Chapter III: Personis Subject to Discipline (5)

[782] James Stewart of Cardonald, about two miles from Paisley, in the
county of Renfrew. In a letter dated 7th September 1561, Randolph
says, "James Steward's admission to be Captain of the garde, stayett
upon the Lord of Lidington's retorne, to certifye whether he be sworne
Englishman." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 74.) On the 4th May
1562, "Capitane Stewart, capitane of the Quenis gard," with 24
horsemen, convoyed Arrane, Bothwell, and the Abbot of Kilwinning from
St. Andrews to Edinburgh. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72.)

To consult upoun these accusationis, the hoill Counsalle was assembled at Sanctandrois, the 18 day of Aprile, in the year of God J^m V^c, and threscoir twa yearis;[783] in which it was concluded, that, in consideratioun of the formar suspitioun, the Duck his Grace should render to the Quene the Castell of Dumbartane,[784] the custodie whairof was granted unto him by appointment, till that lauchfull successioun should be sein of the Quenis body: But will prevailled against reassone and promisses, and so was the said Castell delivered to Capitane Anstrudour, as having power fra the Quene and Counsall to receave it.[785]

[783] In the Acts of the Privy Council, there is no minute of any
meeting held on the 18th of April 1562. But the records of that time
are not very entire. In the Diurnal of Occurrents it is stated, that a
Convention was appointed to be held at St. Andrews, on the 15th of
that month, "for taking tryell of the matter above written, and thair
compeirit certane Lordis to the samyne;" and that, on the 18th of
April, "My Lord Duke raid to the Quenis Grace in Sanctandrois,
quhairintill he purgit himself of the conspiracie foirsaid in hir
presens."

[784] "Upon the xxvij day of April (1562) the Castell of Dumbartane
wes deliverit be my Lord Duke to Capitane Anstruther, in the name and
behalf of the Quenis Grace." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72.) Captain
Robert Anstruther, in the previous year, had the command of the
fortified island of Inchkeith, in the Frith of Forth, with "40
hagbutteris, remanand within the said Inche," (Treasurer's Accounts.)

[785] At the end of this paragraph, the transcriber of MS. L 4, has
added, "Thus farr Mr. Knox in the Fourth Booke of his Historie. Let
the Reader compare this relation with Buchanan's, and follow his own
judgement." In like manner Calderwood (Hist. vol. ii. p. 177,) says,
"Thus I have related this part of the Historie, as Knox hath sett it
down in the Fourth Booke of his Historie. Mr. Buchanan, his relation,
is somewhat different. He writeth," &c. Instead of quoting this
passage, the reader may be referred to Buchanan's own work, in which
he ascribes a plot to murther the Earl of Murray, as having been
devised by the Earl of Bothwell, upon finding that he would not join
Bothwell in his first design against the Hamiltons.

[Sidenote: PSAL. 2.]

Thingis ordoured in Fyfe, the Quene returned to Edinburgh,[786] and then began dansing to grow hote; for hir freindis began to triumph in France. The certantie heirof came to the earis of Johne Knox, for thair war some that schew to him, from tyme to tyme, the estait of thingis; and amangis otheris, he was assured, that the Queyne had daunced excessivelie till after mydnycht, becaus that sche had receaved letteris that persecutioun was begun agane in France, and that hir Uncles war begyning to steir thair taill,[787] and to truble the hoill Realme of France. Upoun occasioun of this text, "And now understand, O ye kingis, and be learned, ye that judge the earth," he began to taxt the ignorance, the vanitie, and the dyspyte of princes against all virtue, and against all those in whom haitterent of vice and love of vertew appeired.[788]

[786] Queen Mary returned from her journey and residence in Fife, to
Edinburgh, early in May. Knox probably confounded this absence from
Edinburgh, with the Queen's more protracted progress in the North in
Autumn, (see page 381,) which may account for his mistaking the
precise time of his second communing with the Queen, which actually
took place in December: see next page, note 2.

[787] In MS. G, "taills."

[788] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 16th December 1562, says,
"upon Sunday last he (Knox) inveighed sore against the Queenis
dancing, and little exercise of herself in vertue and godliness. The
report hereof being brought unto her ears, _yesterday she sent for
him_. She talked long time with him: little liking there was between
them, of the one or the other, yet did they so depart as no offense or
slander did rise thereon." We thus learn, that Knox's sermon was
delivered on the 13th, and that the interview occurred on the 15th
December.

[Sidenote: THE SECOUND COMMONYNG OF JOHNE KNOX WITH THE QUENE]

The reporte heirof maid unto the Quene, the said Johne Knox was send for. Mr. Alexander Cockburne,[789] who befoir had bone his scolare, and then was very familiare with him, was the messinger, who geve him some knowledge both of the report and of the reportairis. The Quene was in hir bed-chalmer, and with hir, besydis the Ladyes and the commoun servandis, war the Lord James, the Erle of Mortoun, Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and some of the garde that had maid the report. He was called and accused, as are that had irreverentlie spoken of the Quene, and that travailled to bring hir in haitterent and contempt of the people, and that he had exceaded the boundis of his text: And upoun these three headis, maid the Quene hir self a long harangue or orisoun;[790] whairto the said Johne ansuered as followis:--

[789] In MS. L 4, "Patrick Cockburne." See page 324, note 3.

[790] In MS. G. "oratioun."

