Chapter III: Personis Subject to Discipline (14)

"BY word and letters it is come to our knowledge, (Reverend
Brethren, Pastors of God's word in the Church of England,)
that divers of our Brethren (of whom some be of the most
learned in England,) are deprived from all Ecclesiasticall
function, namely, are forbidden to preach, and so by you are
stopped to promote the Kingdom of God, because they have a
scruple of conscience to use at the command of Authority
such garments as idolaters in time of greatest darknesse,
did use in their superstitious and idolatrous service; which
report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts,
considering the sentence of the Apostle, 'If ye bite and
devour one another, take heed ye be not consumed one of
another.' We intend not at this present to enter into the
question, which we hear is agitated and handled with greater
vehemency by either partie, then well liketh us, to wit,
Whether such Apparell be accounted amongst things
indifferent or not; wherefore, (through the bowels of Jesus
Christ,) we crave that Christian charitie may so farr
prevaile with you, who are the pastors and guides of
Christ's flock in England, that ye doe one to another, as ye
desire others to do to you. You cannot be ignorant what
tendernesse is in a scrupulous conscience, and all that have
knowledge are not alike perswaded; the consciences of some
of you stirres not, with the wearing of such things; on the
other side, many thousands (both godly and learned) are
otherwayes perswaded, whose consciences are continually
strucken with these sentences, 'What hath Christ to doe with
Beliall?' 'What fellowship is there betwixt light and
darknesse?' If surplice, corner-cap, and tippet, have been
the badges of idolaters in the very act of their idolatry,
what hath the preachers of Christian libertie, and the
rebukers of superstition to do with the dregs of that Romish
Beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear, either to
take in his hand, or on his forehead, the prints and mark of
that odious Beast? The brethren that refuse such
unprofitable apparell, do neither condemn nor molest you who
use such trifles. On the other side, if ye that use these
things will do the like to your brethren, we doubt not but
therein you shall please God, and comfort the hearts of
many, which are wounded to see extremitie used against these
godly brethren. Humane arguments or coloured rhetorick, we
use none to perswade you, only in charity we desire you to
mind the sentence of Peter, 'Feed the flock of Christ which
is committed to your charge, caring for it, not by
constraint, but willingly; not being as lords of God's
heritages, but being examples to the flock.' We further
desire you to meditate upon that sentence of Paul, 'Give no
offence, neither to Jews, nor Gentiles, nor to the church of
God.' In what condition you and we both travell, at least
are bound to travell for the promoting of Christ's kingdom,
you are not ignorant; therefore we are the more bold to
exhort you to deal more wisely, then to trouble the godly
for such vanities; for all things which seem lawfull, edifie
not. If Authority urge you farther than your consciences can
bear, we pray you remember, that the Ministers of the Church
are called the 'Light of the world,' and 'Salt of the
earth;' all civill authority hath not alwayes the light of
God shining before their eyes, in statutes and commands, for
their affections savour too much of the earth and worldly
wisdom: therefore we tell you, that ye ought to oppose your
selves boldly, not only to all power that dare extoll it
self against God, but also against all such as dare burthen
the consciences of the faithfull, farther than God chargeth
them in his own word. But we hope you will excuse our
freedom in that we have entered in reasoning farther than we
intended in the beginning. Now, again we return to our
former request, which is, That the brethren among you, who
refuse the Romish rags, may find of you, who use and urge
them, such favour as our Head and Master commandeth each one
of his members to shew to another, which we look to receive
of your courtesie, not only because you will not offend God
in troubling your brethren for such vain trifles, but also
because you will not refuse the earnest request of us your
Brethren, and fellow Ministers; in whom, although there
appear no worldly pomp, yet we are assured, you will esteem
us as God's servants, travelling to set forth his glory
against the Roman Antichrist. The dayes are evill, iniquitie
aboundeth, and charitie (alas) waxeth cold; wherefore we
ought to walk diligently, for the hour is uncertain when the
Lord shall come, before whom we must all give an account of
our administration. In conclusion, yet once more we desire
you to be favourable one to another; the Lord Jesus rule
your hearts in his fear unto the end, and give to you and us
victorie over that conjured enemy of true Religion, (the
Pope,) whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives to
cure again; but to destruction shall he go, and all his
maintainers, by the power of our Lord Jesus, to whose mighty
protection we commit you.

"From our Generall Assembly, Decemb. 27. 1566."

