Chapter III: Personis Subject to Discipline (2)

[595] John Lockhart of Bar, in the parish of Galston, Ayrshire. He
died before 10th May 1575, when his son John Lockhart of Bar was
served his heir. (Retours, Ayr, No. 13.)

[596] In the edit. 1621, this name is omitted. George Corrie of
Kelwood was served heir of his father, Thomas Corrie of Kelwood, "qui
obiit sub Majestatis vexillo in bello de Fausyde," 25th October 1547.
(Retours, Ayr, No. 2.) He was alive in December 1580. (Pitcairn's
Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 89.)

[597] John Schaw of Haly, near Largs, in Ayrshire.

[598] Andrew Hamilton of Lethame, in Lanarkshire. He was Captain of
the Castle of Dumbarton in 1546. He went to France on a mission in
1550, and had a charter under the Great Seal of the lands of
Drumcross, in the county of Linlithgow in 1552. He was at the Raid of
Stirling in 1571, and died before 1585. (Anderson's House of Hamilton,
pp. 320, 469.)

[599] Alexander Earl of Glencairn: see vol. i. p. 72. He died in the
year 1574. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[600] Andrew, second Lord Stewart, of Ochiltree or Uchiltree, in
Ayrshire. He succeeded to the title in 1548, and survived till near
the close of the 16th century.

[601] Edward Lord Crichton of Sanquhar, ancestor of the Earls of
Dumfries (now represented by the Marquis of Bute.) He died 23d May
1569, and was succeeded by "his son and air, Robert, now Lord
Creichton," who was then a minor. (Register of Confirmed Testaments,
8th March 1573-4.)

[602] Sir James Sandilands, Lord St. John, and afterwards Lord
Torphichen: see vol. i. p. 301, vol. ii. p. 125.

[603] William fifth Lord Hay of Yester, was served heir of his father
in 1559. He died in August 1576.

[604] Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, ancestor of the Marquesses of
Queensberry, was Knighted by the Governor of Scotland in 1553, and
appointed Warden of the West Marches. He died in 1578.

[605] William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in Ayrshire. He died in
January 1575-6. (Register of Confirmed Testaments, 17th April 1577.)

[606] In edit. 1621, "James Maxwell." As John sixth Lord Maxwell was a
minor at his father's death in 1552, and was not served heir till May
1569, it was no doubt Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis, (who became Lord
Herries in 1567,) whose signature was attached to the Book of
Discipline.

[607] George Fenton of Fenton was probably succeeded by "John Fenton
of that Ilk," to whom the three daughters of Patrick Quhitlaw of
Quhitlaw were served heirs-portioners of their grand-uncle (_abavus_),
30th March 1586. (Retours, Haddington, Nos. 399, 400, 401.)--In MS.
1566, the name is made "George Seton." As Lord Seaton was the head of
the family, there could be no Seaton of that Ilk; and George fifth
Lord Seaton never joined the Reformers.

[608] Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar, in Kirkcudbrightshire, the
ancestor of the Earls of Kenmure. In 1555, he was appointed Justiciary
of the Lordship of Galloway. He survived till the year 1604. (Douglas
and Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 25.)

* * * * *

According to Knox, (see page 129,) who is followed by Calderwood, Petrie, Spotiswood, and other writers, in addition to the above Subscribers to the Book of Discipline, there were,

WILLIAM, EARL MARISCHALL.
JOHN, EARL OF MENTEITH.
JAMES, EARL OF MORTON, (afterwards Regent.)
JOHN, LORD LINDESAY of the Byris.
PATRICK MASTER OF LINDESAY.
SIR ALEXANDER STEWART, Younger of Garlies, (who was
slain at Stirling in September 1571.)

THE FOURT BOOK OF THE PROGRESSE AND CONTINUANCE OF TREU
RELIGIOUN WITHIN SCOTLAND.

IN the former Bookis,[609] gentill Reidar, thou may clearlie see how potentlie God hath performed, in these our last and wicked dayis, alsweall as in the aiges that have passed befoir us, the promisses that is maid to the servandis of God, by the propheite Esais, in these wordis:--"Thei that waite upoun the Lord shall renewe thair strenth; thei sall lift up the wynges as the egles: thei shall runne, and not be wearie; thei shall walke, and not fainte." This promeise, we say, suche as Sathan hath not utterlie blyndit may see performed in us, the professouris of Christ Jesus, within this Realme of Scotland, with no les evidencye, than it was in any aige that ever have passed befoir us. For what was oure force? What was our nomber? Yea, what wisdome or warldlie pollicey was into us, to have brought to ane goode end so great ane interpryse? Oure verray enemyes can bear witnesse. And yit in how great puritie God did establisse amanges us his treu Religioun, alsweall in doctrine as in ceremonyes! To what confusion and fear war idolateris, adulteraris, and all publict transgressoris of Goddis commandimentis, within short tyme brought? The publict ordour of the Churche,[610] yet by the mercy of God preserved, and the punishmentis executed against malefactouris, can testifie unto the world. For as tueching the doctrine taught by our Ministeris, and as tueching the administratioun of Sacramentis used in our Churches, we ar bold to affirme, that thair is no realme this day upoun the face of the earth, that hath thame in grettar puritie;--yea, (we mone speak the treuth whomesoever we offend,) thair is none (no realme, we meane) that hath thame in the lyek puritie: For all otheris (how synceare that ever the doctrine be, that by some is taught,) reteane in thair churches, and the ministeris thairof, some footsteppis of Antichrist, and some[611] dreggis of Papistrie;[612] but we (all praise to God alone) have no thing within oure Churches that ever flowed frome that Man of synne: And this we acknowledge to be the strenth gevin unto us by God, because we esteamed nott our selves wyise in oure awin eyes, but understanding our hoill wisdome to be but meare foolishnes, befoir [the Lord] our God, layed it asyd, and followed onlie that whiche we fand approved by him self.

[609] In MS. L4, is this note at the top margin, "This Preface was not
written by Mr. Knox untill the moneth of Maij 1566." This indeed we
learn from Knox's own words, in the second following page. In the MS.
1566, the commencement of Book Fourth forms part of one of the
re-written quires or sets.