"Madame, this is often tymes the just recompense which God geveth to the stubburne of the world, that becaus thei will nott hear God speaking to the conforte of the penitent, and for amendment of the wicked, thai are oft compelled to hear the fals report of otheris to thair greatter displeasur. I doubt not but that it cam to the earis of proud Herode, that our Maister Christ Jesus called him a fox; but thai told him not how odiouse a thing it was befoir God to murther ane innocent, as he had laitlie done befoir, causing to behead Johne the Baptiste, to reward the dansing of a harlottis doughtter. Madam, yf the reportaris of my wordis had bene honest men, thai wold have reaported my wordis, and the circumstances of the same. But becaus thai wold have credyte in Courte, and lacking vertew worthy thairof, thai mon haif somewhat to pleise your Majestie, yf it war but flatterye and lyes. But such pleasour (yf any your Grace tack in suche personis) will turn to your everlasting displeasour. For, Madam, yf your awin earis had heard the hoill mater that I entreated; yf thair be into you any sparckle of the Spreit of God, yea, of honestie or wisdome, ye could not justlie have bene offended with any thing that I spack. And becaus that ye have heard thair report, please your Grace to hear my self reherse the same, so neyr as memory will serve." (It was evin upoun the nixt day after that the sermon was maid.) "My text, (said he,) Madam, was this, 'And now, O kings, understand; be learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam, (said he,) that I had declaired the dignitie of kingis and reullaris, the honour whairinto God lies placed thame, the obedience that is dew unto thame, being Goddis lievtennentis, I demanded this questioun,--But, O allace! what compte shall the most part of princes maik befoir that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authoritie so manifestlie and schamefullie thai abuse? That the complaynt of Salomon is this day most trew, to wit, 'That violence and oppressioun do occupy the throne of God here in this earth:' for whill that murtheraris, blood-thrystie men, oppressouris, and malefactouris dar be bold to present thame selfis befoir kingis and princes, and the poor sanctis of God are banisshed and exyled, what shall we say, But that the devill hath tacken possessioun in the throne of God, which aught to be fearfull to all wicked doiris, and a refuge to the innocent oppressed. And how can it otherwyse be? For princes will not understand; thai will nott be learned as God commandis thame. But Goddis law thei dispyse, His statutis and holy ordinances thei will not understand; for in fidling and flynging thei ar more exercised then in reading or hearing of Goddis most blessed word; and fidlaris and flatteraris (which commonlie corrupt the youth) are more pretious in thair eyes then men of wisdome and gravitie, who by holsome admonitioun mycht beat doun into thame some part of that vanitie and pryde whairintill all are borne, but in princes tack [deepe] roote and strenth by wicked educatioun. And of dansing, Madam, I said, that albeit in Scripturis I fand no praise of it, and in prophane wryttaris, that it is termed the jesture rather of those that ar mad and in phrenesye then of sober men; yitt do I not utterlie dampne it, provyding that two vices be avoided: the formare, That the principall vocatioun of those that use that exercise be not neglected for the pleasur of dansing; Secoundly, That they daunse not, as the Philisteanis thair fatheris, for the pleasur that thai tack in the displeasur of Goddis people. For yf any of boyth thai do, as thai shall receave the reward of dansaris, and that willbe drynk in hell, onless thai spedilie repent, so shall God turn thair myrth in suddane sorow: for God will not alwayes afflict his people, neither yitt will he alwayes wynk at the tyranny of tyrantis. Yf any man, Madam, (said he,) will say that I spack more, let him presentlie accuse me; for I think I have nott only tueiched the somme, but the verry wordis as I spack them." Many that stood by bair witnesse with him, that he had recyted the verray wordis that publictlie he spack.

The Queyn looked about to some of the reaportaris, and said, "Your wourdis ar scharpe yneuch as ye have spocken thame; but yitt thei war tald to me in ane uther maner. I know (said sche) that my Uncles and ye ar nott of ane religioun, and thairfoir I can nott blame you albeit you have no good opinioun of thame. But yf ye hear any thing of my self that myslyikis you, come to my self and tell me, and I shall hear you."

"Madam," quod he, "I am assured that your Uncles ar enemyes to God, and unto his Sone Jesus Christ; and that for manteanance of thair awin pompe and worldlie glorie, that thei spair not to spill the bloode of many innocents; and thairfoir I am assured that thair interpryses shall have no better successe then otheris haif had that befoir thame have done that thei do now. But as to your awin personage, Madam, I wold be glade to do all that I could to your Graces contentment, provided that I exceed nott the boundis of my vocatioun. I am called, Madam, to ane publict functioun within the Kirk of God, and am appointed by God to rebuk the synnes and vices of all. I am not appointed to come to everie man in particular to schaw him his offense; for that laubour war infinite. Yf your Grace please to frequent the publict sermonis, then doubt I nott but that ye shall fullie understand boyth what I like and myslike, als weall in your Majestie as in all otheris. Or yf your Grace will assigne unto me a certane day and hour when it will please you to hear the forme and substance of doctrin whiche is proponed in publict to the Churches of this Realme, I will most gladlie await upoun your Grace's pleasur, tyme, and place. But to waitt[791] upoun your chalmer-doore, or ellis whair, and then to have no farther libertie but to whisper my mynd in your Grace's eare, or to tell to you what otheris think and speak of you, neather will my conscience nor the vocatioun whairto God hath called me suffer it. For albeit at your Grace's commandiment I am heare now, yitt can not I tell what other men shall judge of me, that at this tyme of day am absent from my book and wayting upoun the Courte."

[791] In MS. G, "to cum to waitt."

"You will not alwayis," said sche, "be at your book," and so turned hir back. And the said Johne Knox departed with a reasonable meary countenance; whairat some Papistis offended said, "He is not effrayed." Which heard of him, he answered, "Why should the pleasing face of a gentill woman effray me? I have looked in the faces of many angrie men, and yit have nott bene effrayed above measure." And so left he the Quene and the Courte for that tyme.