[When John Knox, the penner of this letter wrote thus of the superstitious Apparell as a supplicant for the afflicted Brethren, what would he have written, think you, in another case. It is to be observed, that at the same time our worthy Brethren in England made their state known to Master Beza, who, upon their complaint, wrote a letter in their behalf at the same time to Doctor Grindall, Bishop of London, wherein he findeth fault with the manner of Apparrell appointed for Ministers with kneeling at the communion, and all significant ceremonies; which letter is the eight in order, among his Epistles. But obtaining no favour, he wrote the year following, (which was in Anno 1567,) another letter to this purpose, which is the twelfth in order amongst his Epistles, wherein he giveth his beloved brethren this advice; that rather then they should give their consents to the order of ordaining their Ministers to use the cope and surplice, and to the manner of excommunication that was used in the Church of England, that they should give place to manifest violence, and live as privat men. It is also to be observed, that the sincerer sort of the Ministrie in England had not yet assaulted the jurisdiction and Church government, (which they did not till the year 1572, at which time they published their first and second Admonition to the Parliament,) but only had excepted against superstitious apparell, and some other faults in the Service Booke. By the former Assembly, the Reader of Bathgate was censured for baptizing of infants, and solemnizing of marriage, he being but a simple Reader, and for taking silver for the same from such as were without the parish. Hear you may see that they acknowledge not Reading Ministers, that is, that any administer the Sacraments, but he that was able to preach the word.][1136]

[1136] The above paragraph is not contained in the London edition
1614, but was added to the Edinburgh republication in that year.

[Sidenote: As she had lately gratified the Protestants by granting their Petition, so at this time she yeelds unto the Papists their demands also, that she might be stopped by neither of them in her designe of vengeance and new love.]

At the same time, the Bishop of Saint Andrews, by means of the Earl Bothwell, procured a writing from the Queen's Majesty, to be obeyed within the diocese of his jurisdiction, in all such causes as before in time of Popery were used in the Consistory, and therefore to discharge the new Commissioners; and for the same purpose came to Edinburgh in January, having a company of one hundred horses, or more, intending to take possession, according to his gift lately obtained. The Provest being advertised thereof by the Earl of Murray, they sent to the Bishop three or four of the Councell, desiring him to desist from the said matter, for fear of trouble and sedition that might rise thereupon; whereby he was perswaded to desist at that time.

Soon after, the Queen came to Edinburgh, where she remained a few days. In the moneth of January she was informed that the King was recovered of the poyson given him at Sterlin, and therefore she past to Glasgow to visit him, and there tarried with him six days, using him wonderfully kindely, with many gracious and good words; and likewise his father, the Earl of Lenox, insomuch that all men marvelled whereto it should turn, considering the great contempt and drynesse that had been before so long together. The Queen, notwithstanding all the contempt that was given him, with a known design to take away his life, yet by her sweet words gains so far upon the uxorious husband, and his facile father, that he went in company with her to Edinburgh, where she had caused to lodge him at the Church of Field,[1137] in a lodging, lately bought by Master James Balfour, Clerk Register, truely very unmeet for a King. The Queen resorted often to visit him, and lay in the house two nights by him, (although her lodging was in the Palace of Halyrud-house.) Every man marvelled at this reconciliation and sudden change. The ninth of February, the King was murthered, and the house where he lay burned with powder, about twelve of the clock in the night: his body was cast forth in a yard, without the town wall, adjoining close by. There was a servant likewise murthered beside him, who had been also in the chamber with him. The people ran to behold this spectacle; and wondering thereat some judged one thing, some another.

[1137] Kirk of Field: see this volume, page 131, note 1.

Shortly thereafter, Bothwell came from the Abbey with a company of men of war, and caused the body of the King to be carryed to the next house; where, after a little, the chirurgions being convened at the Queen's command to view and consider the manner of his death; most part gave out, to please the Queen, that he was blown in the ayre, albeit he had no mark of fire; and truly he was strangled. Soon after,[1138] he was carryed to the Abbey, and there buryed.

[1138] These words, "Soon after, he was carryed to the Abbey, and
there buryed," are omitted in the 4to edit. 1644, and the two
following paragraphs, enclosed within brackets, are interpolated. Both
of these paragraphs are given verbatim in Calderwood's History, vol.
ii. pp. 346, 347.

[When many of the common people had gazed long upon the King's corpse, the Queen caused it to be brought down to the Pallace by some pioners. She behold the corpse without any outward shew or signe of joy or sorrow. When the Lords had concluded amongst themselves that he should be honourablie buried, the Queen caused his corpse to be carried by some pioners in the night without solemnitie, and to be layed beside the sepulchre of David Rizio. If there had been any solemn buriall, Buchanan had wanted wit to relate otherwise, seeing there would have been so many witnesses to testifie the contrair. Therefore the contriver of the late Historie of Queen Marie[1139] wanted policie here to convoy a lee.

[1139] This paragraph is an evident interpolation, like some of these
by David Buchanan in the former Books. George Buchanan's History was
first published in the year 1582; and the reference to the more recent
work, may have been to "The Historie of the Life and Death of Mary
Stuart, Queene of Scotland." London 1636, 12mo, and dedicated to
Charles the First, by "W. Vdall;" as some remarks on George Buchanan's
writings occur at page 55.

