Chapter I: Appendix (1)

No. I.--INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN BOOK
THIRD AND FOURTH IN BUCHANAN'S EDITIONS OF
THE HISTORY, IN 1644, 569

NOTICES OF THE EDITOR, DAVID BUCHANAN, 584

No. II.--ON SPOTTISWOOD'S EDITION OF THE FIRST BOOK OF
DISCIPLINE, 587

No. III.--FUNERALS OF MARY OF GUISE, QUEEN REGENT OF
SCOTLAND, 590

No. IV.--NOTICES OF JOHN BLACK, A DOMINICAN FRIAR, 592

No. V.--NOTICES OF DAVID RICCIO, 595

No. VI.--THE ABBOTS OF CULROSS AND LINDORES IN 1560;
AND JOHN LESLEY, BISHOP OF ROSS, 598

GLOSSARY, 603

INDEX OF PERSONS, 619

INDEX OF PLACES, 639

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE present Volume completes THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND, and includes Book Fifth, which was published under Knox's name in 1644, but of which no manuscript copy has been discovered. Separate title pages are given, along with a Glossary and Index, as the History forms a distinct portion of the Reformer's Works; and these two volumes will probably be in the hands of many Members of the WODROW SOCIETY who may not be inclined to procure the remaining three, or more probably, four volumes of the series, in the event of some arrangement being made by which their publication, as proposed, shall ultimately be secured.

D. L.

EDINBURGH, _May_ 1848.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE PROGRESSE OF
TREW RELIGIOUN WITHIN THE REALME
OF SCOTLAND.

[Sidenote: NOTA.--HEBBURN AGAINST THE ERLE OF ARRANE BEING INNOCENT.]

[Sidenote: THE DROWNYNG OF THE FRENCHE.]

AFTER this our dolorous departing from Edinburgh,[1] the furye and the raige of the Frenche increassed; for then durst neither man nor woman that professed Christ Jesus within that toune be seyn. The housses of the most honest men war gevin by the Quene to Frenchemen for a parte of thair reward. The Erle Bothwell, by sound of trumpett, proclaimed the Erle of Arrane traytour,[2] with other dispytefull wourdes: whiche all was done for the pleasure and by the suggestioun of the Quene Regent,[3] who then thought the battell was won without farther resistance. Great practising sche maid for obteaneing of the Castell of Edinburgh. The Frenche maid thair faggottis, with other preparationis, to assault the said Castell either by force, or ellis by treassone. But God wrought so potentlie with the Capitane, the Lord Erskin,[4] at that tyme, that neither the Quene by flatterye, nor the Frenche by treassoun prevailled. Advertisementis with all diligence past to the Duck of Gwise, who then was King of France (as concerneing power to command[5]), requiring him then to make expeditioun, yf he desyred the full conquest of Scotland. Who delayed no tyme, but with a new armye send away his brother, Marquis Dalbuf, and in his company the Martikis,[6] promissing, that he himself should follow. But the rychteouse God, who in mercy looketh upon the afflictioun of those that unfeanedlye sob unto him, fought for us by his awin out-stretched arme; for, upon one nycht, upon the coast of Holand, war drowned of thame aughttein ensenzeis, so that onlye rested the schip in the whiche war the two principallis foirsaid, with thair Ladyis; who, violentlie dreven back agane to Deape,[7] war compelled to confesse, That God fawght for the defence of Scotland.

[1] As related in vol. i. page 462, the Lords of the Congregation,
after the unfortunate skirmish at Restalrig, on the 6th November 1559,
retreated to Linlithgow that night, leaving their artillery on the
streets of Edinburgh. See also Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 55, 271; and
Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 554. Sadler describes the
Protestants as retiring from Edinburgh, "bytuene one and two a clocke
in the mornyng;" and adds, "And the Quene Dowager and her French be
now in Edynburgh in gret tryumphe, the most parte of the substanciall
men of the same being fled out of the towne, with their hole
families."

[2] In a letter to Sadler, dated Stirling, 11th November 1559, Thomas
Randall says, "Upon Thursdaye last (9th November) the Erle of Arraine
received a cartell of defiance from the Erle of Bothwell, requyering
of him the combate; the copie whereof, and aunswer to the same, I will
bring with me." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 565.)

[3] The Earl of Bothwell had previously joined himself to the party of
the Queen Regent. According to the Treasurer's Account, on the 29th
October 1558, a messenger was sent with "clois writtingis of the Quene
to the Erle Bothwell, Lieutennant." On the 12th January 1558-9, James
Earl of Bothwell received £100, "be the Queen's precept, for keiping
of the Castell of Armitage, from the 15th day of September to the 15th
of Januar instant last bipast."

[4] John Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar: see vol. i p. 416.

[5] That is, Francis the Second, the young King of France, was wholly
governed by the Duke of Guyse, brother of the Queen Regent of
Scotland.

[6] In MS. G, "Marquis D'Albufe, and his cumpanie the Maritickis." In
the MS. of 1566, the name was originally written "Marquis D'Omall,"
but is corrected to "Dalbul," or "Dalbuf."--René de Loraine, Marquis
of D'Albeuf, was the seventh son of Claude de Loraine, first Duke de
Guyse. He was born in 1536, and died in 1566. (Anselme, Hist. Geneal.,
vol. iii. p. 492.) He was General of the French galleys.

[7] The town of Dieppe, in France.--On the 11th January 1559-60, Queen
Elizabeth wrote to the Duke of Norfolk: "Our shipps have bene stayed
with contrary wynds, and so be the French also;" and referring to what
Knox has stated, it is added, "We be advertised that Martiges is
dryven by wether into Denmark; and one thousand Frenchmen lost by
tempest in Zeland; so as it shuld seme that God is pleased the French
purposees should not so speedely be accomplished, as their meaning
is."--(Burghley State Papers, by Haynes, p. 223.)