In this meanetyme, the negotiatioun and credytte[792] was great betwix the Quene of England and our Soverane: letteris, curreouris, and postis ran verray frequent.[793] Great bruyt thair was of the interview and meating of the two Quenes at York, and some preparatioun was maid thairfoir in boyth the Realmes. But that failed upoun the parte of England, and that be occasioun of the trubles moved in France, (as was alledged,) which caused the Quene and hir Counsall attend upoun the Sowth partes[794] of England, for avoyding of inconvenientis.

[792] In MS. G, "and credytte," are omitted.

[793] Various letters written by Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth at this
time are contained in the Prince A. Labanoff's collection: "Lettres,
Instructions et Mémoires de Marie Stuart, Reine d' Ecosse," &c.
Londres, (Paris) 1844, 7 vols. 8vo. See also Keith's History.

[794] In MSS. M and L 4, the words after "Sowth partes" are omitted,
and the following sentence interpolated. "Duke D'Awmall had opened up
the English Ambassaders letters, who was then lying at Court, as wes
reported; and by his procurement an English schip quhairin another
Ambassador did fair, wes spoiled. There being appearance of warres
betwix England and France, the Quene came from St. Andrews to
Edinburgh, at what tyme she committed the Earl of Arran to ward in the
Castell of Edinburgh." Calderwood has copied these words verbatim.
(History, vol. ii. p. 182.)

That symmer, thair cam ane Ambassadour from the King of Swaden, requyring marriage of our Soverane to his Maister the King.[795] His intertenment was honorable; but his petitioun lyked our Quene nothing; for such a man was too base for hir estait; for had nott sche beyn great Queyn of France? Fye of Swaden! What is it? But happy was the man that of suche a one was forsaken. And yitt sche refuised nott one far inferiour to a vertouse King.[796]

[795] The Swedish Ambassador, "Herr Peter Groif," arrived in Leith on
the 24th April, where he remained till the 9th of May, when the Queen
came from Fife. In Edinburgh "he logeit in Mr. Harie Lawder's
lodgeing, quhairto he was conveyit honorabill," and departed on the
1st of June, "with his answer, and imbarkit that nycht at ten houris
at nicht, and obtanit ane fair wynd." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 72,
73.)

[796] The King of Sweden referred to was Eric XIV., who was born in
the year 1533. He was educated in the Protestant faith, and succeeded
to the throne on the death of his father Gustavus Vasa, 29th September
1560. He was unfortunate in his projected alliances, and also in the
latter part of his career, having been forced to abdicate in 1568; and
he died of poison in 1578.

The Erle of Levenax and his wyff[797] war committed to the Towre of London for trafiquin with Papistis. The young Lard of Barr[798] was a travaler in that busines, and was apprehended with some letteris, which war the cause of his and thair truble.

[797] Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, succeeded his father in 1526. He
married Lady Margaret Douglas, the daughter of Archibald Earl of
Angus, by his wife, Margaret Queen of Scotland, widow of James the
Fourth, and sister of Henry the Eighth. Their son Henry Lord Darnley,
who married Queen Mary of Scots, was born in 1545. The Earl of Lennox
was elected Regent of Scotland 11th July 1570, but was slain 4th
September 1571. The Countess of Lennox died 9th March 1577, in the 62d
year of her age.

[798] John Lockhart, son of John Lockhart of Barr in Ayrshire. He was
served heir of his father, 10th May 1575.

[Sidenote: HAWICK RAIDE.]

The Erle of Murray maid a privey raid to Hawick upoun the fayre-day thairof, and apprehended fyftie theaffis; of which nomber war sevintene drowned;[799] otheris war executed in Jedburght. The principallis war brought to Edinburgh, and thair suffered, according to thair merittis, upoun the Burrow Mure.[800] The Quene was nothing content of the prosperitie and gude successe that God gave to the Erle of Murray in all his interprysses, for sche hated his uprycht dealling, and the image of God which evidently did appear into him; but at that tyme sche could not weall have beyn served without him.

[799] The disturbed state of the Borders called for this summary act
of justice. According to Randolph's letter, dated 7th July 1562, there
were eighty-three persons apprehended at Hawick, "of the which twenty
were acquitted by the assize; the rest condemned; of the which
twenty-two were presently drowned there, for lack of trees and
halters; six hanged at Edinburgh, yesterday being Monday," &c.
(Chalmers' Queen Mary, vol. iii. p. 360; Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p.
259. But Chalmers dates this letter 7th June; Tytler, the 8th July.)

[800] The Borough or Common Muir, about a mile to the south of
Edinburgh, was of great extent, stretching from the Pleasance westward
to beyond Merchiston Castle. The place where the old wooden gallows
stood for the execution of criminals, according to Maitland, was "on
the west side of the Dalkeith road, where it is left by the way to
Musselburgh." The position was afterwards changed: see his History of
Edinburgh, p. 176, chap. 177, respecting the Borough Muir.

[Sidenote: SCHARPE LEFT PREACHING AND TOOK HIM TO THE LAWES.]

[Sidenote: ANNO 1566 IN MAIJ.]

The Assemblye of the Kyrk at Mydsymmer, the [29th] of Junij,[801] anno 1562, approached, in the which war many notable headis entreated concernying good ordour to be keapt in the Churche; for the Papistis and the idolatrie of the Queyn began to truble the formar good ordouris. Some ministeris, suche as Maister Johne Scharpe,[802] had left thair charges, and entered into other vocationis more profitable for the belly; against whom war actis maid, althought to this day thei have nott bene putt in executioun.