[610] MS. G, has always "Kirk;" MSS. M, and L4, "Churche."

[611] In MS. G, "some" is omitted. In MS. L 4, "some degrees."

[612] In the margin of MS. G, "Witness the tippets and cornered
cappes."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST PETITIOUN OF THE PROTESTANTIS OF SCOTLAND.]

In this poynt could never our enemyes caus us to fainte, for Our first Petitioun was, "That the reverent face of the primitive and apostolick Churche should be reduced agane to the eyes and knowledge of men."[613] And in that poynt, we say, our God hath strenthened us till that the work was finished, as the world may see. And as concerning the suppressing of vice, yea, and of the abolishing of all suche thingis as myght nureise impietie within the Realme, the actes and statutis of the principale Townes reformed will yitt testifie: For what adulterar, what fornicatour, what knawin messe-mongare, or pestilent Papist, durst have been seen in publict, within any reformed town within this Realme, befoir that the Quene arryved? And this victorie to his wourde, and terrour to all fylthie lyvaris, did oure God wirk by such as yit leave and remaine witnesses (whither thei will or not) of the foirsaid workis of our God. We say, our God suffered none of those whome he first called to the battell, to perishe or to fall, till that he maid thame victouris of thair ennemyes: For evin as God suffered none of those whome he called frome Egypt to perishe in the Red Sea, how fearfull that ever the danger appeared; so suffered he none of us to be oppressed, nor yit to be takkin from this lyeff, till that mo Pharaoes then one war drowned, and we set at fredome, without all dangear of our ennemyes; to lett boyth us and our posteritie understand, that suche as follow the conducting of God can not perishe, albeit that thei walked in the verray schaddo of death.

[613] See the Petitions referred to, in vol. i. pp. 306, 333, &c.

[Sidenote: THE CAUS OF THE TRUBILLIS OF THE KIRK WITHIN SCOTLAND FLOWED FROME THE COURTEIRS THAT SEEMED TO PROFESS THE EVANGELL.][614]

[614] MS. L 4, adds to this marginal note, the words, "and did it
not,"

But frome whence (allace) cumeth this miserable dispersioun of Goddis people within this Realme, this day, Anno 1566, in Maij?[615] And what is the cause that now the just is compelled to keap silence? good men ar banished, murtheraris, and such as ar knowin unworthie of the commoun societie, (yf just lawis war put in deu executioun,) bear the hoill regiment and swynge within this Realme? We answere, Becaus that suddandlie the most parte of us declyned from the puritie of Goddis word, and began to follow the warld; and so agane to schaik handis with the Devill, and with idolatrie, as in this Fourte Booke we will hear.

For whill that Papistis war so confounded, that none within the Realme durst more avow the hearing or saying of Messe, then the theavis of Lyddesdaill durst avow thair stowth in presence of ane upryght judge, thair war Protestants found, that eschamed not at tables, and other open places, to ask, "Why may nott the Queyn have hir awin[616] Messe, and the forme of hir Religioun? What cane that hurte us or our Religioun?" And from these two, "Why" and "What," at lenthe sprange out this affirmative, "The Quenis Messe and hir Preastis will we manteine: this hand and this rapper sall feght in thair defence, etc."

[615] This "dispersioun of Goddis people," refers to what occurred
shortly after the murder of David Riccio, when besides the persons who
were implicated in that outrage, many others, like Knox himself, who
had rendered themselves obnoxious to the Queen, were obliged to fly
from Edinburgh for safety. As Knox was employed at this time, while
residing in Kyle, in continuing his History, this may serve to
explain, although not to justify, the very strong language which he
frequently uses in mentioning Queen Mary, and the license of the
courtiers.

[616] MS. G. omits "awin."

The inconvenientis war schawin, both by tongue and pen; but the advertissaris war judged to be men of unquyet spreatis. Thair credytt was defaced at the handis of suche as befoir war not eschamed to have used thair counsall, in materis of greattar importance then to have resisted the Messe. But then, my Lord, my Maister, may nott be thus used: he hes that honour to be the Quenis brother; and thairfoir we will that all men shall understand that he man tender her as his sister; and whosoever will counsall him to displease her, or the least that apperteanes unto hir, shall not find him thair freind; yea, thei ar worthy to be hanged that wald so counsall him, etc.

[Sidenote: THE CORRUPTIOUN THAT ENTERED IN THE QUENIS COURTE.]

[Sidenote: THE THEOLOGIE OF THE COURTE, AND THAIR REASSONIS.]

These and the lyke reassonis took suche deape roote in flesche and bloode, that the trewth of God was almost foryett; and from this fontaine (to wit, that flesche and blood was, and yitt allace, is preferred to God, and to his messengeris rebucking vice and vanitie) hath all our miserie proceeded. For as befoir, so even yitt, althought the Ministeris be sett to beg, the Guard and the Men of war maun be served. Though the blood of the Ministeris be spylt, it is the Quenis servand that did it. Althought Messes be multipleyed in all quarteris of the Realme, who can stop the Quenis subjectis to lyve of the Quenis religioun. Althought innocent men be empreasoned, it is the Quenis pleasur: sche is offended at such men. Althought under pretence of justice innocentis be crewellie murthered; the Lordis shall weape, but the Quenis mynd must be satisfeid. Nobillis of the Realme, Baronis and Counsallouris ar banished, thair eschaittis disponed, and thair lyves maist injustlie persewed. The Quene hes lost hir trusty servand Davy: he was dear unto hir; and thairfoir, for hir honouris sake, sche maun schaw rigour to revenge his death. And yit farther, albeit that some know that sche hes plainlie purposed to wrak the religioun within this Realme; that to that Romane Antichrist sche hath maid hir promeise; and that from him sche hath tackin money to uphold his pompe within this Realme; yit will thai lett the people understand, that the Quene will establisse religioun, and provide all thingis ordourlie, yf scho war anes delivered.