Frome England returned Robert Melven,[8] who past in cumpanye to London with the Secreatarie,[9] a lytill befoir Christenmesse,[10] and brought unto us certane Articles to be ansuered, as by the contract that after was made, more planely shall appeir. Whairupon the Nobilitie convened at Striveling, and returned ansuer with diligence. Whairof the Frenche advertisshed, thei marched to Lynlythqw, spoiled the Duckis house, and waisted his landis of Kynneill;[11] and thairefter came to Striveling,[12] whair thei remaned certane dayis: (the Duck, the Erles of Ergyle and Glencarne, with thair freindis, passed to Glaskow; the Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, past to Sanctandrois; for charge was gevin to the haill Nobilitie, Protestantis, to keap thair awin bodyis, till that God should send thame farther supporte.) The Frenche took purpose first to assault Fyffe; for at it was thair great indignatioun. Thair purpose was, to have tacken and fortifyed the Toune and Abbay, with the Castell of Sanctandrois; and so thei cam to Culross, after to Dumfermeling, and then to Bruntyland, whair thei began to forte; but desisted thairfra, and marched to Kynghorne, upoun the occasioun as followeth.

[8] Robert Melville was the second son of Sir John Melville of Raith
(whose death is recorded by Knox, vol. i. p. 284.)

[9] William Maitland of Lethington, younger, was appointed by the
Queen Regent, Secretary of State, 4th December 1558. (Reg. Secr.
Sigilli.) He had previously been employed in her affairs. In September
1555, the Treasurer paid to William Maitland, "be the Quenis grace
precept, for his pensioun of this instant zeir," £150. On the 11th
February 1557-8, when sent in embassy to London, he received from the
Treasurer 600 crowns of the Sun, extending to £765; and on the 30th
March 1558-9, he received a similar sum, when "passand of Edinburgh to
London and France, on the Quenis grace affairis." He joined the
Protestants in October 1559.

[10] Maitland was accompanied by Thomas Randall, under the assumed
name of Barnabie, and they were expected at Newcastle on the 21st
November. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 592.) Some of Maitland's
letters at this time, also the "Instructions for the Lorde of
Lidington, how to conceyve and directe the sute and complaynte of us
the Nobles, Gentlemen, and Burgesses of Scotland, in this our
distresse, to the Quenis Majestie of England," dated 24th November,
are preserved by Sadler. (Ib. pp. 604, 628, 686, 716.)

[11] Kinneill House, in the parish of that name, now conjoined with
Borrowstounness, is the property, and was occasionally used as the
family residence of the Dukes of Hamilton.--The Treasurer, in October
1553, paid, "Be my Lord Gouernouris commande, to the masonis in
Kynnele, in drinksyluer, _at the laying of the ground-stane of the
Palice of Kynnele_." The house has a beautiful exposure on the south
side of the Frith of Forth, near where the old Roman Wall terminated.

[12] In the MS. of 1566, and Vautr. edit., "Stirveling."--It may be
remarked that several leaves of the MS. in this place form one of
those quires or sets which appear to have been rewritten, about 1570,
with very little attention to minute accuracy. Occasional corrections,
chiefly in orthography, have therefore been made on the authority of
the Glasgow MS., but few of such importance as to require special
notice.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE OF SUDDERLANDE SCHOTE]

When certane knowledge came to the Erle of Arrane, and to Lord James, that the Frenche war departed from Striveling, thei departed also from Sanctandrois, and begane to assemble thair forces at Cowper, and send thair men of warr to Kinghorne;[13] unto whome thair resorted diverse of the coast syd, of mynd to resist rather at the begynnyng, than when thei had destroyed a parte of thair townes. But the Lordis had gevin ane expresse commandiment, that thei should hasard nothing whill that thei thameselfis war present. And for that purpose was send unto thame the Lord Ruthven, a man of great experience, and inferiour to few in stowtnes. In his cumpany was the Erle of Sudderland,[14] send from the Erle of Huntley, as he alledged, to conforte the Lordis in thair afflictioun; butt otheris whispered, that his principall commissioun was unto the Quene Regent. Howsoever it was, he was hurte in the arme by the schote of ane haquebute; for the men of warr, and the rascall multitude, perceaving certane boatis of Frenchemen landing, whiche cam from Leyth, purposed to stoppe thair landing; and so, nott considering the ennemeis that approched from Bruntyland, unadvisedlie thei russhed doune to the Petticurr, (so is that bray be-west Kynghorne[15] called,) and at the sea-coast began the skarmissing, butt never took head to the ennemye that approached by land, till that the horsemen charged thame upon thair backis, and the hole bandis cam directlie in thare faces; and so war thei compelled to geve backis, with the loss of sex or sevin of thair men, and with the takein of some, amangis whome war twa that professed Christ Jesus, one named Paule Lambert,[16] a Ducheman, and a Frenche boy, fervent in religioun, and cleane of lyef, whome, in despyte, thei hanged ower the steaple.[17] Thou shall revenge, O Lord, in thy appointed tyme! The caus that in so great a danger thair was so small a losse, nixt unto the mercyfull providence of God, was the suddane cuming of the Lord Ruthven; for evin as our men had gevin backis, he and his cumpany came to the head of the bray, and did not onlie stay the Frenche footemen, but also some of ours brack upoun thair horsemen, and so repulsed thame that thei did no farther hurte to oure footemen. In that rencontare was the Erle of Sudderland foirsaid schote in the arme, and was caryed back to Cowper. The Frenche took Kinghorne, whair they lay, and wasted the countrey about, alsweall Papistis as Protestantis; yea, even those that war confidderat with thame, suche as Seafield, Weames, Balmowto, Balwearry, and otheris,[18] ennemyes to God and traytouris to thair countrey. Of those (we say) thei spaired not the scheipe, the oxen, the kyne, and horse; and some say that thair wyffis and doughtaris gatt favouris of the Frenche soldiouris. And so did God recompense the Papistis in thair awin bosomes, for, besydis the defoulling of thair housses, as said is, tuo of thame resavit more damage then did all the gentilmen that professed the Evangell within Fyff, the Laird of Grange onlye excepted, whose [house][19] of the Grange the Frenche owerthrew by gun pouder.