[801] In MS. 1566, "the 24;" in MS. L 4, "the penult of Junij;" in MS.
M, "the penult of Julie." The General Assembly met at Edinburgh on the
penult or 29th of June 1562. See the Booke of the Universall Kirk of
Scotland, vol. i. p. 13. It should no doubt be, in "Mr. Henry Lawder's
lugeing," instead of "Mr. _Hendrie Lands_ house," (ib. p. 14,) where
the Assembly was held.

[802] Mr. John Scharp was educated in St. Leonard's College, St.
Andrews, having taken his Bachelor's degree in 1555; and he became a
licentiate or Master of Arts in 1557. At the Reformation he appears to
have occasionally exercised himself in the office of the ministry,
without being appointed to any particular church. The want of
efficient preachers to supply the vacant charges rendered the General
Assembly more anxious to secure the services of qualified persons. On
the 2d July 1562, the Assembly "finding him able to preach the word
and minister the sacraments, as he had done before times, charged him
to re-enter to the ministry, the place where he should minister being
reserved to farther deliberation." And on the 4th July, "It was
concludit that Mr. John Scharp should re-enter in the ministrie, and
to serve in the kirk whilk the Superintendent of Lothian should
appoint; and if he refused, that the censures of the Kirk be execute
against him." Scharp, however, according to the above marginal note,
became an Advocate, and long practised at the bar with great success.
Mr. John Scharp, Advocate, had a charter of the lands of Houston, in
the shires of Edinburgh and Linlithgow, 25th March 1576. His name
occurs in an Act of Parliament, in July 1604, as "Maister John Scharp
of Houston, Lawer." (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. p. 264.) He was one of
five persons connected with Scotland who were knighted by King James
at Whitehall, on the 17th December 1604.

The tennour of the Supplicatioun redd in oppen audience, and approved by the hoill Assemblye to be presented to the Quenis Majestie, was this:--

TO THE QUENIS MAJESTIE, AND HIR MOST HONORABLE PRIVEY
COUNSALL, THE SUPERINTENDENTIS AND MINISTERIS OF THE
EVANGELL OF JESUS CHRIST WITHIN THIS REALME, TOGETHER WITH
THE COMMISSIONARIS OF THE HOILL CHURCHES,[803] DESYRE GRACE
AND PEACE FROM GOD THE FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH
THE SPREIT OF RYCHTEOUSE JUDGEMENT.

[803] In the Booke of the Kirk, "of the haill Kirk."

HAVING in mynd that fearfull sentence, pronunced by the Eternall God against the watchemen that see the sweard of Goddis punishement approche, and do not in plane wordis foirwarne the people, yea, the Princes and Reularis, that thei may repent, we can not but signify unto your Hienes, and unto your Counsall, that the estait of this Realme is sic for this present, that onless redress and remeady be schortlie provided, that Goddis hand can not long spayr in his anger, to stryck the head and the taill; the inobedient Prince and synfull people: For as God is unchangeable and trew, so must he punische in these our dayis, the grevouse synnes that befoir we read he hes punished in all aiges, after that he hes long called for reapentance, and none is schawin.

[Sidenote: THIS[804] CAUSES THE QUENIS RELIGIOUN TO HAVE MANY FAVOURARIS.]

[804] In MS. G, "These cause;" MS. L 4, "This causethe."

And that your Grace and Counsall may understand what be the thingis we desyre to be reformed, we will begyn at that quhilk we assuredlie know to be the fontane and spring of all other evillis that now abound in this Realme, to wit, That idoll and bastard service of God, the Messe; the fontane, we call it, of all impietie, not only becaus that many tack boldnes to syn be reassone of the opinioun which thei have conceaved of that idoll, to wit, That by the vertew of it, thei get remissioun of thair synnes; but also becaus that under the cullour of the Messe, are hoores, adulteraris, drunkardis, blasphemaris of God, of His holy Word and Sacramentis, and such other manifest malcfactouris, manteaned and defended: for lett any Messesayare, or earnest manteanar thairof be deprehended in any of the foirnamed crymes, no executioun can be had, for all is done in haiterent of his religioun; and so are wicked men permitted to live wickedlie, clocked and defended by that odious idoll. But supposing that the Messe war occasioun of no such evillis, yit in the self it is so odiouse in Goddis presence, that we can not cease with all instance to desyre the removing of the same, alsweall frome your self as from all otheris within this Realme, tacking heavin and earth, yea, and your awin conscience to record, that the obstinat manteanance of that idoll shall in the end be to you destructioun of saule and body.

Yf your Majestie demand, why that now we ar more earnest then we have bein heirtofoir; We ansuer, (our formar silence no wiese excused,) becaus we fynd us frustrat of our hope and expectatioun; quhilk was, that in processe of tyme, your Grace's heart should have bein mollifyed, so far as that ye wold have heard the publict doctrin taught within this Realme; by the quhilk, our farther hope was, that Goddis Holy Spreit should so have moved your hearte, that ye should have suffered your religioun (quhilk befoir God is nothing but abominatioun and vanitie) to have been tryed by the trew tueich-stone, the writtin word of God; and that your Grace fynding it to have no ground nor fundatioun in the same, should have gevin that glorie unto God, that ye wold have preferred his treuth unto your awin preconceaved vane opinioun, of what antiquitie that ever it hes bene. Whairof we in a parte now discoraged[805] cane no longer keape silence, onless we wold mack our selfis criminall befoir God of your blood, perisheing in your awin iniquitie; for we plainlie admonishe you of the dangearis to come.

[805] In MS. G, "discharged." In the Book of the Kirk, and MS. L 4,
"disappointed."