The Queen, according to the ancient custom should have keeped herself 40. days within, and the doores and windowes should have been closed in token of mourning; but the windowes were opened, to let in light, the fourth day. Before the twelfth day, she went out to Scatoun, Bothwell never parting from her side. There she went out to the fields to behold games and pastimes. The King's armour, horse, and household stuffe, were bestowed upon the murtherers. A certain taylour, when he was to reforme the King's apparel to Bothwell, said jestingly, He acknowledged here the custom of the country, by which the clothes of the dead fall to the hangman.][1140]

[1140] See this page, note 1.

This tragicall end had Henry Steward, after he had been King eighteen moneths. A Prince of great linage, both by mother and father: He was of a comely stature, and none was like unto him within this island; he died under the age of one and twenty years; prompt and ready for all games and sports; much given to hawking and hunting, and running of horses, and likewise to playing on the lute, and also to Venus chamber: He was liberall enough: He could write and dictate well; but he was somewhat given to wine, and much feeding, and likewise to inconstancy; and proud beyond measure, and therefore contemned all others: He had learned to dissemble well enough, being from his youth misled up in Popery. Thus, within two years after his arriving in this Realm, he was highly by the Queen alone extolled; and, finally, had this infortunate end by her procurement and consent. To lay all other proofs aside, her marriage with Bothwell, who was the main executioner of the King, notwithstanding all the advices and counsells that the King of France, and the Queen of England, did earnestly and carefully give her, as other friends did likewise, witness anent their guilt. Those that laid hands on the King to kill him, by Bothwell's direction, was Sir James Balfour, Gilbert Balfour, David Chalmers, black John Spense, Francis, Sebastien, Jo. de Bourdeau, and Joseph, the brother of David Rizio: These last four were the Queen's domesticks, and strangers. The reason why the King's death was so hastened, because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could not bear so long a delay, as the procurement of a bill of divorce required, although the Romish clergie offered their service willingly to the business, namely, Bishop Hamilton, and so he came great again at Court; and he for the advancement of the business, did good offices to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen; yea, some that had been the chief instruments of the marriage of the King and Queen, offered the service for the divorce, seeing how the Queen's inclination lay: So unhappy are Princes, that men, for their own ends, further them in all their inclinations and undertakings, be they never so bad or destructive to themselves.

The Earl of Lenox, in the mean time, wrote to the Queen, to cause punish Bothwell, with his other complices, for murthering the King. The Queen, not daring openly to reject the Earl of Lenox his solicitation, did appoint a day for the triall of Bothwell, by an assize;[1141] the members whereof was the Earl of Cathnes, President, the Earl of Cassels, (who at the first refused, but thereafter, being threatened to be put in prison, and under the pain of treason, was present by the Queen's command,) John Hamilton, Commendator of Aberbrothok, Lord Rosse, Lord Semple, Lord Boyd, Lord Hereis, Lord Olyphant; the Master of Forbes, the Lairds of Lochinvar, Langton, Cambusnetham,[1142] Barnbougel, and Boyne: They, to please the Queen, and for fear, did pronounce Bothwell not guilty, notwithstanding the manifest evidences of the cruell fact committed by Bothwell, who, before the tryall, did make himself strong by divers means; namely, by the possession of the Castle of Edinburgh, so that the accusers durst not appear, not being strong enough. The Earl of Marr did retire to Sterlin, and had committed to his charge the young Prince. All this was done in February.

[1141] The names and designations of the assize on Bothwell's trial,
before the Court of Justicary at Edinburgh, 12th April 1567, are given
by Keith, with the proceedings, extracted from the Books of Adjournal.
(Hist. vol. ii. pp. 541-548.)

[1142] In the folio edit. 1644, "Cambusidentham;" in the 4to edit.,
"Cambuskinneth." The person referred to was James Somerville of
Cambusnethen in Lanarkshire.

In April, Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords, who had come to Edinburgh, to a meeting that was there; and having gained some before, made them all, what by fear, what by fair promises, first of their private state, and then of advancing the Papist's Religion, to consent by their subscriptions to the marriage with the Queen. Then the Queen goes to Sterlin, to see her son: Bothwell makes a shew as if he were going to the Borders to suppresse robbers, and so he raiseth some men of war; which, when he had done, he turneth towards the way to Sterlin, where he meets the Queen, according to appointment betwixt them, and carrieth her to Dumbar, as it had been by force, although every one knew it was with the Queen's liking. The prime Nobility convened at Sterlin, and from thence sent to her, to know whether or not she was taken against her will: She answered, That it was true she was taken against her will, but since her taking, she had no occasion to complain; yea, the courteous entertainment she had, made her forget and forgive all former offences. Those expressions were used by way of preface to the pardon, which was granted immediately thereafter to Bothwell; for, by Letters Patents, he was pardoned by the Queen, for laying violently hands upon her Majestie, and for all other crimes. So by this, &c.,[1143] the murther of the King was pardoned. During the Queen's abode in Dunbar, there was letters of divorce demanded and granted unto Bothwell from his Lady, (who afterward was married to the Earl Sutherland,) she was sister to the Earl of Huntley. The ground of divorce was, the parties being within the degrees prohibited, could not be lawfully joyned: Next, because Bothwell was an adulterer, the marriage was voyd. The bill of divorce was granted by the Papisticall Court of the Archbishop of Saint Androis. And here mark how they juggle in sacred things; for when it pleaseth them, they untie the bond of marriage, as now, and as we have seen in the First Book of this History. When the Queen fell in distaste of the late King her husband, it was proposed unto her to have divorce upon the same ground from the King: To which, first ear was given, but after second thoughts, a bill of divorce was too tedious, (as we have now said,) and could not be stayed for, therefore the King must be dispatched.