[13] On the 8th of January 1559-60. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p.
684.)

[14] John, tenth Earl of Sutherland. The Earl of Arran, and Lord James
Stewart, in a letter to Sadler, dated Dysart, 19th January, make
mention of the Earl of Huntly having sent "in commission to us, his
cousen the Erle of Sutherland, to offer unto us adjunction in our
common actioun in his name, and all his assistance; and, at the first
skirmishe, hazarding himself too farre, was shott in the left arme,
and hurt very evill; for which cause he is departed home, and shall
cause the Erle Huntley performe his promesse." (Vol. i. p. 691.) "The
Lorde of Southerland, sithens he was hurte, is becom a greate enemye
of the Franches." (Letter to Sadler, 4th February 1559-60. Ib. p.
702.) His wound did not prove fatal, but he died from the effects of
poison, in 1567, in the forty-second year of his age.

[15] In MS. G, "that Bey betuix Kinghorne."--The places here mentioned
are all well known, stretching along the coast of Fife, on the north
side of the Frith of Forth, to the west of Kirkaldy.

[16] In MS. 1566, "Paule Lambett."

[17] In MS. G, "over the stipell of Kinghorne."

[18] The persons here referred to, with other gentlemen of Fife, are
afterwards noticed by Knox, as having been apprehended by the Earl of
Arran and Lord James Stewart for the assistance they had rendered to
the French. Seafield and Balmuto are in the parish of Kinghorn; Wemyss
in the parish of that name; and Balweary in that of Abbotshall.

[19] Omitted in the MS.--The House of Grange is about a mile to the
north-east of Kinghorn, and in that parish.

[Sidenote: THE CASTEIN DOUN OF THE HOUSE OF THE GRANGE.]

The Quene Regent, proude of this victorie, burst furth in hir blasphemous rayling, and said, "Whair is now Johne Knox his God? My God is now stronger than his, yea even in Fyff." Sche posted to hir freindis in France news[20] that thousandis of the heretickis war slaine, and the rest war fled; and thairfoir requyred, that some Nobleman of hir freindis wald cum and tak the glorie of that victorye. Upon that informatioun was the Martikkis, with tuo schippis, and sum Captanis and horse, directed to cum to Scotlande; but litill to thair awin advantage, as we sall after heare.

[20] In MS. 1566, "of new."

[Sidenote: JOAN. 6]

The Lordis of the Congregatioun, offended at the folisheness of the rascall multitude, called to thameselfis the men of warr, and remaned certane dayes at Cowper; unto whome repaired Johne Knox, and, in our greatest disperatioun, preached unto us a most comfortable sermon. His text was, "The danger in whiche the disciplis of Christ Jesus stude quhen thei wer in the mydest of the sea, and Jesus was upon the mountaine." His exhortatioun was, "That we sould not faint, but that we sould still row aganis these contrarius blastis, till that Jesus Christ sould come; for (said he,) I am as assuredlie persuaded that God sall delyver us frome the extreme trowbill, as that I am assured that this is the Evangell of Jesus Christ whiche I preche unto [you] this day. 'The fourth watche is nocht yet come;' abyde a lytill: the boit salbe saved, and Peter, whiche hes left the boit, sall not droune. I am assured, albeit I cannot assure[21] you, be reason of this present rage; God grant that ye may acknawlege his hand, after that your eyes hes seine his delyverance."

[21] In MS. G, "affirme."

In that sermon he comforted manye. And yit he offended the Erle of Arrane; for, in his discourse upoun the manifald assaultis that the Churche of God had sustained, he brocht for exampille the multitude of strangeris that persewed Jehosaphat after that he had reformed religioun. He entreted the fear of the pepill, yea, and of the King himself att the first; but after, he affirmed, that Jehosaphat was stout, and to declair his courage in his God, he conforted his pepile and his souldiouris; he come fourth in the mydest of thame; he spak lovinglie unto thame. He keipit not himself (said he) inclosed in his chalmer, but frequented the multitude, and rejoised thame with his presence and godlie comforte. These, and the lyik sentences, took the said Erle to be spoken in reproache of him, because he keipit himself more close and solitary then many men wald half wisshed.

After these thingis, determinatioun was tacken that the Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, with the men of warr, and sum company of horsemen, sould goe to Dyserte, and thair lye to wait upoun the Frenche, that they distroyed not the sea-cost, as thei intendit utterlie to have doun. The said Erle, and Lord James, did as thei war appointed, albeit thair company was very small; and yet thei did so valiantlie, that it passed all credabilitie:[22] for twentie and ane dayis thei lay in thair clothes; thair buttis never come of: thei had skarmissing almost everie day; yea, some dayis, from morne to evin.[23] The Frenche war foure thousand souldiouris,[24] besyde thair favoreris and factioun of the countrey. The Lordis war never togidder fyve hundreth horsmen, with a hundreth souldiouris; and yitt thai held the Frenche so busye, that for everie horse thai slew to the Congregatioun, thai lost foure Frenche souldiouris.

[22] Several joint letters written by the Earl of Arran and Lord James
Stewart, between the end of November 1559, and February following,
communicating intelligence of their proceedings in Fife, are preserved
among Sir Ralph Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. pp. 620, _et seqq._)

[23] In MS. 1566, "inevin."

[24] Bishop Lesley estimates their number at about 2000.--(Hist. p.
281.)

[Sidenote: THE SLAUCHTER OF A FRENCHE CAPITANE, WITH HIS BAND.]

