). In rivers and streams in which there are rocks they are safer than boats. 12,000 rupees were given to Mir Sharif Amuli and to a number of men, who had been appointed to perform services at Lahore, to divide amongst the faqirs. An order was given to `Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri [198] and to Bihari Das, bakhshi of the Ahadis, to complete the force that had been appointed to accompany Zafar Khan and send them away. With one stage in between, the camp halted at the saray of Bara. On the other side of the river Kama there is a fort which Zain Khan Koka built at the time when he was appointed to subjugate the Yusufza'e Afghans, and called Naushahr (Newcastle). About 50,000 rupees were spent upon it. They say that Humayun used to hunt rhinoceros in this region. I also heard from my father that he had twice or thrice witnessed such a hunt in the company of his father. On Thursday, the 25th, I alighted at the saray of Daulatabad. Ahmad Beg of Kabul, jagirdar of Peshawar, with the Maliks of the Yusufza'es and the Ghoriya-khel, came and waited on me. As the service of Ahmad Beg was not approved, I transferred him from that territory (wilayat) and conferred it on Shir Khan, the Afghan. On Wednesday, the 26th, I encamped in the garden of Sardar Khan, which he had made in the neighbourhood of Peshawar. I walked round Ghorkhatri, which is the worshipping-place of the jogis in this neighbourhood, with the idea that I might see some faqirs from association with whom I might obtain grace. But that was like looking for the phoenix or the philosopher's stone. A herd without any religious knowledge came to my view, from seeing whom I derived nothing but obscurity of mind. On Thursday, the 27th, I arrived at the halting-place of Jamrud, and on Friday, 28th, at the Khaibar Kotal (Khyber Pass) and encamped at `Ali Masjid, and on Saturday I traversed the tortuous (marpich, i.e. snake-twisting) Pass, and alighted at Gharib-khana. At this stage Abu-l-qasim Namakin, Jagirdar of Jalalabad, brought an apricot, which was not inferior in beauty to good Kashmir apricots. At the stage of Daka they brought from Kabul gilas (cherries), which my revered father had entitled Shah-alu. As I was much inclined to eat them, inasmuch as I had not (hitherto?) obtained them, I ate them with great zest as a relish to wine. On Tuesday, 2nd Safar, I encamped at Basawal, which is on the bank of the river. On the other side of the river there is a mountain which has no trees or grass on it, and on that account they call this mountain the hill of Bidaulat (unfortunate). I heard from my father that in mountains like this there are mines of gold. On the mountain of Ala Bughan, at the time when my revered father went to Kabul, I had had a qamargah hunt, and killed several [199] red deer. As I had handed over the administration of all civil affairs to the Amiru-l-umara, and his illness increased greatly, and forgetfulness came over his faculties to such an extent that what was settled in one hour he forgot in the next, and his forgetfulness was increasing day by day, on Wednesday, the 3rd Safar, I entrusted the duties of the viziership to Asaf Khan, presenting him with a special robe of honour, and inkstand and a jewelled pen. It was a remarkable coincidence that twenty-eight years previously to this, at the same halting-place, my revered father had promoted him [200] to the rank of Mir Bakhshi (chief paymaster). A ruby which his brother [201] Abu-l-qasim had bought for 40,000 rupees and sent him, he presented as an offering on obtaining the viziership. He petitioned that Khwaja Abu-l-hasan, who held the offices of bakhshi and the Qur, etc., might go with him. Jalalabad was transferred from Abu-l-qasim Namakin to Arab Khan. A white rock was present in the river-bed; I ordered them to carve it in the form of an elephant and cut upon its breast this hemistich, which agrees with the date of the Hijra year: "The white stone elephant of Jahangir Padshah," that is, 1016.