[1143] "So by this, &c." This sentence is so printed in both edit.
1644, probably owing to some word in the M.S. being illegible. We
might substitute, for instance, "So by this procedure, the murther of
the King was pardoned."

[Sidenote: Note.]

The Queen, when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop a letter of divorce from his lawfull wife, sent a letter signed with her own hand to Master John Craig, minister of Edinburgh, commanding him to publish the band of matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell. Master John Craig, the next sermon day thereafter, declared in full congregation, that he had received such a command, but in conscience he could not obey it; the marriage was altogether unlawfull; and of that he would declare the reasons to the parties, if he had audience of them, otherwise he would make known his just reasons in the hearing of the people. Immediately thereafter, Bothwell sends for Master Craig to the Councell, where Master Craig told, first, That by an Act of the Assembly, it was forbidden to allow the marriage of any divorced for adultery: The divorce of Bothwell from his lawfull wife, was by collusion, witnesse the quick dispatch thereof; for it was sought and had within ten days, and his contracting with the Queen instantly thereafter; then his rapt of the Queen, and the guilt of the King's death, which was confirmed by this marriage: withall, he desired the Lords to stop the Queen[1144] from that infamous marriage. The Sunday after, he told publikely to the people, what he had said to the Councell; and he took heaven and earth to witnesse, that he detested that scandalous and infamous marriage; and that he discharged his conscience unto the Lords, who seemed unto him, as so many slaves, what by flattery, what by silence, to give way to that abomination. Upon this, he was called to the Councell again, and was reproved, as if he had exceeded the bounds of his calling. Whereunto he answered, That the bounds of his commission was the word of God, right reason, and good laws, against which he had said nothing; and by all these, offered to prove this marriage to be scandalous and infamous. At this he was stopped by Bothwell, and sent from the Councell. Notwithstanding all this done and said by Master Craig, and the opposition of many that wished well to the Queen, and were jealous of her honour, the marriage went on, and they were married the 15. of May. This makes good the Latino proverb, _Mala nubunt mense Maio_; and a Bishop must bless the marriage: The good Prelat was Bishop of Orkney:[1145] If there be a good work to be done, a Bishop must do it. Here mark the difference betwixt this worthy minister Master Craig, and this base Bishop.

[1144] It is impossible to vindicate the Queen's conduct in "this
infamous marriage," even when acquitted of being in any way accessory
to Darnley's murder. That event occurred on the 9th February 1566-7.
Bothwell, who was denounced as his murderer, submitted to a mock trial
on the 12th April; and on the 19th, he obtained from the Queen in
Parliament a ratification of several lands, &c., as Keeper of the
Castle of Dunbar. On the 24th of the same month, the Queen was
way-laid, and forcibly carried off to Dunbar, where she was coerced to
agree to an alliance with a man who was then married. To accomplish
this, Bothwell brought the Queen to the Castle of Edinburgh on the
29th April. He obtained a sentence of divorce from his first wife on
the 7th May; his marriage with the Queen was proclaimed on the 12th of
that month; and having created him Duke of Orkney, on the 15th their
marriage was celebrated. Thus within the period of three months all
these events happened. One month later, the Queen surrendered on
Carberry-hill, and Bothwell made his escape: they never met after that
day.

[1145] Adam Bothwell became successor to Bishop Reid, in the See of
Orkney, and was admitted to the temporalities of the Bishopric, 14th
October 1559. He was one of four Prelates who joined the Reformers. In
1564 he was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session; and an
Ordinary Lord, 13th November 1565. He celebrated the marriage of Queen
Mary and Bothwell, but afterwards took an active part in opposing him.
He also officiated at the baptism of James the Sixth. His conduct was
viewed with suspicion by the Kirk, and various articles were alleged
against him in the General Assembly, 25th December 1567; but having
submitted, and made a public confession of his offence, he was
restored to his ministry. He exchanged the temporalities of his
Bishopric with Lord Robert Stewart for the Abbey of Holyrood-House,
which was ratified by a charter under the Great Seal, 25th September
1569. He died on the 23d August 1593, in the sixty-seventh year of his
age, according to an inscription which still exists in the Abbey
Church of Holyrood, with some Latin verses, by M. H. R., (Mr. Hercules
Rollock.)