Willyeaume Kirkaldie of Grange, the day efter that his housse was cassein doun, send in his defiance to Monsieur D'Osell, and unto the rest, declaring, that to that hour had he used the Frenche favourablie: He had saved thair lyves, when that he mycht have suffered thair throttis to have been cuttit; bot seing thai haid usit him with that rigor, let thame not luik for that favour in tymes to cum. And unto Monsieur D'Osell he said, "He knew that he wald not gett him in the skirmissing, becauis he knew he was bot a cowart; bot it mycht be that he sould quyte him a commoun ather in Scotland, or ellis in France." The said Willyeaume Kirkaldie, and the Maister off Lyndsay, eschaped mony dangeris. The Maister had his hors slaine under him: the said Willyeaume was almost betrayed in his hous at Hawyairdis.[25] But yet thei never seased, bot nycht and day thai waitted upon the Frenche. Thai laid thameselves in a secreit place, with sum gentilmen befoir the day, to await upoun the Frenche, quho usit commonlie to isch in companyis, to seik thair pray; and so cam fourth ane Capitane Battu,[26] with his hundreth, and begane to spoilzie; quhom the said Maister, now Lord of Lyndsay,[27] and the said Wilyeaume, suffered, without declaratioun of thameselfis, or of thair cumpany, till that thai had thame more than a myle fra Kinghorne, and then begane the horsmen to brek; whiche perceved, the Frenche altogither drew to a place callit Glenniss[28] House, and maid for debait: sum tuik the housse, and utheris deffended the close and yaird. The hasard appereth verry unliklie, for oure men had na thing bot speris, and war compellit to lycht upoun thair feit. The other war within dykis; and everie man had culverinis: the schote was feirfull to mony, and dyverse war hourt, amongis quhome war Robert Hamiltoun,[29] and David Kirkaldie, brother to the said Laird, quho both war supposed to have bein slaine. The said Laird perceving men to faynt, and begyne to recule, said, "Fy, lett us never leive efter this day, that we sall recule for Frenche schybaldis;" and so the Maister of Lyndsay and he burst in at the yett, and so utheris followed. The Maister struik with his speir at La Battu, and glansing upoun his harness, for feirceness stamered almost upoun his kneis. But recovering suddendlie, he fessned his speir, and bare the Capitaine bakward, who, becauis he wald not be takein, was slaine, and fyftie of his cumpanie with hym. Those that war into the house, with sum utheris, war saved, and [sent] to Dundye to be kept. This mischance to the Frenche men maid thame to be more circumspect in scatring abrod into the countrie; and so the poore creaturis gat sum releive. To fourness thame[30] of victuelis, was appointed Capitane Cullen,[31] with tuo schippis, quho traveled betuix the south schoire and Kinghorne, for that purpois. For his waiges he spoilzied Kinghorne, Kirkaldie, and so muche of Dyserte as he mycht. For remedy quhairof war appointit tuo schippis from Dundye: Andro Sandis, a stout and fervent man in the cause of religioun, was the principall. This same tyme arrived the Martekis,[32] quho, without delay, landit himself, his cofferis, and the principall gentilmen that were with him at Leith,[33] leiving the rest in the schippis till better oportunitie. But the said Andro, and his companioun, streicking saill and making as thai wald cast anker hard besyde thame, burded thame both, and carried thame to Dundye. In thame war gotten sum horse, and muche harness, with sum uther triffilis; but of money we hard nocht. Heareat the Frenche offended, avowed the distructioun of Sanctandrois and Dundye; and so, upoun a Mononday in the morning, the xxiij. day of Januare,[34] thai marchit frome Dyserte, and passed the water of Levein;[35] ever keaping the sea-cost, be reassoun of thaire schippis and victuallis, as said is. About tuelf houris thai espyed schippis, (quhiche war seine that morning by us that war upoun the land, but war not knawin.) Monsieur D'Osell affirmed thame to be Frenche schippis, and so the souldiouris triumphit, schot thair volie for salutatioun, and marchit fordward till Kincraige,[36] fearing no resistance.

[25] Or, Hallyards, in the parish of Auchtertool. It afterwards came
into the possession of the Family of Skene.

[26] In Vautr. edit., &c., "Battu," and "Le Battu." Elsewhere he is
called Labast, Labatt; by Pitscottie "Labattie."

[27] Patrick, Master of Lyndesay, succeeded to the title as sixth Lord
Lyndesay of Byris, on the death of his father, in 1563.

[28] In Vautr. edit. "Glennish House." There is a place still named
Gleniston, near Loch Gelly, a few miles from Kinghorn, which belonged
in the 14th and 15th century, to Glen of Balmuto; the property, by
marriage, afterwards came into the family of Boswell. There was also
Glammis Tower, or Castle, an old stronghold which stood upon the
rising ground that overlooks the town of Kinghorn. (New Stat. Account,
Fife, p. 804.)

[29] This was probably Robert Hamilton whose name occurs in the
Treasurer's Accounts in the years 1561 and 1562, as Master of the
Artillery.

[30] In MS. G, "to furneis the Frenche;" Vautr. edit. has, "to furnish
them."

[31] The Queen Regent, in 1558, had made Captain James Cullen one of
the keepers of the town of Perth. As noticed, in the following page,
on the 24th January 1559-60, he and Captain Farny, "being in ane pink,
were taken; and also ane uther schip callit the Hoy, quhilkis were to
pas in Fyff, with munitioun to furneis the Frenche Campe." (Diurnal of
Occurrents, pp. 55, 272.) In January 1559-60, letters had been sent
"to caus all maner of provision, sic as breid, drink, flesche, fische,
and utheris necessaris, to follow the Frenche army in Fyffe."
(Treasurer's Accounts.) Payments to Captain James Cullen, then in the
Queen's service, occur in the Treasurer's Accounts, June and September
1566. His ultimate fate is recorded in the Diurnal of Occurrents, and
in Richard Bannatyne's Memorials: having been taken prisoner in the
Canongate on the 14th June 1571, he was tried at Leith, and beheaded
on the 17th July, at the instigation, it is said, of the Earl of
Morton.