[Sidenote: THIS WAS WRITTEN WHEN THE SECOUND RANK OF THE LORDIS WAS BANISSHED.][617]

[617] The Glasgow MS. of Book Fourth, as stated in the preface, vol.
i. p. xxxiii. formed originally a separate volume, and was written
apparently some years earlier than the first three Books. It contains
marginal notes, so nearly _verbatim_ with the MS. 1566, as to leave
little doubt of its having been copied from it, probably about the
year 1580. But to the above marginal note, after "banisshed," there is
added: "Anno 1566, after Davie's slauchter."

Yf such dealings, which ar commoun amangis our Protestantis, be nott to prefer flesche and blood to God, to his treuth, to justice, to religioun, and unto the libertie of this oppressed Realme, let the warld judge. The plagues have bein, and in some part ar present, that war befoir threatned; the rest ayproaches: And yitt who from the heart cryis, "I have offended; the Lord knows: in Thee onlie is the trust of the oppressed; for vaine is the help of man." But now return we to our HISTORIE.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS LAST ARRIVAL IN SCOTLAND.][618]

[618] In MS. G, "The Quenis arryval from France."

THE nyntene day[619] of August, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir ane yearis, betwix sevin and aught houris befoir noon, arryved MARIE QUENE OF SCOTLAND, then widow, with two galayis furth of France.[620] In[621] hir cumpany, (besydis hir gentilwemen, called the Maries,)[622] war hir thre uncles, the Duck D'Omall,[623] the Grand Priour,[624] and the Marques D'Elbuf.[625] Thare accumpanyed hir also,[626] D'Anweill, son to the Constable of France, with other gentilmen of inferiour conditioun, besydis servandis and officiaris.[627] The verray face of heavin, the time of hir arryvall, did manifestlie speak what confort was brought unto this cuntrey with hir, to wit, sorow, dolour, darknes, and all impietie; for in the memorie of man, that day of the year, was never seyn a more dolorous face of the heavin, then was at hir arryvall, which two days after did so contineu; for besides the surfett weat,[628] and corruptioun of the air, the myst was so thick and so dark, that skairse mycht any man espy ane other the lenth of two pair of buttis. The sun was not seyn to schyne two dayis befoir, nor two dayis after. That foir-warning gave God unto us; but allace, the most pairt war blynd.

[619] In MSS. A, M, and L 4, "The twentie day."

[620] The Queen arrived in Leith harbour on Tuesday the 19th August
1561, and landed on the following day.

[621] In MSS. M, and L 4, instead of the next five lines, there is
substituted this sentence, which is also copied by Calderwood, (vol.
ii. p. 142,) "Shee brought with her als faire Jewells, pretious stones
and pearles as wer to be found in Europe. Her tapestrie, and other
stuff wer brought to Leith, in October. The verie face," &c.

[622] Celebrated in Scotish Song: see "The Queen's Marie," in Sir W.
Scott's Border Minstrelsy. One of the verses in this ballad of Mary
Hamilton, thus names them:

Yestreen the Queen had four Maries,
The night she'll hae but three;
There was Marie Seaton, and Marie Beaton,
And Marie Carmichael, and me

Bishop Lesley in describing the persons who accompanied the young
Princess in her voyage to France in 1548, (see vol. i. p. 219,) says,
"Of the quhilkis thair was four in speciall, of whome everie one of
thame buir the samin name of Marie, being of four syndre honourable
houses, to wyt, Flemyng, Levingstoun, Setoun, and Beatoun of Creich;
quho remanit all foure with the Quene in France, during her residens
thair, and returned agane in Scotland with her Majestie, in the yeir
of our Lorde J^m V^c lxj yeiris." (History, p. 209.) And in his
account of the Queen's arrival in Scotland in 1561, he repeats that
she was attended "with many ladies and gentillwemen, speciallie the
four maidis of honour quha passit with hir Hienes in France, of hir
awin aige, the name everie ane of Marie, as is before mentioned." (Ib.
p. 297.) Buchanan, in his verses, The Pomp of the Gods at the Marriage
of Queen Mary, 29th July 1565, speaks of her _five_ Maries. When she
arrived in this country she was still in her first dule or mourning
dress. But on the 11th November some change was made in the dresses of
her pages and maidens; and one of the entries in the Treasurer's
Accounts on that day, is as follows:--"Item, be the Quenis Grace
precept, to Jacques de Soulis, talliour to hir Grace, to gif the
Madynnis efter following, viz. to ---- Flemyng, ---- Betoun,
---- Sunpartew, ---- Levingstoun, ---- Seitoun, ---- Wardlaw, to by
thair secund dule, ilk ane of the said five, ix lib., and to the said
Wardlaw, x lib. vij s.--Summa, £55, 7s." There was also furnished
black stannyng for clokis, and black velvet to 14 dames, damosels, and
maidens, "to be thair secund dule;" to the extent of £144, 18s., and
£112, 16s. 3d. Also, on the 18th, £4, 10s. for gray mantill claith, to
be a gown, lined with green, for hir Grace's Fule; and on the 28th,
£23, for "quhite tafiteis of the cord," and "red tafiteis of the foure
threidis," to the Lady Seitoun.

[623] Claude de Lorraine, Duke d'Aumale, third son of Claude Duke de
Guise, was born in 1526. He was in the army, and gave proofs of his
courage. He was killed at the siege of Rochelle, by a cannon ball,
14th March 1573.

[624] Francis de Lorraine, seventh son of Claude Duke de Guise, was a
Knight of Malta, Grand Prior, and General of the French galleys or war
vessels. He distinguished himself in the wars with the Turks in 1557;
and died from the effects of his exertions at the battle of Dreux, 6th
March 1563, aged 29.

[625] René de Lorraine, Marquis d'Elbeuf, was the youngest son of
Claude Duke de Guise, and was born in 1536. He became successor to his
brother Francis in 1563, as General of the French galleys; but he died
in 1566, aged 30.

[626] Henry second son of Anne Duke de Montmorency, and Constable of
France, is known in history as the Seigneur de Damville. He was born
in 1534, and upon the death of his elder brother in 1579, he succeeded
to the Dukedom, and survived till 1614. (Anselme, Histoire
Genealogique, vol. iii. p. 605.)