The Earl of Athole, immediately after the murther of the King, had retired home, waiting for the occasion to revenge the King's death: But seeing this abominable marriage, he went to Sterlin, where other honest Lords with him had a meeting, and made a bond, to defend the young Prince from the murtherers of his father; as already they had had one plot to cut him off, which God in his mercy did prevent. The Nobles that entred in this bond, were the Earls of Argyle, Athole, Morton, Marr, and Glencarne; the Lords Lindsey and Boyd. Argyle thereafter, seduced by some fair words, fell off; and Boyd became a great factionary for Bothwell in all things. The Queen, soon after the marriage, was advised to send abroad an Ambassadour to acquaint her forraigne friends and kindred; and this must be a Bishop: It is pity that any good work should be done without a Bishop: was not this a worthy employment for a pastor in God's Church.[1146]

[1146] The Bishop here referred to, was William Chisholm, Bishop of
Dunblane. His instructions concerning the Queen's motives to take her
husband, the Duke of Orkney, to be declared to the King of France, the
Cardinal of Lorraine and others, in May 1567, are printed by Keith.
(History, vol. ii. p. 592.) But Calderwood asserts they "are forged,
and full of lies."

Bothwell seeing the bond made at Sterlin, causeth the Queen to write to sundry of the Nobility. Divers repaired unto her, where they found a bond tendred unto them, by which they were to bind themselves to defend the Queen and Bothwell. Some that were corrupt, did willingly subscribe; others for fear did the same: and there was not one that went to Court that did refuse, but the Earl of Murray; who refusing absolutely to enter into a bond with Bothwell, said, It was not the part of a good subject; yet since he had been made friends with him some time before, he would keep his promise unto the Queen; and to enter into a bond with the Queen, it was needlesse and unfit, since he was to obey her in all lawfull and just things. Upon this, he gat leave, although with great difficulty, to go into France.

The Queen receives now Hamilton Archbishop of Saint Androis into favour since these changes; who was no less a faithfull Councellor to her, then he was a good pastor of Christ's flock; that is, he betrayed her, and disobeyed God. With this a Proclamation comes out in favour of the poor Protestants, whereby the Queen declares, That she will keep and confirm all that she had promised at her arrivall into Scotland: This was done to stop the people's mouthes; but all in vain, for the people were universally against the abomination of the Court.

Within few dayes, Bothwell and the Queen were raising men, under pretext to go to the Borders to represse the robbers there; but in effect to go to Sterlin, to have the Prince in their custody, that they might dispose of him according to their mind. Then a new Proclamation came out, That the Queen hereafter would rule only by the advice of the Nobles of the land, as her best predecessors had done. The Lords at Sterlin, hearing of this plot, strives to prevent it, and to this purpose they appointed with the Lord Hume, to besiege the Castle of Borthwicke, where the Queen and Bothwell was: But because the Earle of Athole did not come at the houre appointed, they had not men enough to environ and compass the Castle; so that Bothwell having notice given him of the business, escaped to Dumbar, and the Queen after him, in man's cloths. The Lords, failing of their designe at Borthwike Castle, went to Edinburgh, whereof they made themselves masters easily, having the affections of the people, notwithstanding the Earl Huntley and the Archbishop of Saint Androis perswasion to the contrary. These two, with their associates, were constrained to retire to the Castle, where they were received by Sir James Balfour, left there by Bothwell.

The twelfth of June, which was the next day following, the Lords at Edinburgh caused to publish a proclamation, whereby they declared, That the Earle Bothwell, who had been the principall author, deviser, and actor of the cruell murther of the late King, had since laid hand upon the Queen's person, and had her for the present in Dumbar in his power; and finding her utterly destitute of all good counsell, had seduced her to a dishonest and unlawfull marriage with himselfe; yea, that now he was gathering forces, and stirring himself to get the young Prince in his hands, that he might murther the child, as he had murthered the father. This wicked man the Nobles of the land resolved to withstand, and deliver the Queen out of his bondage; wherefore they did charge all lieges within the kingdom that could come to them, to be in readiness at three hours warning to assist them (the Nobles) for the freeing of the Queen from captivity, and bringing the said Earle Bothwell to a legall triall, and condigne punishment for the aforesaid murther and other crimes. All such that would not side with the Lords were by this Proclamation commanded to depart from Edinburgh within four hours, under the pain of being accounted enemies, &c.