[32] Count Stephen de Martigues. In a letter from Sir N. Throkmorton
to Queen Elizabeth, 7th October 1559, in reference to the levying of
troops to be sent from France to Scotland, he says, "for the
transporting whereof, it is said, one Monsieur Martigues is appointed
chief conducteur; who is a Gentleman of the Kingis chamber, of the
state of a Conte, in good estimacioun, and heretier to the Duke de
Temps: and there be ships already in order at Calais, and other parts
upon this side." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 248.) In another
letter, it is said, "The Marques D'Albeuf and Martigues are appointed
to take shipping at Calice, the last of this monethe, November," (Ib.
p. 257;) and letters of a subsequent date contain other allusions to
their progress. See _supra_, page 4, note 3. In a letter to Cecil,
written from Dover, 24th January 1559-60, Throkmorton, reports the
information he had then received, "That Martigues hath been all this
his missinge tyme in the North Isles of Orkeney; and that he is now
salfflie arryved in Scotlande, with his viii enseignes of footemen,
and well landed them all," with the exception of one of the ships
which was driven away by the violence of the weather, before the men
were put ashore, and was supposed to be lost. (Ib. p. 307.) He also
mentions the capture, at night, of one of the ships, after all the
stuff had been taken out of it. On the 22d February he informs the
High Admiral of England, that the Marquis D'Elbeuf, "now soddenly,
upon the newes of the late overthrow of fyve ensigns of their foote in
Scotland, not far from Inskieth, and a good personage lost, (referring
to La Battu,) which are lately brought hither, as I wrote to you
before, he is now hastened away." (Ib. p. 333.) Bishop Lesley calls
him "Monsieur Martigo, ane valyant and curageous Capitane," and says,
that upon his arrival at Leith, in the month of November, "with ane
thousand guid souldiouris, he was appointed crownell of the hoill
Frenche army." (Hist. p. 280.)

[33] Martigues landed at Leith on the 11th January 1559-60, (Diurnal
of Occurrents. pp. 55, 272.)

[34] Monday was the 22d of January.

[35] The Water of Leven is a small river which comes from the
celebrated Loch of that name, in Kinross-shire, and flows into the sea
at the town of Leven on the Frith of Forth.

[36] Kincraig is in the parish of Kilconquhar, and the headland under
the name of Kincraig Hill, rises to the height of about 200 feet above
the level of the sea, with a small bay between Earlsferry point.

But schorte efter, the Ingliche schippis mett with Capitain Culein, and seased him and his schippis,[37] quhiche maid thame a litill to muse. But suddentlie come Maister Alexander Wood, who had bein upoun the Admirall,[38] and assured Monsieur D'Osell, that thai wer Inglissmen, and that thai war the foir-ryderis of a gretter number that followed, who war send for the supporte of the Congregatioun. Thair mycht have bein seine the ryveing of a baird, and mycht have bein hard suche dispyte, as cruell men use to spew furth quhile as God[39] brydellis thair furie. Weariness and the nycht constrained thame to luge thair. Thai sowped skarslie,[40] becaus thair schippis war takein, in the quhilk was thair victuellis and ordinance, quhiche thai intendit to have placed in Sanctandrois. Thai thameselvis durst nocht stray abrod to seake; and the Laird of Weymmes cariage, whiche lykwyis was cumming with fournissing unto thame, was stayit. And thairfoir, bytymes in the mornyng, thai retired towardis Kinghorne, and maid more expeditioun in one day in returning, then thai did in two in marching fordward.

[37] See note 3, page 11.

[38] Mr. Winter, Vice-Admiral of the English fleet, which arrived at
this time in the Frith of Forth, in the view of aiding the Protestants
against the French auxiliaries. In the Appendix to Keith's History,
(vol. i. p. 408,) are inserted the "Instructions given by the Queen's
Majesty, to William Winter, Esq., Master of the Ordnance of her
Majesty's Admiralty, sent at this present to the seas with fourteen
armed ships to sail to Scotland," from a MS. in the Cottonian Library,
written in the hand of Secretary Cecil, and dated 16th December 1559.

[39] In Vautr. edit. "when God."

[40] In Vautr. edit. "they supped scarsly." MS. G. reads, "they
sleiped scarsly."

The storme, whiche had continuit neire the space of a moneth, brak in the verry tyme of thair reteiring, quhairby mony thocht thei sould have bein stayit, till that reasonabill cumpanie mycht have bein assemblit to have fouchtein thame; and for that purpois did Wilyeaume Kirkcaldy cut the Brig of Toullibody.[41] But the Frenche, expert aneuch in suche factis, tuik doun the roofe of a parish kirk, and maid a brig over the same watter,[42] called Dovane; and so thai eschapit, and come to Striveling, and syne to Leith. Yit in thair retourning thai lost dyverse; amongis quhome thair was one quhois miserable end we man rehers. As the Frenche spoilyied the countrye in thair retourning, one capitaine or soldiour, we cannot tell, bot he had a reid cloik and a gilt morrion,[43] entered upoun a poore woman, that dwelt in the Whytsyd, and began to spoyle. The poore woman offered unto him suche breid as sche had reddy prepared. But he, in no wayis thairwith content, wald have the meill and a lytill salt beiff whiche the poore woman had to susteine hir awin lyfe, and the lyves of hir poore chylderein; neather could tearis, nor [pitifull] wourdis,[44] mittigat the merciles man, but he wald have quhatsoever he mycht carie. The poore woman perceving him so bent, and that he stoupped doun in hir tub, for the taking foorth of suche stufe as was within it, first cowped up his heillis, so that his heid went doun; and thairefter, outher[45] by hirself, or if ony uther cumpanie come to help hir, but thair he endit his unhappie lyfe; God so punissing his crewell hairt, quho could nocht spair a misserable woman in that extremetie. "Let all suche soldiouris receve suche rewaird, O Lord, seing that thou art the revenger of the oppressed."