[627] In the Queen's retinue, among other persons of note, was Peter
de Bourdeille, known by the name of the Sieur de Brantome, of which he
was Abbot. He was attached to the Court as one of the gentlemen of the
bed-chamber to Charles IX., and Henry III. of France. He owes his
distinction to his posthumous Memoirs, which serve at least
sufficiently to illustrate the licentious and corrupt state of manners
of the time. In his _Vies des Dames Illustres_, there is a _Discours_
on Mary Queen of Scots, who, he says, on the day of her nuptials with
Francis, "paroistre cent fois plus belle qu'une Deesse du Ciel." He
died in July 1614, at the age of 87.

[628] In MS. G, "surfece weitt." MS. L 4, follows that of 1566, in
"surfett."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST GRACE IN DISPYTE OF RELIGIOUN.]

At the sound of the cannonis whiche the galayis schot, the multitude being advertissed, happie was he and sche that first myght have the presence of the Quene. The Protestantis war not the slowest, and thairintill thai war not to be blamed.[629] Becaus the Palace of Halyrudhous was not throughlie put in ordour, (for hir cuming was more suddane[630] than many looked for,) sche remaned in Leyth till towardis the evenyng, and then repaired thitther. In the way betwixt Leith and the Abbay, met hir the rebellis of the craftis, (of whom we spak befoir,[631]) to wit, those that had violated the authoritie of the Magistratis, and had besieged the Provost. But, because sche was sufficientlie instructed, that all thai did was done in dispite of the religioun, thai war easilie apardoned. Fyres of joy war sett furth all nyght, and a cumpany of the most honest,[632] with instrumentis of musick, and with musitians, geve thair salutationis at hir chalmer wyndo.[633] The melody, (as sche alledged,) lyked hir weill; and sche willed the same to be contineued some nightis after.

[629] Instead of this sentence, in MSS. M, and L 4, we find, "Shee wes
honnorablie receaved be the Erle of Argyle, the Lord Areskin, Lord
James, and other Noblemen, and the Citizens of Edinburgh. Becaus," &c.

[630] The Queen's arrival was earlier than was expected. On the 7th of
August, the Treasurer had paid messengers passing "with clois
writings" of the Lords of Secret Counsall to the Nobility and
Magistratis, and others, "to be in Edinburgh with thair honorable
cumpaneis to the Quenis grace enteres furth of France, _agane the last
day of August_." It has been seen that she landed on the 20th of that
month.

[631] See pages 155-159.

[632] In MS. G, "of most honest men." MSS. A, and L 4, "the most
honest."

[633] Brantome in his account of the Queen's arrival, takes notice of
the thick fog (grand broüillard) which prevailed, so that they could
not see from one end of the vessel to the other. His account of the
serenading of the pious minstrels, is very unlike that of the text.
His words are,--"Le soir, ainsi qu'elle se vouloit coucher, estant
logée en-bas en l'Abbaye de l'Islebourg, qui est certes un beau
bastiment, et ne tient rien du Pays, vindrent sous la fenestre cinq ou
six cent marauds de la ville, luy donner aubade de meschants violons
et petits rebecs, dont il n'y en a faute en ce pays-la; et se mirent à
chanter Pseaumes, tant mal chantez et si mal accordez, que rien plus.
He! quelle musique! et quel repos pour sa nuit!"

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST MESSE.]

[Sidenote: LORD JAMES [HIS] FACT.]

[Sidenote: CONVOYARIS OF THE PREAST.]

With great diligence[634] the Lordis repared unto hir from all quarters. And so was nothing understand[635] but myrth and quyetness till the nixt Sunday, which was the xxiiij of August, when preparatioun began to be maid for that idoll the Messe to be said in the Chapell; which perced the hartis of all. The godlie[636] began to bolden; and men began openlie to speak, "Shall that idoll be suffered agane to tack place within this Realm? It shall not." The Lord Lyndesay, (then but Maister,)[637] with the gentilmen of Fyiff, and otheris, plainlie cryed in the close, "The idolater Preast should dye the death," according to Goddis law. One that caryed in the candell was evill effrayed; but then began flesche and blood to schaw the self. Thair durst no Papist, neathir yitt any that cam out of France whisper. But the Lord James[638] (the man whom all the godlye did most reverence) took upoun him to keap the Chapell door. His best excuse was, that he wald stop all Scotishe men to enter in to the Messe. But it was, and is sufficientlie known, that the door was keapt, that nane should have entress to truble the Preast; who, after the Messe, was committed to the protectioun of Lord Johne of Coldinghame,[639] and Lord Robert of Halyrudehouse,[640] who then war boyth Protestantis, and had communicat at the Table of the Lord. Betwix thame two was the Preast convoyed to his chalmer.

[634] In MS. G, these words are added to the previous sentence. MS. L
4, follows that of 1566.

[635] In MS. G, "understude."

[636] In MS. G, "which perceaved, the hearts of all the godlie." In
MS. M, "The hearts of the godly being pierced with that grosse
abhomination, began to bowden and swell." In MS. L 4, "pierced all the
heartis of the godlie, that they began to bowden and swell."

[637] Patrick, eldest son of Lord Lindesay, was styled Master of
Lindesay, during his father's life. As already noticed, he succeeded
to the title in 1563.

[638] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews.

[639] Lord John Stewart, a natural son of James the Fifth, had the
Priory of Coldingham conferred on him in his youth. He has previously
been mentioned (_supra_, page 88) as having joined the Reformers.

[640] Lord Robert Stewart, also a natural son of King James the Fifth,
by Euphemia Elphinstone, daughter of Lord Elphinstone. He had a grant
of the Abbacy of Holyrood in 1539, when only seven years of age. See
vol. i. p. 458, and a subsequent note in the present volume.

[Sidenote: THE END IS NOTT YITT SEANE.]