Notwithstanding this Proclamation, the people did not joyn unto these Lords as was expected, for sundry of the Nobles were adversaries to the business, others stood as neuters; and withall, those that were convened together were not well provided of armes and munition for exploits of warr; so that they were even thinking to dissolve and leave off their enterprize till another time, and had absolutely done so; but God had ordained other wayes, as the event did shew, (if the Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dumbar for three or four dayes without any stir;) but the Queen and Bothwell, having gathered together about four or five thousand men, trusting in their force, (the Queen being puft up by flatterers,) set forth and marched towards Leith: Being come forward as far as Glaidsmure, she caused publike Proclamation against the aforesaid Lords, calling them a number of conspirators, and that she now discerned their inward malice against her and her husband, the Duke of Orkney, (for so now they called Bothwell.) After they had endeavoured to apprehend her and her husband at Borthwick, and had made a seditious Proclamation, under pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her late husband, and to free her from captivity; giving out, that the Duke her husband had a minde to invade the Prince her sonne; all which was false, for the Duke her husband had used all means to clear himself, both by a legall way and by the offer of a combate to any that did accuse him, as they knew well enough: As touching her captivity, she was in none, but was in company with her husband, unto whom she was publikely married in the view of the world, and many of the Nobles had given their consent unto this her marriage: As for the Prince her sonne, it was but a specious pretence to the treason and rebellion against her their naturall Sovereign and her posteritie, which they intended to overthrow; wherefore she declared her self necessitated to take armes, hoping that all her faithfull subjects would adhere unto her, and that those who were already assembled with her, would with good hearts and hands stand to her defence; and for the recompence of their valour they should have the lands and goods of these unnaturall rebels. After this Proclamation, the army went on, and the Queen that night came to Seaton, where she lay.

About midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the Queen's approach, presently they took armes, and at the sun rising they were at Musselburgh, where they refreshed themselves with meat and rest. The Queen's camp was not yet stirring. About mid-day the scouts that the Lords had sent out, brought word that the enemie was marching towards them; presently they put themselves in two batallias; the first was conducted by the Earle Morton and the Lord Hume; the second by the Earls Athole, Glencarne, the Lords Lindsay, Ruthven, Semple, and Sanchar, with the Lairds Drumlanrick, Tullibarden, Cesfoord, and Graunge, with divers others: their number was almost as great as the Queen's, their men better, being many of them expert men, that I say nothing of the cause. The Queen had gained a hill called Carbarry,[1147] which the Lords (by reason of the steepness of the ascent) could not well come at; wherefore they wheeled about to get a more convenient place to go to the hill, where the enemie was, and to have the sunne behind them in the time of the fight. At the first the Queen, seeing their thus going about, did imagine they were fleeing away to Dalkeith, but when she saw them come directly towards her, she found her self deceived.

[1147] Carberry-hill, in the parish of Inveresk, about two miles to
the south-east of Musselburgh, and seven miles from Edinburgh.

The French Ambassador, seeing them ready to fight, strived to take up the business, and having spoken with the Queen, went to the Lords, telling them, that the Queen was disposed to peace, and to forgive and pardon this insurrection: wherefore it was very fit to spare blood, to agree in a peaceable way The Earle of Morton (in the name of all the rest) answered, That they had taken up armes, not against the Queen, but against the murtherer of the King; whom if she would deliver to be punished, or at least put from her company, she should find a continuation of dutifull obedience by them, and all other good subjects; otherwise no peace: besides, we are not to ask pardon for any offence done by us. The Ambassador, seeing their resolution to stand to the right of their cause, withdrew, and went to Edinburgh.

[Sidenote: Note how God changeth things in a moment.]

While the French Ambassadour was thus labouring for accommodation, Bothwell came out of the camp (which was in the trench that the Englishmen had left at their last being in these places, as we have said in the former Books,) well mounted, with a defie to any that would fight with him. James Murray, brother to the Laird of Tullibardin, who before had accepted of Bothwell's challenge, when he made the rodomontade at Edinburgh, immediately after the King's death; but then James Murray did not make known his name. Bothwell refused to fight with James Murray,[1148] alleadging he was not his equall. Upon this the elder brother, William Murray, Laird of Tullibardin, answered, That he would fight with him, as being his better in estate, and in antiquitie of house many degrees above him; yet Bothwell refused him, saying, That he was not a Peer of the Kingdom, as he was; then sundry Lords would have gone to fight with Bothwell; but the Lord Lindsey namely, who said to the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen, That he would take it as a singular favour of them, and as a recompence of his service done to the State, if they would suffer him to fight with the braggadocio. Bothwell seeing that there was no more subterfuge nor excuse, under-hand made the Queen to forbid him. After this challenge and answers, Bothwell's complices and followers were very earnest to fight, but others that had come only for the Queen's sake, became little cold, saying, That Bothwell would do well to fight himself, and spare the blood of divers gentlemen that were there. Some counselled to delay the battell till the Hamiltons came, whom they did expect. All this the Queen heard with anger; and riding up and downe, burst out in teares, and said, They were all cowards and traytors that would not fight. Immediately after thus vapouring, the Queen, perceiving sundry to leave her, she advised Bothwell to look unto himself, for she said to him, she would render her selfe unto the Noble-men.[1149] Upon this she sent for James Kirkaldie of Grange,[1150] with whom she kept discourse for a while, till that she was assured that Bothwell was out of danger. Then she went to the Lords, whom she did entertain with many fair words, telling them, That it was neither fear, nor want of hope of victorie, that made her come unto them, but a meer desire to spare shedding of innocent blood: withall she promised to be ruled and advised by them. With this she was received with all respect: But shortly after, declaring that she would go to the Hamiltons, with promise to returne, they restrained her liberty, and brought her along with them to Edinburgh at night: She was very slow in marching, looking to be rescued by the Hamiltons; but in vain. She lay that night in the Provest his house. The next day, the Lords sent the Queen to the Castle that is within an Isle of Lochlevin. Sir James Balfour, seeing the Queen committed, and Bothwell consequently defeated, he capitulated with the Lords for the deliverie of the Castle. Bothwell, finding himselfe thus in disorder, sent a servant to Sir James Balfour, to save a little silver cabinet which the Queen had given him. Sir James Balfour delivers the cabinet to the messenger, and under-hand giveth advice of it to the Lords. In this cabinet had Bothwell kept the letters of privacy he had from the Queen: Thus he kept her letters, to be an awe-bond upon her, in case her affection should change. By the taking of this cabinet, many particulars betwixt the Queen and Bothwell were clearly discovered. These letters were after printed:[1151] They were in French, with some sonnets of her owne making.