[Sidenote: GRUDGEING OF THE NOBILITIE ONE AGAINST OTHER]

The Secound that we requyre, is punishement of horrible vices, sic as ar adultery, fornicatioun, open hurdome, blasphemye, contempt of God, of his Word, and Sacramentis; quhilkis in this Realme, for lack of punishement, do evin now so abound, that syne is reputed to be no syne. And thairfoir, as that we see the present signes of Goddis wrath now manifestlie appear, so do we foirwarne, that he will stryck, or it be long, yf his law without punishement be permitted thus manifestlie to be contempned. Yf any object, that punishementis can nott be commanded to be executed without a Parliament; We answer that the eternall God in his Parliament has pronounced death to be the punishement for adulterye and for blasphemye; whose actis yf ye putt not to executioun, (seing that Kingis ar but his lieutennentis, having no power to geve lyefe, whair he commandis death,) as that he will reputt you, and all otheris that foster vice, patronis of impietie, so will he nott faill to punishe you for neglecting of his judgementis.

Our Third requeast concerneth the Poore, who be of thre sortis: the poore lauboraris of the ground; the poore desolat beggaris, orphelyns, wedoes, and strangaris; and the poore ministeris of Christ Jesus his holie evangell, quhilk ar all so crewallie entreated by this last pretended Ordour tacken for sustentatioun of Ministeris, that thair latter miserie far surmonteth the formar. For now the poore lauboraris of the ground ar so oppressed by the creualtie of those that pay thair Thrid, that they for the most parte advance upoun the poore, whatsoever they pay to the Quene, or to any other. As for the verray indigent and poore, to whome God commandis a sustentatioun to be provided of the Teyndis, they ar so dyspised, that it is a wonder that the sone geveth heat and lycht to the earth, whair Godis name is so frequentlie called upoun, and no mercy (according to his commandiment) schawin to his creaturis. And also for the Ministeris, thair lyvingis ar so appointed, that the most parte shall lyve but a beggaris lyef. And all cumeth of that impietie, that the idill bellies of Christis ennemyes mon be fedd in thair formare delicacie.

We dar nott conceall frome your Grace and Honouris our conscience, quhilk is this, That neather by the law of God, neather yitt by any just law of man, is any thing dew unto thame, who now most creuellie do exact of the poore and riche the Two partes of thair Benefices, as they call thame: And thairfoir we most humblie requyre, that some other Ordour may be tacken with thame, nor that thei be sett up agane to impyre above the people of God, eathir yitt above any subject within this Realme. For we fear that sic usurpatioun to thair formar estaite be neather in the end pleasing to thame selfis, nor profitable to thame that wold place thame in that tyrannye. Yf any think that a competent lyving is to be assigned to thame, we repugne not, provided that the Lauboraris of the ground be nott oppressed, the Poore be nott utterlie neglected, and the Ministeris of the word so scharplie entreated as now thay ar. And, finallie, that those idill bellies, who by law can crave nothing, shall confesse that thei receave thair sustentatioun, nott of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble requeast is thairfoir, that some suddane ordour may be tacken, that the poore Lauboraris may fynd some releaf, and that in everie parochine some portioun of the Teyndis may be assigned to the sustentatioun of the Poore within the same; and lykwise that some publict releaf may be provided for the Poore within Broughtis; that collectouris may be appointed to gatther, and that scharpe comptis may be tacken, alsweall of thair receat as of thair deliverance. The farther consideratioun to be had to our Ministeris, we in some parte remitt to your Wisdomes, and unto thair particular complayntis.

Oure Fourt petitioun is for the mansses, yardis, and gleibes, justlie apperteanyng to the Ministeris, without the quhilkis it is unpossible unto thame quyetly to serve thair chargeis; and thairfoir we desyre ordour to be tacken thairinto without delay.

Oure Fyft concerneth the inobedience of certane wicked personis, who not onlie truble, and have trubled Ministeris in thair functioun, but also disobey the Superintendentis in thair visitatioun; whairof we humblye crave remeady; which we do not so much for any fear that we and our Ministeris have of the Papistis, but for the love that we bear to the commoun tranquillitie. For this we can not hyd from your Majestie and Counsall, that yf the Papistis think to triumphe whair thai may, and to do what thai list, whair thair is not a partie able to resist thame, that some will think, that the godlie mon begyn whair thai left, who heirtofoir have borne all thingis patientlie, in hope that Lawes should have brydilled the wicked; whairof yf thai be frustrat, (albeit that nothing be more odiouse to thame then tumultis and domesticall discord,) yit will men attempt the uttermost, befoir that in thair awin eyes thai behold that House of God demolisshed, quhilk with travaill and danger God hath within this Realme erected by thame.

Last, We desyre that sick as have receaved remissioun of thair Thriddis be compelled to susteane the Ministerie within thair boundis, or ellis we foirwarne your Grace and Counsall, that we fear that the people shall reteane the hoill in thair handis, unto sic tyme as thair ministery be sufficientlie provided. We farther desyre the kirkis to be repared according to ane Act set furth by the Lordis of Secreat Counsall, befoir your Majesties arryvall in this countrey: That Judges be appointed to hear the causes of divorsement; for the Kirk can no longare sustean that burthen, especiallye becaus thair is no punishement for the offendars: That sayeris and heararis of Messe, prophanaris of the Sacramentis, such as have entered in [to] benefices by the Papis bulles, and such otheris transgressouris of the Law maid at your Grace's arryvall within this Realme, may be seveirlie punished; for ellis men will think that thair is no treuth ment in macking of sick Lawis.