And so the godlie departed with great greaf of heart, and at after noon repaired to the Abbay in great companeis, and gave plane significatioun, that thai could not abyd that the land which God by his power had purged from idolatrie, should in thair eyes be polluted agane. Which understand, thair began complaint upoun complaint. The old dounty-bowris, and otheris that long had served in the Court, and hes no remissioun of synnes, but by virtew of the Messe, cryed, "Thai wald to France without delay: thai could not live without the Messe." The same affirmed the Quenis Uncles. And wold to God that that menzie, togitther with the Messe, had tacken good nyght at this Realme for ever; for so had Scotland bene rydd of ane unprofitable burthen of devouring strangearis, and of the maledictioun of God that hes stricken, and yitt will strike for idolatrie.

[Sidenote: THE PERSUASIOUN OF THE COURTEOURIS.]

The Counsall assembled, disputatioun was had of the nixt remeadye. Polytick headis war send unto the Gentilmen, with these and the lyke persuasionis, "Why, allace, will ye chase our Soverane from us? Sche will incontinent return to hir galayes; and what then shall all Realmes say of us? May we nott suffer hir a lytill whill? We doubt not but sche shall leave it. Yf we war not assured that sche myght be wonne, we should be als greate ennemyes to hir Masse, as ye should be. Hir Uncles will depart, and then sall we reull all at our plesour. Wold not we be as sorry to hurt the Religioun as any of you wald be?"

With these and the lyke persuasionis, (we say,) was the fervencie of the Bretheren quenched; and ane Act[641] was framed: the tennour whairof followeth:--

[641] This Act is not contained in the existing volumes of the Privy
Council Records.--In MS. M, the Act itself is omitted, but its purport
is briefly stated.

APUD EDINBURGH, XXV^{TO} AUGUSTI ANNO &C. LXI^O.

FORSAMEKLE as the Quenis Majestie hes understand the great inconvenientis that may come, through the divisioun presentlie standing in this Realme, for the difference in materis of Religioun, that hir Majestie is most desirous to see [it] pacifeit be ane good ordour, to the honour of God, and tranquillitie of hir Realme, and meanes to tack the same be advyse of hir Estaitis, sa soon as convenientlie may be; and that hir Majesties godlie resolutioun thairin may be greatlie hyndered, in case any tumult or seditioun be raised amanges the lieges, yf any suddane[642] alteratioun or novatioun be preassed [at] or attempted, befoir that the ordour may be establissed: Thairfoir, for eschewing of the saidis inconvenientis, hir Majestie ordanes letteris[643] to be direct to charge all and sindrie hir leiges, be oppin proclamatioun at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, and otheris places neidfull, that thai, and everie ane of thame, conteane thame selffis in quyetnesse, keap peace and civile societie amongis thame selffis: And in the meanetyme, while the Estaittis of this Realme may be assembled, and that hir Majestie have tackin ane finall ordour be thair advyse and publict consent, quhilk hir Majestie hopes shalbe to the contentment of the haill, That nane of thame tack upoun hand, privatlie or openlie, to mack alteratioun or innovatioun of the staite of Religioun, or attempt any thing against the form quhilk hir Majestie fand publictlie and universallie standing at hir Majesties arryvell in this hir Realme, under the pane of death: With certificatioun, that yf any subject of the Realme, shall cum in the contrarie heirof, he shalbe estemed and holden a seditious persone and raiser of tumult, and the said paine salbe execut upoun him with all rigour, to the example of otheris. Attour, hir Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsall, commandis and charges all hir leiges, that nane of thame tack upoun hand to molest or truble any of hir domesticall servandis, or personis whatsumever, come furth of France, in hir Gracis cumpany at this tyme, in wourd, deed, or countenance, for any caus whatsumever, eather within hir Palace or without, or mack ony derisioun[644] or invasioun upoun any of thame, under whatsumever cullour or pretence, under the said paine of death: Albeit hir Majestie be sufficientlie persuaded, that hir good and loving subjectis wold do the same, for the reverence thai bear to hir persone and authoritie, notwithstanding that na sick commandiment war publisshed.

[642] MS. G, omits "suddane."

[643] It appears that such Letters of Proclamation were accordingly
issued on the 29th of August. (Treasurer's Accounts.)

[644] In MS. G, "divisioun."

* * * * *

This Act and Proclamatioun, penned and put in form by such as befoir professed Christ Jesus, (for in the Counsall then had Papistis neathir power nor vote,) it was publictlie proclaimed at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, upoun Mononday foirsaid. No man reclamed, nor maid repugnance to it, except the Erle of Arrane onlie;[645] who, in open audience of the Heraldis and people protested, "That he dissasented that any protectioun or defence should be maid to the Quenis domestickis, or to any that came from France, to offend Goddis Majestie, and to violat the lawis of the Realme, more then to any other subject: for Goddis law had pronunced death against the idolater, and the lawis of the realme had appoynted punishment for sayaris and heararis of Masse; quhilkis, (said he,) I here protest, be universallie observed, and that none be exempted, unto such tyme as a law, als publictlie maid, and als consonant to the law of God, have disannulled the formar." And thairupoun he took documentis, as the tenour of this his Protestatioun doeth witnesse:--

[645] MS. L 4, has this marginal note, "The Erle of Arran's
protestation against this proclamation."