[1148] "James Murray, son of umquhill William Murray of Tullibardine,"
is mentioned in a letter of Queen Mary, in Aug. 1564. (Recueil, &c.,
vol. i. p. 221.)

[1149] Queen Mary surrendered at Carberry-hill, on Sunday the 15th
June: She was brought that night to Edinburgh, and on the following
day was sent prisoner to Lochleven Castle.

[1150] See page 322, note 7.

[1151] In Buchanan's Detection, &c., 1572.

[About this time the Earle Bothwell was declared by open Proclamation not only the murtherer of the King, but also the committer of it with his owne hand; and a thousand crownes were offered to any man that would bring him in.][1152]

[1152] This sentence is inserted in the 4to edit. 1644, at the close
of the preceding paragraph.

Few dayes after the commitment of the Queen, the Earl of Glencarne with his domesticks went to the Chappell of Halyrud-house, where he brake down the altars and the images: which fact, as it did content the zealous Protestants, so it did highly offend the Popishly affected. The Nobles, who had so proceeded against Bothwell, and dealt so with the Queen, hearing that the Hamiltons had a great number of men, and had drawn the Earls of Argyle and Huntley to their side, sent to Hamilton, desiring those that were there to joyn with them, for the redress of the disorders of the Kirk and State: But the Hamiltons, thinking now they had a faire occasion fallen unto them to have all again in their hands, and to dispose of all according to their own mind, did refuse audience to the message sent by the Lords.

Upon this, the Lords moved the Generall Assembly then met in Edinburgh,[1153] in the moneth of June, to write to the Lords that either were actually declared for the Hamiltons or were neuters: And so severall letters were directed to the Earls of Argyle, Huntley, Cathnes, Rothesse, Crauford, and Menteith; to the Lords Boyd, Drummond, Graham,[1154] Cathcart, Yester, Fleming, Levingston, Seaton, Glams, Uchiltry, Gray, Olyphant, Methven, Innermeth,[1154] and Somervile, as also to divers other men of note. Besides the letters of the Assembly, Commissioners were sent from the Assembly to the Lords above-named; to wit, John Knox, John Dowglas, John Row, and John Craig, who had instructions conforme to the tenour of the letters, to desire these Lords and others, to come to Edinburgh, and joyne with the Lords there, for the setling of God's true worship in the Church, and Policie reformed according to God's Word, a maintenance for the Ministers, and support for the Poor: But neither the Commissioners nor the letters did prevaile with these men; they excused, that they could not repair to Edinburgh with freedom, where there was so many armed men, and a garrison so strong: But for the Church affairs they would not be any wayes wanting, to do what lay in them.

[1153] The General Assembly met on the 25th June, and Mr. George
Buchanan was chosen Moderator. The Book of the Universall Kirk
contains the letter signed by Knox, Row, Craig, Erskine, Spottiswood,
and Douglas, dated 26th June 1567; and also the names of the several
persons to whom copies of it were addressed. After appointing a
General Fast to be observed on Sunday the 13th and the 20th of July,
the Assembly adjourned to the 21st of that month.

[1154] In the Edinburgh editions 1644, "Ghram" and "Inderneth."

The Lords at Edinburgh, seeing this, joyneth absolutely with the Assembly, (which had been prorogated to the 20. of July,[1155] upon the occasion of these Letters and Commissioners aforesaid,) and promiseth to make good all the Articles they thought fit to resolve upon in the Assembly: But how they performed their promises, God knows. Alwayes the Articles they agreed upon were these:[1156]

[1155] At the Assembly in July 1567, "Letters of Excusation," from the
Earl of Argyle, the Commendator of Aberbrothok, (Lord John Hamilton,)
and Thomas Menzies, provost of Aberdeen, were read; and copies of them
are contained in the Book of the Universall Kirk, (vol. i. pages
101-103.)