[41] The village of Tullibody, in the parish of Alloa, and county of
Clackmannan. Tullibody House, the seat of Lord Abercromby, is situated
near the banks of the Forth. The Church, which was partially
demolished by the French in January 1559-60, is a building of great
antiquity. In the course of the last century, it was new roofed and
repaired, to serve as the burial-place of the family, and has
occasionally been used as a preaching station. The destruction of the
Church of Tullibody is mentioned in the several histories of the time.
Although the French were enabled to "make ane sure passage, baith for
horsemen and footemen," to cross the water, and came to Stirling on
the 28th of that month, Pitscottie relates, that they had to remain
"all that night in Fotherik Muire, without either meat or drink, and
many of them were slaine or they could get the bridge prepaired."

[42] In MS. G, "the said water;" in Vautr. edit. "the same water."
Evidently the Black Devon, a small river which rises in the western
part of Fife, and falls into the Forth below the town of Clackmannan;
and, therefore, to be distinguished from the Devon itself, which has
its source on the northern declivity of the Ochil Hills, and after
passing through Glen Devon, celebrated for its romantic scenery, falls
into the Frith of Forth about two miles above Alloa.

[43] In MS. 1566, "morrow."

[44] Both MS. G, and Vautr. edit. have, "nor pitifull words."

[45] In MS. 1566, "houyer:" MS. G has "quhidder;" and Vautr.
"whither."

* * * * *

And now, because that frome this tyme forward, frequent mentioun will be maid of the comfortable support that we, in oure greattest extremetie receved, by Goddis providence, frome oure nychtbouris of Ingland, we think it expedient simply to declair by quhat instrumentis that mater was first moved, and by quhat meanis it come to passe, that the Quene and Counsell of Ingland schew thameselves sa favorable unto us.

As Jhonne Knox had foirwairned us, by his letteris frome Geneva, of all dangeris that he foirsaw [to] ensew on our enterpryse; so quhen he come to Deip, myndfull of the same, and revolveing with himself quhat remedy God wald pleis to offere, he tuike the boldnes to wreit to Sir Williame Cycill, Secretarie of Ingland, with quhome the said Jhonne had bein befoire familiarlie acquented, intending thairby[46] to renew acquentence, and so to oppen farther of his mynd.[47] The tennour of his first Letter followis:--

"_The Spreit of Jugement, Wisdome, and Sanctificatioun, I wishe unto you, by Jesus Chryst._

[46] In MS. 1566, "in sending."

[47] In Vautrollier's editions, and in the later MSS. (A., E., I., L
2, &c.) the whole of this paragraph is omitted, and also the following
Letter from Knox to Cecil, written from Dieppe in April 1559. The free
strain of the letter was not calculated to conciliate the favour of
the English statesman; and we need not be surprised to find Cecil, in
a letter dated "from the Court," on the last of October, saying to
Sadler, "_Of all others Knoxees name_, if it be not Goodman's, _is
most odious here_; and therefore I wish no mentioun of hym
hither."--(State Papers, vol. i. p. 532.)

[Sidenote: Jhone Knox first letter to Sir Williame Cecyll.]

"As I have no plaisour with long wretting to trouble you, Rycht Honorable, quhois mynd I knaw to be occupyed with most grave maters,[48] so mynd I nott greattlie to lawboure by long preface to conciliat your favouris, quhilk I suppoise I have allreddy, (howsomer rumouris bruit the contrarie,) as it becummeth one member of Chrystis body to have of ane uther. The contentis, thairfoire, of these my presentis sal be absolved in tuo pointis. In the former, I purpois to discharge, in breve wordis, my conscience towardis you: and in the uther, somquhat must I speik in my awin defence, and in defence of that poore floke, of lait assembled in the most godlie Reformed Churche and citie of the warld, Geneva. To you, Sir, I say, that as frome God ye have receavit lyfe, wisdome, honoris, and this present estait, in the quhilk now ye stand, so aucht you whollie[49] to employ the same to the advancement of his glorie, who onlie is the author of lyef, the fountaine of wisdome, and quho most assuredlie doeth, and will honour and glorifie these, that, with sempill hairtis, do glorifie him; quhiche, allace, in tymes past ye have nott doun; bot bein overcum with comoun iniquitie, ye have followed the warld in the way of perditioun. For to the suppressing of Christis trew Evangell, to the erecting of idolatrie, and to the schedding of the blood of Goddis most deare childrein have you, by silence, consented and subscryvit. This youre most horrible defectioun frome the treuth knawin, and anis professed, hath God to this day mercifullie spared; yea, to manis judgement, he hath utterlie forgottin and pardoned the same. He hath not intreated you as he hath done utheris, (of lyke knawlege,) quhome in his anger, (bot yet most justlie, according to thair desertis,) he did schoirtlie stryk efter thair defectioun. But you (gyltie in the same offenses) he hath fostered and preserved, as it wer in his awin bosome, during the tyme of that most miserable thraldome of that professed ennemie of God, mischeivous Marie: and now hath he sett you at such liberty, as the furie of Goddis ennemeis can nott hurt you, except that willinglie aganis his honour, ye tak pleisour to conspyre with thame. As the benefeit quhiche ye hath received is greit, so most Goddis justice requyre of you a thankfull hairt; for seing that his mercie hath spared you, being trator to his Majestie; seing farder, that amanges youre ennemeis he hath preserved you; and, last, seing, although wourthie[50] of hell, he hath promoted you to honoris and dignitie,[51] of you must he requyre (becauis he is just) earnest repentence for your former defectioun, a hairt myndfull of his mercifull providence, and a will so reddy to advance his glorie, that evidentlie it may appeire, that in vaine ye have nott receved these graces of God; to performance quhairof, of necessitie it is, that carnall wisdome and wardly policie, (to the which both, ye are bruitted too muche inclyned,) gif place to Goddis simple and naked treuth. Verry love compellit me to say, that except the Spreit of God purge youre hairt frome that vennum, which your eis have seine to have bein distructioun till utheris, that ye sall nott lang escaip the rewaird of dissembleris. Call to mynd quhatt your earis heard proclamed in the chapell[52] of Sanct James, quhen this verse of the first Psalme was entreated, "Not so, O wicked, nott so; bot as the dust which the wind tossed," etc. And consider, that now ye travaill in the same way which then thai did occupy; plainlie to speak, now are ye in that estait and creddit, in the whiche ye sall ather confort the sorrowfull and afflicted for rychteousness saik, or ellis ye sall molest and oppugne the Spreit of God speaking in his messingeris. The confortares of the afflicted for godlines have promise of confort in thair greatest necessiteis; but the trubleris of Goddis servandis, (how contemned that ever[53]thai appeir befoire the warld,) are threatned to leive thair names in execratioun to the posteriteis following. The examples of the one and of the uther are nott onlye evident in Scriptures, bot also have bein laitlie manifested in England. And this is the conclusioun of that, whiche to youre self, I say, Except that in the cause of Chrystis Evangell ye be found semple, sincear, fervent, and unfeaned, ye sall taist of the same copp, whiche politick headis have drunkein in befoire you.