* * * * *

IN sa far as be this Proclamatioun it is understand to the Kirk of God, and memberis thairof, that the Quenis Grace is mynded, that the treu religioun and wyrschipping ellis establissed procead fordwart, that it may daly increase, unto the Parliament, that ordour then may be tane for extirpatioun of all idolatrie within this Realme: We rander maist hartlie thankis to the Lord our God for hir Gracis good mynd, earnestlie praying that it may be encreassed in hir Hienes, to the honour and glorie of His name, and weill of his Kirk within this Realme. And as tueching the molestatioun of hir Hienes servandis, we suppose that nane dare be sa bald as anes to move thair fyngar at thame, in doing of thair lefull busines; and as for us, we have learned at oure maister Christis school, "to keap peace with all men;" and thairfoir for our part, we will promeis that obedience unto hir Majestie (as is our dewitie) that nane of hir servandis salbe molested, trubled, or anes tueched, be the Kirk, or any member thairof, in doing thair lefull affairis. But, sen that God hes said, "The idolater shall die the death;" we Protest solempnedlie, in presence of God, and in the earis of the haill people that hearis this Proclamatioun, and specialie in presence of you Lyoun Herald, and of the rest of your collegues, &c., makaris of this Proclamatioun, that yf any of hir servandis shall commit idolatrie, specialie say Messe, participat thairwith, or tack the defence thairof, (quhilkis we war leyth should be in hir Grace cumpany,) in that caise, that this Proclamatioun be nott extended to thame in that behalf, nor be not a salfgard or gyrth to thame in that behalf, na mair nor give thai committ slauchter or murther, seing the ane is mekle mair abhominable and odiouse in the syght of God, then is the other: But that it may be laughtfull to inflict upoun thame the painis conteyned in Goddis word aganis idolateris, whairever thai may be apprehended, but favour. And this oure Protestatioun we desyre you to notifie unto hir, and gif hir the copie heirof, least hir Hienes should suspect ane uproar, gif we should all come and present the same. At Edinburgh, the day and year foirsaid.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ROBERT CAMPBELL TO THE LORD VCHILTRIE.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS PRACTISES AT THE FIRST.]

This baldnes did somewhat exasperat the Quene, and such as favoured hir in that poynt. As the Lordis, callit[646] of the Congregatioun, repared unto the Town, at the first cuming thai schew thame selves wonderouslie offended, that the Messe was permitted; so that everie man as he cam accused thame that war befoir him: but after that thai had remaned a certane space, thai war as quyet as war the formare. Which thing perceaved, a zealous and godlie man, Robert Campbell of Kingzeancleucht, said unto the Lord Vchiltrie, "My Lord, now ye are come, and almost the last of all the rest; and I perceave, by your anger, that the fyre-edge is nott of you yit; but I fear, that after that the holy watter of the Courte be sprinckled upoun you, that ye sall become als temperat[647] as the rest: For I have bene here now fyve dayis, and at the first I hard everie man say, 'Let us hang the Preast;' but after that thai had bene twyse or thrise in the Abbay, all that fervency was past. I think thair be some inchantment whareby men ar bewitched." And in verray deed so it came to pass: for the Quenis flattering wordis, upoun the ane pairte, ever still crying, "Conscience, conscience: it is a sore thing to constreane the conscience;" and the subtile persuasionis of hir suppostis (we mean evin of such as sometymes war judged most fervent with us) upoun the other parte, blynded all men, and putt thame in this opinioun, sche wilbe content to hear the preaching; and so no doubt but sche may be wone. And thus of all it wes concluded, to suffer hir for a tyme.

[646] In MSS. G, A, and L 4, "then called." The latter has this
marginal note, "The fervencie of professors cooled."

[647] In MS. G, "als temperat here."

[Sidenote: THE JUDGMENT OF JOHNE KNOX UPOUN THE SUFFERING OF THE QUENIS MESSE.][648]

[648] MS. L 4, instead of this marginal note, has "Mr. Knox findeth
fault with the toleration of the Quenis Messe."

[Sidenote: THE COURTEOURIS.]

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX CONFESSIOUN.]

The nixt Sounday, Johnne Knox, inveighing against idolatrie, schew what terrible plagues God had tacken upoun Realmes and Nationis for the same; and added, "That one Messe (thair war no mo suffered at the first) was more fearful to him then gif ten thousand armed enemyes war landed in any pairte of the Realme, of purpose to suppress the hoill religioun. For (said he) in our God thair is strenth to resist and confound multitudis, yf we unfeanedlie depend upoun him; whairof heirtofoir we haif had experience; but when we joyne handis with idolatrie, it is no doubt but that both Godis amicable presence and confortable defence leaveth us, and what shall then become of us? Allace, I fear that experience shall teach us to the greaf of many." At these wordis, the guydaris of of the Court mocked, and plainlie spak, "That such fear was no poynt of thair fayth: it was besyd his text, and was a verray untymelie admonitioun." But we heard this same Johnne Knox, in the audience of the same men, recyte the same wordis agane in the myddest of trubles; and in the audience of many ask God mercy, that he was nott more vehement and upryght in the suppressing of that idoll in the begynning. "For, (said he,) albeit that I spack that which offended some, (which this day thai see and feall to be treu,) yit did I not [that] which I myght have done; for God had not onlie gevin unto me knowledge, and toung to maik the impietie of that idoll knowin unto this Realme, but he had gevin unto me credyte with many, who wold have put in executioun Goddis judgmentis, yf I wold onlie have consented thairto: But so cairfull was I[649] of that commoun tranquillitie, and so loth was I to have offended those of whom I had conceaved a good opinioun, that in secreat conference with earnest and zealous men, I travaled rather to mitigat, yea, to slokin, that fervencye that God had kyndled in otheris, than to animat or encorage thame to put thair handis to the Lordis work: Whairintill I unfeanedlie acknowledge my selff to have done most wickedlie; and from the bottom of my hart, askis of my God grace and pardon, for that I did not what in me lay to have suppressed that idoll in the begining." These and other wordis did many hear him speak in publict place, in the moneth of December, the year of God J^m V^c and threscoir fyve yearis, when such as at the Quenis arryvell onlie manteyned the Masse, war exyled the Realme, summoned upoun treassone, and decreit of forfaltour intended against thame. But to return from whence we have digressed.

[649] MS. G, adds here, "quoth he."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST REASSONING BETWIX THE QUEYN AND JOHNE KNOX.]

Whetther it was by counsall of otheris, or of the Quenis awin desyre, we knaw not; but the Quene spack with Johne Knox, and had long ressoning with him, none being present except the Lord James: (two gentilwemen stood[650] in the other end of the house.) The summe of thair reassoning was this. The Quene accused him, that he had raysed a part of hir subjectis against hir Mother, and against hir self: That he had writtin a book against hir just authoritie, (sche ment the treatise against the Regiment of Wemen[651]) which sche had, and should caus the most learned in Europe to wryte against it: That he was the caus of great seditioun and great slauchter in England; and that it was said to hir, that all which he did was by necromancye, &c.