On the same day Kalyan, son of Raja Bikramajit, came from Gujarat. Certain extraordinary proceedings on the part of this rebellious rascal had been reported to me. Amongst these was this. He had kept a Musulman luli woman in his house, and for fear this affair should become known had killed her father and mother and buried them in his house. I ordered that he should be imprisoned until I could enquire into his proceedings, and after ascertaining the truth I ordered first that they should cut out his tongue and place him in perpetual confinement, and that he should eat his food with dog-keepers and outcasts. On Wednesday I encamped at Surkhab. Thence I alighted at Jagdalak. At this stage I saw many ballut [202]-trees (oak or chestnut), which are the best wood for burning. Although this stage had neither passes nor declivities there were plenty of rocks. On Friday, the 12th, I encamped at Ab-i-barik, and Saturday, the 13th, at Yurt-i-padshah. On Sunday, the 14th, I alighted at Khurd Kabul (little Kabul). At this stage I entrusted the Chief Justiceship and Qaziship of the city of Kabul to Qazi `Arif, son of Mulla Sadiq Halwa'i. They brought some ripe shah-alu (cherries) from the village of Gulbahar to this place; of these I ate with much enjoyment nearly a hundred. Daulat, the head of the village of Jigri [203](?), brought some uncommon flowers, such as I had never seen in my life. Thence I alighted at Bikrami. At this place they brought to show me a piebald [204] animal, like the flying (i.e. jumping) mouse, which in the Hindi tongue they call galahri (squirrel), and said that mice would not frequent any house in which this animal was. On this account they call this animal the master of mice. As I had never seen one before, I ordered my painters to draw a likeness of it. It is larger than a mongoose. On the whole it is very like a civet cat. Having appointed Ahmad Beg Khan to punish the Afghans of Bangash, I ordered `Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri, who was in Attock, to take 2,000,000 rupees under the charge of Mohan Das, son of Raja Bikramajit, with him, and divide it among the auxiliaries of the aforesaid army. One thousand musketeers were also ordered to accompany this army.

Shaikh `Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Shaikh Abu-l-fazl, was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and obtained the title of Afzal Khan. 15,000 rupees were presented to `Arab Khan, and 20,000 rupees more for the repair of the fort of Pesh Bulagh. [205] I bestowed Sarkar Khanpur [206] in fief on Dilawar Khan Afghan. On Thursday, the 17th, from the Mastan bridge as far as the Shahr-ara garden, which was the encamping place for the royal standards, scattering rupees, half-rupees, and quarter-rupees to faqirs and indigent persons on both sides of the road, I entered the aforesaid garden. It appeared to be very green and fresh. As it was a Thursday I gave a wine entertainment to my intimates, and on account of hilarity and excitement ordered those who were of equal age to myself and had been my playfellows to jump over the stream that flowed through the middle of the garden and was about four gaz in width. Most of them could not jump it, and fell on the bank or into the stream. Although I jumped it, yet now that I was 40 years of age I could not jump it with the activity that I had shown in the presence of my revered father when I was 30. On this day I perambulated seven of the famous gardens of Kabul. I do not think that I ever walked so far before.

First of all I walked round the Shahr-ara (city-adorning), then the Mahtab (moonlight) garden, then the garden that Bika Begam, grandmother of my father, had made, then passed through the Urta-bagh (middle garden), then a garden that Maryam-makani, my own grandmother, had prepared, then the Surat-khana garden, which has a large chanar-tree, the like of which there is not in the other gardens of Kabul. Then, having seen the Charbagh, which is the largest of the city gardens, I returned to my own abode. There were abundance of cherries on the trees, each of which looked as it were a round ruby, hanging like globes on the branches. The Shahr-ara garden was made by Shahr-banu [207] Begam, daughter of Mirza Abu Sa`id, who was own aunt to the late king Babar. From time to time it has been added to, and there is not a garden like it for sweetness in Kabul. It has all sorts of fruits and grapes, and its softness is such that to put one's sandalled [208] feet on it would be far from propriety or good manners. In the neighbourhood of this garden an excellent plot of land came to view, which I ordered to be bought from the owners. I ordered a stream that flows from the guzargah (ferry, also bleaching green) to be diverted into the middle of the ground so that a garden might be made such that in beauty and sweetness there should not be in the inhabited world another like it. I gave it the name of Jahan-ara (world-adorning). Whilst I was at Kabul I had several entertainments in the Shahr-ara garden, sometimes with my intimates and courtiers and sometimes with the ladies of the harem. At nights I ordered the learned and the students of Kabul to hold the cooking entertainment, [209] bughra, and the throwing of bughra, together with arghushtak dances.