[48] In MS. 1566, "grevous matter."

[49] In MS. 1566, "holylie."

[50] In MS. 1566, &c., "that you, wourthie of."

[51] Sir William Cecil, the eminent statesman, had been Secretary of
State in the reign of Edward VI. Under Queen Mary, he acted with so
much caution, although known to be a Protestant, that he remained
unmolested, professing, among other reasons, "that he thought himself
bound to serve God first, and next the Queen; but if her service
should put him out of God's service, he hoped her Majesty would give
him leave to chuse an everlasting rather than a momentary service."
From the strain of Knox's letter to him, it might be inferred he had
complied more ostensibly with the Romish party; but immediately upon
Queen Elizabeth's accession to the throne, Cecil became a Privy
Councillor, and was reinstated in his office of Secretary. He was
afterwards raised to the peerage as Lord Burghley, and was appointed
Lord High Treasurer. He died in 1598.

[52] In MS. G, "what you hard proclamed in the chapell."--This
probably refers to a discourse by Knox himself, in 1553, when
preaching as one of the King's chaplains, before Edward the Sixth.

[53] In MS. 1566, "how contemp that iver."

[Sidenote: THE WARST IS NOTT YITT COME.]

"The uther poynt concerning my self, and that poore flocke now dispersed, and (as I heir say) rudelie intreated, is this: By dyverse messingeris I have requeisted suche previleges as Turkis comounlie do grant to men of everie natioun; to wit, that fredome sould be granted unto me peceablie to travell throucht England,[54] to the end that with greater expeditioun I mycht repair towardis my awin countrie, quhilk now beginneth to thrist for Chrystis treuth. This requeist I thocht sa reassonable, that almost I had entered the realme without licence demandit; and yeit I understand that it had bein so rejected, that the solistaris thairof did hardlie eschaip empresement.[55] And some of that flocke I heir to be so extremelie handled, that those that most cruellie have shed the blood of Goddis most deare childrein, find this day amangis you greattar favouris then thei do. Allace, this appereth muche to repugne to Christiane cheritie; for quhatsoevir hath bein my offence, this I feare nott to affirme in thair causses, that if ony whiche have suffered exyle in these most dolorus dayis of persecutioun, deserve prais and commendatioun, for peace, concorde, sober and quiet liveing, it is thei. And as for me, how criminall that ever I be in Goddis presence, for the multitude of my synnes; yet befoire his justice-seat I have a testimonie of guid conscience, that sence my first acquentance with England, willinglie I never offended persone within it, (except in oppin chayre to reprove that whiche God condemneth) can be judged offense. But I have, (say you,) wreittin a treassonable [booke] aganis the Regiment and Impyre of Women: If that be my offense, the poore flocke is innocent, (except suche as this day do fastest cry treasoun:) For, Sir, in Goddis presence I wreitt, with none in that cumpany did I consult befoire the finisheing of the same; and, thairfoire, in Chrystis name, I requyre that the blame may ly upoun me allone. The wreitting of that Booke I will nott deny, but to prove it treassonable I think it salbe hard. For, Sir, no more do I doubt of the treuth of my principall propositioun, then that I doubt that this was the voce of God whiche first did pronunce this penaltie aganis woman, "In doloure sall thou beare thy chyldrein." It is bruitted, that my Booke is or salbe writtin against. Yf so be, Sir, I greatlie feare that flattereris sall rather hurte nor mend the mater, which thei wald seame to mainteine; for, except that my error be plainlie schawin and confuted be better authoritie then by suche lawis as frome yeir to yeir may and do change, I dar nott promitt silence in so wechtie a besines, leist that in so doing, I sall appear to betray the verretie whiche is not subjected to the mutabilitie of tyme. And if ony think me ather ennemye to the Persone or yet to the Regiment of her quhome God hath now promoted, thei are utterlie deceived of me. For the miraculouse wark of God, conforting his afflicted by ane infirme veschell, I do acknawlege, and the power of his most potent hand (raiseing up quhome best pleiseit his mercie to suppresse such as fecht aganis his glorie) I will obey, albeit that boyth nature and Goddis most perfyt ordinance repugne to suche regiment. Moir plainlie to speik, yf Quene Elizabeth sall confesse, that the extraordinarie dispensatioun of Goddis great mercie macketh that lauchfull unto her, whiche boyth nature and Goddis law do deny to all women, then sall non in England be more willing to mainteine her lauchfull authoritie then I salbe: But yf (Goddis wonderouse werk sett asyd) scho ground (as God forbid) the justnes of her title upoun consuetude, lawis, or ordinances of men; then I am assured, that as suche foolishe presumpcioun doeth heyghlie offend Goddis supreame majesty, so do I greatlie feare that her ingratitude sall nocht lang lack punishement. And this in the name of the eternall God, and of his sone Jesus Chryst, (befoire quhome boyth you and I sall stand, to mak accomptes of all counsall we geve,) I requyre you to signifie unto Her Grace in my name; adding, that onlie humilitie and dejectioun of herself before God salbe the firmitie and stabilitie of her throne, quhilk I knaw sall be assulted mo wayis then one. Yf this ye conceill[56] frome Her Grace, I will mak it patent to the warld that thus far I have communicated with you, haveing also farther to speik, yf my weik judgement may be hearde. Allace, Sir, is my offense (althocht in that tyme, and in that mater, I had writtin ten bookis) so haineuse that I can nott have licence, by preacheing of Christ Jesus, to refreshe thoise thrustye saulles whiche long have laicked the watter of lyffe. No man will I presentlie accuse; butt I greatlie fear, that the leprouse have no plaisour to behald thair faces in the cleir glasse. Lett none[57] be affrayed that I requyre to frequent the Courte, ather yet of any continuance to remaine in England; but onlye thristis in passing furthe to my awin native countrie to communicat with you and sum uther, suche thingis as willinglie I list nott to committ to paper, neither yet to the knawledge and creddit of many; and then, in the Northe pairtes, to offer Goddis favouris to suche as I suppoise do murne for thair defectioun. And this I trust salbe no less profitable to Her Grace, and to all godlie within England, then it sould be pleiseing to me in the flesche.