[650] In MSS. G, and L4, "two gentilmen."

[651] See this vol. i. page 28.

To the whiche the said Johne answered, "Madam, it may please your Majestie patientlie to hear my sempill ansures. And first, (said he,) yf to teach the treuth of God in synceritie, yf to rebuke idolatrie, and to will a people to wyrschip God according to his word, be to raise subjectis against thair Princes, then can not I be excused; for it hes pleased God of his mercy to mack me ane (amongis many) to disclose unto this Realme the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun, and the deceat, pryde, and tyranny of that Romane Antichrist. Bot, Madam, yf the treu knowledge of God, and his rycht wirschipping be the cheaf causses, that must move men from thair heart to obey thair just Princes, (as it is most certane that thai ar,) whairin can I be reprehended? I think, and am surelie persuaded, that your Grace have had, and presentlie have, als unfeaned obedience, of such as profess Jesus Christ within this Realme, as ever your Father, or other progenitouris had of those that war called Bischoppis. And tueching that booke, which seameth so highlie to offend your Majestie, it is most certane that I wrait it, and am content that all the learned of the world judge of it. I hear that ane Englishe man hath writtin against it,[652] but I have not redd him. Yf he have sufficientlie improved my ressones, and establissed his contrarie propositioun, with als evident testimonyes as I have done myne, I shall nott be obstinat, but shall confess my errour and ignorance. Bot to this hour I have thocht, and yit thinkis my self allone to be more able to sustene the thingis affirmed in that my wark, than any ten in Europe salbe able to confute it."

[652] John Aylmer: see this vol. page 26, note 3.

"Ye think then, (quod sche,) that I have no just authoritie?"

"Pleise your Majestie, (said he,) that learned men in all aiges have had thair judgmentis free, and most commonlie disagreing frome the commoun judgment of the warld; suche also have thei publisshed, boyth with pen and toung, and yit notwithstanding thei thame selves have lived in the commoun societie with otheris, and have borne patientlie with the errours and imperfectionis whiche thei could not amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his Bookis of the Commounwealth, in the whiche he dampneth many thingis that then war manteaned in the world, and required many thingis to have bene reformed; and yitt, notwithstanding he lived evin under suche policies, as then war universallie receaved, without farther trubling of any estait. Evin so, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with a testimonye of a good conscience. I have communicat my judgment to the world: Yf the Realme fyndis no inconvenience frome the regiment of a woman, that whiche thei approve shall I not farther disallow, then within my awin breast, but salbe alse weall content to lyve under your Grace, as Paull was to lyve under Nero; and my hope is, that so long as that ye defyle not your handis with the blood of the sanctis of God, that neather I nor that Booke shall eather hurt you or your authoritie: for in verray deed, Madame, that Book was written most especialie against that wicked Jesabell of England."[653]

[653] That is, Mary, Queen of England.

"But (said sche) ye speak of women in generall."

"Most treu it is, Madame, (said the other,) and yit it appeareth to me that wisdome should persuade your Grace, never to raise truble for that, whiche to this day hath not trubled your Majestie, neather in persone nor yit in authoritie. For of lait yearis, many thingis, whiche befoir war haldin stable, have bene called in doubt; yea thei have bene plainlie impugned. But yit, Madame, (said he,) I am assured that neather Protestant nor Papist shalbe abill to prove, that any suche questioun was at any time moved in publict or in secreat. Now, Madam, (said he,) yf I had intended to have trubled your estaite, becaus ye ar a woman, I myght have chosen a tyme more convenient for that purpose, then I can do now, when your awin presence is within the Realme.

"But now, Madam, schortlie to ansuer to the other two accusationis. I hartlie praise my God, throwgh Jesus Christ, that Sathan the ennemye of mankynd, and the wicked of the world, have no other crymes to lay to my charge, then suche as the verray world it self knoweth to be most fals and vane. For in England I wes resident onlie the space of fyve yearis.[654] The places war Berwick, whair I abode two yearis; so long in the New Castell; and a year in London. Now, Madam, yf in any of these places, during the tyme that I wes thair, any man salbe able to prove, that thair wes eather battell, seditioun, or mutinie, I shall confesse that I my selff was the malefactour, and the scheddar of the bloode. I eschame not, Madam, farther to affirme, that God so blissed my waik laubouris, that in Berwick (whair commonlie befoir thair used to be slauchter, be ressone of quarrellis that used to aryse amongis soldartis) thair was as great quyetnes, all the tyme that I remaned thair, as thair is this day in Edinburgh.[655] And whare the sclander me of magick, nycromancie, or of any other arte forbidden of God, I have witnesses, (besydis my awin conscience,) all[656] congregationis that ever heard me, what I spake both against suche artis, and against those that use suche impietie. But, seing the wicked of the world said, That my Maister, the Lord Jesus, was possessed with Beelzebub, I man patientlie bear, albeit that I, wretched synnar, be injustlie accused of those, that never delyted in the veritie."

[654] Knox's residence in England extended from the period of his
release from the French galleys till the death of Edward the Sixth,
(1549-1553:) see vol. i. pp. xv. xvi.

[655] Knox's interview took place on a Tuesday, the 26th of August.
Randolph alludes to it in a letter to Cecil, dated 7th September. Mr.
Knox spoke upon Tuesday with the Quene. "He knocked so hardelye upon
her harte, that he made her weepe, as well you know ther be of that
sexe that will do that as well for anger as for greef, &c.... The
brute [report] that he hathe tawlked with the Quene maketh the
Papistis dowte what wyll become of the worlde." (Wright's Queen
Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 72.)

[656] In MS. G, "all the."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS SECOUND OBJECTIOUN.]

"But yit, (said sche) ye have taught the peeple to receave ane other Religioun, than thair Princes can allow: And how can that doctrin be of God, seing, that God commandis subjectis to obey thair Princes?"