To each of the band of Bughra'iyan I gave a dress of honour, and also gave 1,000 rupees to divide amongst themselves. To twelve of the trustworthy courtiers I ordered 12,000 rupees to be given, to be bestowed every Thursday, as long as I was in Kabul, on the poor and needy. I gave an order that between two plane-trees that were on the canal bank in the middle of the garden--to one of which I had given the name of Farah-bakhsh (joy-giver) and the other Saya-bakhsh (shade-giver)--they should set up a piece of white stone (marble?) one gaz in length and three-quarters of a gaz in breadth, and engrave my name thereon (and those of my ancestors) up to Timur. It was set forth on the other side that I had done away with the whole of the customs dues and charges of Kabul, and whichever of my descendants and successors should do anything contrary to this would be involved in the wrath and displeasure of God. Up to the time of my accession these were fixed and settled, and every year they took large sums on this account from the servants of God (the Muhammadan people in general). The abolition of this oppression was brought about during my reign. On this journey to Kabul complete relief and contentment were brought about in the circumstances of my subjects and the people of that place. The good and leading men of Ghaznin and that neighbourhood were presented with robes of honour and dealt kindly with, and had their desires excellently gratified.

It is a strange coincidence that (the words) ruz-i-panjshanba hizhdaham-i-Safar, [210] Thursday, 18th Safar, which is the date of my entry into Kabul, give the Hijra date thereof.

I ordered them to inscribe this date on the stone. Near a seat (takht) on the slope of a hill to the south of the city of Kabul, and which is known as Takht-i-shah, they have made a stone terrace where Firdus-makani (Babar) used to sit and drink wine. In one corner of this rock they have excavated a round basin which could contain about two Hindustani maunds of wine. He caused his own blessed name with the date to be carved on the wall of the terrace which is next to the hill. The wording is, "The seat of the king, the asylum of the world, Zahiru-d-din Muhammad Babar, son of `Umar Shaikh Gurgan, may God perpetuate his kingdom, 914 (1508-9)." I also ordered them to cut out of stone another throne parallel to this, and dig another basin of the same fashion on its side, and engrave my name there, together with that of Sahib-qirani (Timur). Every day that I sat on that throne I ordered them to fill both of the basins with wine and give it to the servants who were present there. One of the poets of Ghaznin found the date of my coming to Kabul in this chronogram--"The king of the cities of the seven climes" (1016). I gave him a dress of honour and a present, and ordered them to engrave this date on the wall near the aforesaid seat. Fifty thousand rupees were given to Parwiz; Wazir-al-mulk was made Mir Bakhshi. A firman was sent to Qilij Khan to despatch 170,000 rupees from the Lahore treasury for expenses of the army at Qandahar. After visiting the Khiyaban (avenue) of Kabul and the Bibi Mah-ru, I ordered the governor of that city to plant other trees in the place of those cut down by Husain Beg Ru-siyah (the black-faced). I also visited the Ulang-yurt of Chalak and found it a very pleasant place. The Ra'is of Chikri (Jigri?) shot with an arrow a rang [211] and brought it to me. Up to this time I had never seen a rang. It is like a mountain goat, and there is a difference only in its horns. The horns of the rang are bent, and those of the goat are straight and convoluted.

In connection with the account of Kabul the commentaries of Babar [212] passed in view before me. These were in his own handwriting, except four sections (juz' [213]) that I wrote myself. At the end of the said sections a sentence was written by me also in the Turki character, so that it might be known that these four sections were written by me in my own hand. Notwithstanding that I grew up in Hindustan, I am not ignorant of Turki speech and writing. [214] On the 25th Safar I with the people of the harem visited the julgah (plain) of Safid-sang, a very bright and enjoyable place. On Friday, the 26th, I enjoyed the blessing of a pilgrimage to (the tomb of) H.M. Firdus-makani (Babar). I ordered much money and food, bread, and sweetmeats for the souls of the departed to be distributed to faqirs. Ruqayya Sultan Begam, daughter of Mirza Hindal, had not performed a pilgrimage to her father's tomb, and on that day had the honour to do so. On Thursday, 3rd Rabi`u-l-awwal, I ordered them to bring my racehorses (aspan-i-dawanda) to the Khiyaban (avenue). The princes and the Amirs raced them. A bay Arab horse, which `Adil Khan, the ruler of the Deccan, had sent to me, ran better than all the other horses. At this time the son of Mirza Sanjar Hazara and the son of Mirza Mashi, who were the chief leaders of the Hazaras, came to wait on me. The Hazaras of the village of Mirdad produced before me two rangs [215] that they had killed with arrows. I had never seen a rang of this size; it was larger by 20 per cent. than a large markhur (?).