Farther, We most humblye desyre of your Grace and Honorable Counsall, a resolut ansuer to everie ane of the headis foirwritten, that the same being knawin, we may somewhat satisfie such as be grevouslie offended at manifest iniquitie now manteaned, at oppressioun under pretext of Law done against the poor, and at the rebelliouse disobedience of many wicked personis against Godis word and holy ordinance.

God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so reull your heartis, and direct your Grace and Counsallis judgementis by the dyttament and illuminatioun of his Holy Spreit, that ye may ansuer so as that your consciences may be absolved in the presence of that rychteous Judge, the Lord Jesus; and then we doubt nott but ye your selfis shall fynd felicitie, and this poor Realme, that long hes bene oppressed by wicked men, shall enjoy tranquillitie and rest, with the treu knowledge of God.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ESAI.]

[Sidenote: ANSUERE TO LETHINGTON.]

These thingis redd in publict Assernblie,[806] as said is, war approved of all, (and some wissed that moir scharpness had bene used, becaus that the tyme so craved,) but the monzeoris of the Court, and Secreatarie Lethingtoun abuf otheris, could not abyd such hard speiking; "For who ever saw it writtin (said he) to a Prince, That God wold stryck the head and the taill: That yf Papistis did what thei list, men wold begyn whair thei left." But abuf all otheris that was most offensyve, that the Quene was accused, as that sche wold raise up Papists and Papistrie agane. To put that in the people's head was no less then treassone; for oathes durst be maid[807] that sche never ment such thing. To whom it was ansured, "That the Prophete Esaias used such manor of speiking; and it was no doubt but he was weill acquented in the Court; for it was supposed he was of the Kingis stock. But howsoever it was, his wordis mack manifest, that he spack to the Court and Courteouris, to Judges, Ladies, Princes, and Preastis: And yit, (sayes he,) "The Lord shall cut away the head and the taill," &c. "And so," said the first wryttar, "I fynd that such phrase was ones used befoir us. And yf this offend you, that we say, 'Men maun begyn whair thei left,' in case that Papistis do as thei do; we wold desyre you to teache us, not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we shall do, when our Ministeris ar strycken, our Superintendentis disobeyed, and a plane rebellioun decread against all good ordour." "Complean," said Lethingtoun. "Whom to?" said the other. "To the Quenis Majestie," said he. "How long shall we do so?" quod the whole. "Till that ye get remeady," said the Justice Cleark: "geve me thair names, and I shall geve you letteris." "Yf the shepe," said one, "shall compleane to the wolf, that the wolves and whelpis hes devoured thair lambis, the compleanar may stand in danger; but the offendar, we feare, shall have libertie to hunt after his prey." "Sic comparisonis," said Lethingtoun, "are verray unsaverie; for I am assured, that the Quene will neather erect, nor yit manteane Papistrie." "Let your assurance," said ane other, "serve your self, but it can not assure us, for hir manifest proceadings speakis the contrair."

[806] At the 6th Sess., 4th July.

[807] In MS. G, "wer maid."

After sick tanting reassonyng of boyth the sydis, the multitude concluded, that the Supplicatioun, as it was conceaved, should be presented, onless that the Secreatarie wold forme one more aggreable to the present necessitie. He promest to keap the substance of ouris, but he wold use other termes, and ask thingis in a mair gentill maner. The first writtar ansured, "That he served the Kirk at thair commandiment, and was content, that in his dictament should men use the libertie that best pleased thame, provided that he was not compelled to subscryve to the flatterie of such as more regarded the personis of men and wemen, then the simple treuth of God." And so was this formar Supplicatioun gevin to be reformed as Lethingtounis wisdome thought best. And in verray deid he framed it so, that when it was delivered by the Superintendentis of Lotheane and Fyfe, and when that sche had redd somewhat of it, sche said, "Here ar many fair wordis: I can not tell what the heartis ar." And so for our paynted oratorye, we war termed the nixt name to flatteraris and dissemblaris. But for that Sessioun the Kirk receaved none other ansuer.

[Sidenote: JOHNE GORDOUN AND OGILBY.]

Schort after[808] the conventioun of the Kirk, chansed that unhappy persuyt whilk Johnne Gordoun, Laird of Fynlater,[809] maid upoun the Lord Ogilby,[810] who was evill hurt, and almost yit abydis mutilat. The occasioun was, for certane landis and rights, quhilkis old Fyndlater had resigned to the said Lord, which he was perseuing, and was in appearance to obteane his purpose. Whairat the said Johne and his servandis war offended, and thairfoir maid the said persuyt, upoun a Setterday, at nycht, betwix nyne and ten. The freindis of the said Lord war eather not with him, or ellis not weall willing to feght that nycht; for thei took straikis, but geve few that left markis. The said Johne was tane, and put in the Tolbuyth, whair he remanent certane dayis, and then brack his warde, some judged, at his fatheris commandiment; for he was macking preparatioun for the Quenis cuming to the North, as we will after hear.

[808] As mentioned in the previous page 337, Knox has mistaken the
time when the General Assembly met, and in this way he probably
committed the mistake of saying, "Schort after," instead of "Short
before the Conventioun." The meetings of the Assembly were from Monday
the 29th June, till Saturday the 4th July 1562. The above conflict
took place on Saturday the 27th June. The Magistrates having
apprehended and imprisoned Gordon of Finlater, and ordered two of the
Ogilvies to be kept in ward, they sent a messenger to the Queen, who
was then in Stirling, to obtain her instructions. The Queen's letter,
dated penult of June, is preserved in the Council Register, and is
printed by Keith. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 156.) But Sir John Gordon, as
Knox mentions, soon afterwards made his escape to the North.