[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]

"Madam, (said he,) as rycht Religioun tooke nather originall strenth[657] nor authoritie frome worldly Princes, but frome the Eternall God allone, so are not subjectis bound to frame thair Religioun according to the appetites of thair Princes. For oft it is, that Princes ar the most ignorant of all otheris in Goddis treu Religioun, as we may reid in the historyes alse weill befoir the death of Christ Jesus, as efter. Yf all the sead of Abraham should have bene of the Religioun of Pharao, whome to thei war lang subjectis, I pray you, Madam, what Religioun should thair have bene in the world? Or, yf all men in the dayis of the Apostles should have bene of the Religioun of the Romane Emperouris, what Religioun should thair have bene upoun the face of the earth? Daniell and his fellowis war subjectis to Nabuchadonozzar, and unto Darius, and yitt, Madam, thei wold nott be of thair Religioun, neather of the one or of the other: for the thre Children said, "We maik it known unto thee, O King, that we will not worschip thy goddis." And Daniell did pray publictlie unto his God against the expressed commandiment of the King. And so, Madam, ye may perceave, that subjectis ar not bound to the Religioun of thair Princes, albeit thei ar commanded to geve thame obedience."

[657] MS. G, omits this word, "strenth."

[Sidenote: THE THIRD OBJECTIOUN.]

"Yea, (quod sche,) but nane of thai men raised the sweard against thair Princes."

[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]

"Yit, Madam, (quod he,) ye cane not deny but that they resisted: for these that obey nott the commandimentis that ar gevin, in some sort resist."

[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]

"But yit, (said sche,) thei resisted not by the sweard?"

[Sidenote: [ANSWER.]]

"God, (said he,) Madam, had not gevin unto thame the power and the meanes."

"Think ye, (quod sche,) that subjectis having power may resist thair Princes?"

[Sidenote: QUESTION TO ANSWER THE FORMAR]

[Sidenote: BLYND ZEALL WHAT.]

[Sidenote: WHEN THIS WAS WRITTEN, THAIR WES NO APPEARANCE OF MARIES IMPREASONMENT.][658]

[658] This marginal note in MS. 1566, occurs in one of the re-written
sets or quires, and is in the same hand with the text. The reference
is evidently to the imprisonment of Queen Mary in Lochlevin Castle, in
June 1567, from whence she made her escape on the 2d May 1568.

"Yf thair Princes exceed thair boundis, (quod he,) Madam, and do against that whairfoir they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but thei may be resisted, evin by power. For thair is neather greattar honour, nor greattar obedience to be gevin to kings or princes, then God hes commanded to be gevin unto father and mother: But so it is, Madam, that the father may be stricken with a phrensye, in the which he wold slay his awin childrene. Now, Madame, yf the children aryese, joyne thame selfis togetther, apprehend the father, tack the sweard or other weaponis frome him, and finallie bind his handis, and keape him in preasone, till that his phrenesy be over past; think ye, Madam, that the children do any wrang? Or, think ye, Madam, that God wilbe offended with thame that have stayed thair father to committ wickedness? It is even so, (said he,) Madam, with Princes that wold murther the children of God that are subject unto thame. Thair blynd zeall is no thing but a verray mad phrenesie; and thairfoir, to tack the sweard frome thame, to bynd thair handis, and to cast thame selfis in preasone, till that thei be brought to a more sober mynd, is no disobedience against princes, but just obedience, becaus that it aggreith with the will of God."

At these wordis, the Quene stood as it war amased, more then the quarter of ane hour. Hir countenance altered, so that Lord James begane to entreat her, and to demand, "What hes offended you, Madam?"

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS CONCLUSIOUN.]

At lenth, sche said, "Weall then I perceave that my subjectis shall obey you,[659] and not me; and shall do what thei list, and nott what I command: and so man I be subject to thame, and nott thei to me."

[659] Namely, John Knox.

"God forbid, (answered he,) that ever I tack upoun me to command any to obey me, or yitt to set subjectis at libertie to do what pleaseth thame. Bot my travell is, that boyth princes and subjectis obey God. And think not, (said he,) Madam, that wrong is done unto you, when ye ar willed to be subject unto God: for it is he that subjects people under princes, and causses obedience to be gevin unto thame; yea, God craves of Kingis That thei be as it war foster-fatheris to his Churche, and commands Quenis to be nurisses unto his people. And this subjectioun, Madam, unto God, and unto his trubled Churche, is the greatest dignitie that flesche can get upoun the face of the earth, for it shall cary thame to everlasting glorie."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS KIRK.]

"Yea, (quod sche,) but ye are not the Kirk that I will nureiss. I will defend the Kirk of Rome, for, I think, it is the treu Kirk of God."

"Your will, (quod he,) Madam, is no reassone; neather doeth your thoght maik that Romane harlot to be the treu and immaculat spous of Jesus Christ. And wonder nott, Madam, that I call Rome a harlott; for that Churche is altogidder polluted with all kynd of spirituall fornicatioun, alsweall in doctrine as in maneris. Yea, Madam, I offer myselff farther to prove, that the Churche of the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, was not so far degenerated frome the ordinances and statutis which God gave be Moses and Aharon unto his people, when that thei manifestlie denyed the Sone of God,[660] as that the Churche of Rome is declyned, and more than five hundreth year hath declyned frome the puritie of that Religioun, whiche the Apostles taught and planted."

[660] In MS. G, these words are transposed.

"My conscience, (said sche,) is nott so."

"Conscience, Madam, (said he,) requyres knowlege; and I fear that rycht knowlege ye have none."

"But, (said sche,) I have bayth heard and red."

[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]

"So, (said he,) Madam, did the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, read both the Law and the Prophetis, and heard the same interprete after thair maner. Have ye heard, (said he,) any teache, but such as the Pope and his Cardinalles have allowed? And ye may be assured, that suche will speak nothing to offend thair awin estaite."

[Sidenote: ANSWRE.]

"Ye interprete the Scripturis (said she,) in one maner, and thei interprete in ane other; Whome shall I beleve? And who shalbe judge?"

[Sidenote: MESSE.]