[54] This desire of Knox, repeated so frequently in subsequent
letters, to be allowed to visit England, was ungraciously refused, or
allowed for many months to pass unnoticed. On the 9th of July, after
Knox had reached Scotland, but still expressing the same anxious
desire to see his brethren in the North of England, Cecil wrote to Sir
Nicholas Throkmorton: "_Knoxe desireth to come hyther_: if he might
come secretly, I wold allow it; otherwise not." On the 13th of June,
Throkmorton, in a letter to Queen Elizabeth, had mentioned that Knox's
wife and his mother-in-law were then in Paris, intending to return
through England, and that he had promised letters in their favour to
Secretary Cecil; and he entreated her Majesty to overlook "his former
faultes." On the 19th of July, after stating "of what importance the
successe of thinges touching religion in Scotland is for us,"
Throkmorton strongly urges upon Cecil the expediency "that Knokes have
liberty to repair into England, how short soever his abode be there."
(Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 129, 155, 167.) From Cecil's own
letter, on the 28th of July, (see page 34,) it appears that he had
requested Knox to meet him at Stamford; but the course of events, as
related at page 32, prevented his travelling beyond Berwick.

[55] In MS. G. "imprisonment."

[56] In the MS. of 1566, "thei counsall."

[57] In MS. G, "Lat no man."

"This is the thrid tyme that I have beggit licence to visite
the hungrie and thristie amangs you, whiche, yf now be
denyed, as befoire God I have a testimonie, that so muche I
seik nott myself, as the advancement of Chrystis Evangell,
and the conforte of suche as quhome I knaw afflicted; so sall
the godlie understand that England, in refuseing me, refuseth
a friend, how small that ever the power be. The mychtie
Spreit of the Lord Jesus muve youre hairte deaplie to
consider youre dewtie unto God, and the estait of that Realme
in whiche, by his appointement, ye now serve. From Deape, the
[22d][58] of Aprile 1559.

(_Sic subscribitur_,) "Youris to command in godlines, "JHONE
KNOX."

[58] This date is supplied from the original, in the Harl. MSS.
(British Museum) No. 7004. In the MSS. of Knox's History, it is dated
the 10th of April.

To this letter was no answer maid; for schorte thairefter the said Jhone Knox maid forduard to Scotland by sea, where he landed the thrid day of Maij;[59] and had suche successe as in the Secound Booke is declaired. The said Jhone being in Sanctandrois efter Cuper Mure,[60] entred in deipe discourse with the Laird of Grange: the dangeris war evident, butt the supporte was nott easie to be seine. Efter many wordis, Jhone Knox burstit furth as followis: "Yff England wald foirsie thair awin comoditie, yea, yf thai did consider the danger quhairin thei thameselfis stand, thai wald nott suffer us to perishe in this quarrell; for France hath decreit no less the conquest of England then of Scotland." After long reassoning, it was concluded betuix thame two, that supporte sould be cravit of England; and for that purpois, the said Laird of Grange first wreit to Sir Harie Percie,[61] and efter raid frome Edinburgh and spak with him; to quhome he maid so plaine demonstratioun of the danger appeiring to England, that he tooke upoun him to wreit to the Secretarie Cycill; quho with expeditioun returned answer bak agane, geving him to understand, thatt oure interpryse altogitther myslyked nott the Counsall, albeit that thei desyrit farther resolutioun of the principall Lordis. Whiche thing understand, it was concluded by some[62] to wreitt unto him plainlie oure hoill purpois. The tennor of oure letter was this:--

[59] There is a slight discrepancy in the date of Knox's arrival in
Scotland. Here it is the 3d of May 1559, but at page 318 of vol. i.,
the 2d of that month is the day specified.

[60] In June: see vol. i. p. 325.

[61] See _infra_, note 1, page 33.--Letters from Kirkaldy of Grange to
Sir Henry Percy, between the 23d June and 1st July 1559, are preserved
in the State Paper Office.

[62] The words, "by some," are omitted in MS. G.

THE FIRST LETTER TO [SIR] WILLYAUME CYCILL, FRA THE LORDIS OF THE CONGREGATIOUN.

[Sidenote: LETT THE ENNEMYE SAY, GIF THAIR HOPE BE NOTT FRUSTRAT.]