[809] Sir John Gordon was third son of George fourth Earl of Huntley.
Alexander Ogilvy of Ogilvy, in 1545, having disinherited his son James
Ogilvy of Cardell, settled his estates of Finlater and Deskford upon
John Gordon, who assumed the name of Ogilvie, which was the occasion
of the animosity that existed between the two families. James Ogilvy
of Cardell had been in France, and was Master of the Household of
Queen Mary. He was now endeavouring to recover possession of his
father's estates. The claim between the rival families of Gordon and
Ogilvy having at length been referred to arbitration, the estates of
Deskford and Finlater, in 1566, were affirmed to James Ogilvy, the
ancestor of the Earls of Finlater; and this award was ratified in
Parliament, 19th April 1567.

[810] According to most accounts James sixth Lord Ogilvy of Airly was
so severely wounded in this conflict, on the 27th June 1562, that his
life was considered to be in imminent danger; but he recovered and
survived till the year 1606.

The interview and meating of the two Quenis, delayed till the nixt year, oure Soverane took purpose to visyt the North, and departed from Striveling in the moneth of August. Whitther thair was any secreat pactioun and confederacye betwix the Papistis in the South, and the Erle of Huntley and his Papistis in the North; or, to speak more planelie, betwix the Quene hir self and Huntley, we can not certanlie say.[811] But the suspitionis war wounderous vehement, that thair was no good will borne to the Erle of Murray, nor yit to such as depended upoun him at that tyme. The History we shall faythfullie declair, and so leave the judgement free to the readaris.

[811] In MS. G, "certanely affirme."

That Johne Gordoun brack his ward, we have already heard, who immediately thairafter reapared to his father George, then Eric of Huntley;[812] and understanding the Quenis cuming, maid graite provisioun in Strabogye, and in other partis, as it war to receave the Quene. At Aberdene the Quene and Court remaned certane dayis to deliberat upoun the affaires of the countrey; whair some began to smell, that the Erle of Huntley was under gatthering, as heirefter shalbe declaired.

[812] George fourth Earl of Huntley succeeded his grandfather in 1524.
He became a favourite of King James the Fifth, with whom he had been
educated. He was admitted a Privy Councillor in 1535, and was
constituted Lieutenant-General of the North in 1540. In 1546 he
succeeded Cardinal Beaton as Lord Chancellor. He obtained in 1549 a
grant of the Earldom of Murray, but this he was forced to resign in
1559. The estates and dignities of Mar and Murray having afterwards
been conferred upon Lord James Stewart, this served to encrease those
fatal dissensions which ultimately led to the Earl's death, at
Corrichie, on the 28th October 1562.

[Sidenote: BOTHWELL BRAKE WARDE.]

[Sidenote: THE FALS BISHOPE AND HIS TRAFIQUE]

Whill thingis war so wyrking in the North, the Erle Bothwell brack his ward, and cam furth of the Castell of Edinburgh, the 28th of August. Some say that he brack the stancheour of the wyndo; utheris whispered, that he gat easye passage by the yettis. One thing is certane, to wit, The Quene was litill offended at his eschaiping. Thair passed with him a servand of the Capitane's, named James Porterfield. The said Erle schew him self not verray affrayed, for his commoun residence was in Lowthean. The Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of Crosraguell keapt secreat conventioun that same tyme in Paslay, to whom resorted diverse Papistis; yea, the said Bischope spack the Duck, unto whom also cam the Lord Gordon from the Erle of Huntley, requyring him "to putt to his handis in the South, as he should do in the North; and so it should not be Knoxis crying nor preaching that should stay that purpose." The Bischope, be he never so close, could not altogether hyd his mynd, but at his awin table said, "The Quene is gone into the North, belyke to seak disobedience: sche may perchance fynd the thing that sche seikis." It was constantlie affirmed, that the Erle Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spack together, but of thair purpoise we heard no mentioun.

[Sidenote: COMMISSIONARIS.]

That same year, and at that instant tyme, war appointed Commissionaris by the Generall Assemblie to Carryk and Cunighame, Maister George Hay, who, the space of a moneth preached with great fruct in all the churches of Carryk. To Kyle, and to the partis of Galloway was appointed Johnne Knox, who besyde the doctrine of the evangell schawen unto the commoun people, foirwarned some of the Nobilitie and Baronis of the dangearis that he feared, and that war appearing schortlie to follow; and exhorted thame to put thame selfis in sic ordour as that thei mycht be able to serve the authoritie, and yit not to suffer the ennemeis of Goddis treuth to have the upper hand. Whairupoun a great part of the Baronis and Gentilmen of Kyle and Cunynghame and Carrik, professing the treu doctrine of the evangell, assembled at Ayre; and after exhortationis maid, and conference had, subscrivit this Band. The tennour whairof followis:--

WE, whais Names are underwrittin, do promesse, in the
presence of God, and in the presence of his Sone our Lord
Jesus Christ, that we, and everie ane of us, shall and will
manteane and assist the preaching of his holy Evangell, now
of his mear mercy, offered unto this Realme; and also will
manteane the ministeris of the same against all personis,
power, and authoritie, that will oppone the self to the
doctrin proponed, and by us receaved. And farther, with the
same solempnitie, we protest and promesse, that everie ane
of us shall assist otheris; yea, and the hoill body of the
Protestantis within this Realme, in all lauchfull and just
actionis, against all personis; so that whosoever shall
hurt, molest, or truble ony of our body, shalbe reaputed
ennemye to the hoill, except that the offendar wilbe content
to submit him self to the judgement of the Kirk, now
establisshed amangis us. And this we do, as we desyre to be
accepted and favored of the Lord Jesus, and reaccompted
worthy of credyte and honestie in the presence of the
godlie. At the Brough of Air, the ferd day of September, the
year of God J^m V^c threscoir twa zeiris.