[1156] These Articles are here given only in a condensed or abridged
form. See Book of the Universall Kirk, vol. i., pages 106-110.

1. That the Acts of Parliament holden at Edinburgh the 24. of August 1560, touching Religion, and abolishing the Pope's authoritie, should have the force of a publike law; and consequently this Parliament defended as a lawfull Parliament, and confirmed by the first Parliament that should be kept next.

2. That the Thirds of the Tythes, or any more reasonable proportion of Benefices, should be allowed towards the maintenance of the Ministery; and that there should be a charitable course taken concerning the exacting of the tythes of the poor labourers. [Moreover, that nothing should pass in Parliament till the affaires of the Kirk be first considered, approven, and established.]

3. That none should be received in the Universities, Colledges, or Schooles, for instruction of the youth, but after due tryall both of capacitie and probitie.

4. That all crimes and offences against God, should be punished according to God's word; and that there should be a law made there anent, at the first Parliament to be holden.

5. As for the horrible murther of the late King, husband to the Queen, which was so haynous before God and man, all true professors, in whatsoever rank or condition, did promise to strive that all persons should be brought to condigne punishment, who are found guilty of the same crime.

6. They all promised to protect the young Prince against all violence, lest he should be murthered as his father was; and that the Prince should be committed to the care of four wise and godly men, that by a good education, he might be fitted for that high calling he was to execute one day.

7. The Nobles, Barons, and others, doth promise to beat down and abolish Popery, Idolatry, and Superstition, with any thing that may contribute unto it; as also to set up and further the true worship of God, his government, the Church, and all that may concern the purity of Religion and life; and for this to convene and take arms, if need require.

8. That all Princes and Kings hereafter in this Realm, before their Coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true Religion now professed in the Church of Scotland, and suppress all things contrary to it, and that are not agreeing with it.

* * * * *

To these Articles[1157] subscribed the Earls of Morton, Glencarne, and Marr, the Lords Hume, Ruthven, Sanchar, Lindsey, Grame, Innermeth, and Uchiltrie, with many other Barons, besides the Commissioners of the Burroughs.

[1157] The names of the Subscribers to these Articles, amounting in
all to 79 persons, are inserted in the Book of the Universall Kirk,
(vol. i. p. 110.)

This being agreed upon, the Assembly dissolved. Thereafter the Lords Lindsay and Ruthven were sent to Lochlevin to the Queen, to present unto her two writs; the one contained a renunciation of the Crowne and Royall dignitie in favour of the Prince her son; with a Commission to invest him into the Kingdome, according to the manner accustomed: which after some reluctancy, with tears, she subscribed[1158] by the advice of the Earle of Athole, who had sent to her; and of Secretary Lethington, who had sent to her Robert Melvill[1159] for that purpose: So there was a procuration given to the Lords Lindsey and Ruthven, by the Queen, to give up and resign the rule of the Realm, in presence of the States.

[1158] The three Instruments signed at Lochlevin, by Queen Mary, on
the 24th July 1567, were published with other documents connected with
them in Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. Edinb. 1727, 4to: see also
Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 706, &c.

[1159] See page 361, note 2.

The second writ was, To ordain the Earle of Murray Regent during the Prince's minority, if he would accept the charge: And in case he refused [to accept the said office upon his single person, that he with] the Duke Chattelarault, the Earles of Lenox, Argyle, Athole, Morton, Glencarne, and Marr, should govern conjunctly.

These writs were published the 29. of July 1567, at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh. Then at Sterlin was the Prince crowned King, where John Knox made the sermon. The Earle Morton and the Lord Hume took the oath for the King, that he should constantly live in the profession of the true Religion, and maintain it; and that he should govern the Kingdom according to [the] law thereof, and doe justice equally to all.

In the beginning of August, the Earle Murray being sent for, cometh home;[1160] in all haste he visits the Queen at Lochlevin, strives to draw the Lords that had taken part with the Hamiltons, or were neuters, to joyne with those that had bound themselves to stand for the King's authoritie: He was very earnest with divers, by reason of their old friendship, but to little purpose. The twentie of August, he received his Regency, after mature and ripe deliberation, at the desire of the Queen, and Lords that were for the King, and so was publikely proclaimed Regent, and obedience showed unto him by all that stood for the young King.

[1160] At the time of Queen Mary's renunciation of the Crown, the Earl
of Murray was in France. After his return to Edinburgh, the 11th
August, he had an interview with the Queen at Lochleven. He was
solemnly inaugurated as Regent in the Council Chamber of the Tolbooth,
or Parliament House, and publicly proclaimed at the Cross of
Edinburgh, 22d August 1567.

THE END OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, TILL
THE YEAR 1567, AND MONETH OF AUGUST.