Subscrivit by all these with thair handis, as followis:--

MR. MICHAELL WALLACE, Provest of Air,[813]
JAMES LOCKART,[814]
WILLIAME MONTGOMERY,
JOHNNE CRAUFURD of Wolstoun,[815]
GLENCARNE,[816]
RO. BOYD,[817]
R. FAILFURD,[818]
MATTHEW CAMPBELL of Lowden, knyght,
ALLANE LORD CAYTHCART,
JOHNNE MURE in Wole,
HEW WALLACE of Carnell,
JAMES CHALMER of Gathgirth,
HEW MONTGOMERY of Hesheilhead,
JOHNNE FULLARTOUN of Dreghorne,
I WILLIAME CUNYGHAME, with my hand,
SKELDOUN,[819]
FARGUSHILL,[820]
MR. OF BOYD,[821]
JOHNNE LOCKART of Barr,
WILLIAME CUNYGHAME of Capringtoun younger,
ROBERT KER of Carsland,
ROBERT CRAWFURD,
DAVID CRAWFURD,
WILLIAME CUNYGHAME,
CHARLES CAMPBELL, Burgess of Air,
JAMES DALRYMPLE of Stayre,
MUNGO MURE,
JAMES REID,
JAMES KENNEDY, Burgess of Air,
GEORGE LOCKART, Burgess thair,
JOHNE CUNYNGHAME of Capringtoun,
CUNYNGHAMHEID,[822]
VCHILTRIE,[823]
GEORGE CRAUFURD of Lefnoreise,
JOHNE MURE of Rowallane,
HEW CUNYGHAME of Watterstoun,
ROBERT CUNYGHAME,
AKYNHARVYE,[824]
MYDDILTOUN,[825]
JOHNE WALLACE of Cragie,
JOHNE BOYD of Narstoun,
ROBERT CAMPBELL of Kingzeanclewcht,
GILBERT ECCLES,
THOMAS CAYTHCARTE, with my hand,
ALLANE CAITHCART of Clawance,[826]
ADAM REYD of Barskymming,
JOHNNE CAITHCART of Gibiszard,[827]
JOHNE REID, with my hand,
JOHNE ...[828]
ROBERT SCHAW, Burgess thair,
JOHNNE DUNBAR of Blantyre,
ROBERT CHALMER of Martnem,[829]
ROBERT HUNTAR of Huntarstoun,
ROBERT RANKIN,
ARCHIBALD BOYLE,
ALEXANDER NYSBETT,
JAMES LOCKART,
WILLIAME STEWART of Halrig,
HECTOUR DUNBAR of Clousting,
JAMES CAMPBELL of Louchley,
ADAM CAITHCART of Bardarocht,
GEORGE RYD of Chapellhouse,
HEW WALLACE of the Meanfurd,
ROBERT CAMPBELL of Cragdow,
ANDRO NEVEN of Monkredden,
WILLIAME CAITHCART,
DAVID CRAUFURD of the Kerse,
JOHNNE KENNYDYE of Ternganoche,
PATRIK KENNYDIE of Daljarocht,[830]
ALLANE CAITHCART of Carlton,
ROBERT BOYD of Pemont,[831]
WILLIAME CAMPBELL of Horsclewcht,[832]
WILLIAME CAITHCART, brother to the Lord Caithcart,
JOHNNE MACQUHIDAILL,
GEORGE CORRY of Kelwod,
WILLIAME KENNYDIE of Ternganocht,
JOHNNE KENNYDIE of Kirkmichaell,
THOMAS MACKALEXANDER of Corsclais.[833][834]

[813] The Provost of Ayr was, no doubt, Wallace of Holmstone, on the
south bank of the river, about a mile from the town.

[814] Probably Sir James Lockhart of Lee.

[815] Or Walston, parish of Tarbolton.

[816] Alexander fourth Earl of Glencairn.

[817] Robert fourth Lord Boyd: see page 259, note 7.

[818] Robert Cunningham, minister of Failfurd: see a subsequent note.

[819] William Campbell of Skeldon, in the parish of Dalrymple.

[820] John Fergushill of Fergushill, in the parish of Kilwinning.

[821] Robert Master of Boyd. He predeceased his father Lord Boyd.

[822] Sir William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead.

[823] Andrew second Lord Stewart of Ochiltrie.

[824] In the list this appears as a distinct name, but Robert
Cunningham was Laird of Auchinharvy.

[825] The Laird of Middleton was also a Cunningham.

[826] Or Clavanes, parish of Dundonald.

[827] Or Gibb's-yard.

[828] In all the copies of Knox this name is left blank, his
transcriber in 1566 apparently being unable to decypher it.

[829] Or Martinham, parish of Dalrymple.

[830] Or Daljarrock, parish of Colmonell.

[831] Or Piedmont.

[832] Or Horsecleuch, in the parish of Cumnock, a designation assumed
by the Campbells of Skerrington, although probably at first by a
distinct branch of the family.

[833] Or Corseclays, in the parish of Colmonell.

[834] In MS. G, at the end of this list of names is added, "With many
uther Gentilmen of worth, and Burgesses." In MS. L 4, the list is
dated, the 3d of September; but the names of the Subscribers of this
Bond are only partially given; but adding these words, "with an
hundreth more gentlemen," &c. Calderwood also gives a similar abridged
list. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 202.)

These thingis done at Ayr, the said Johne passed to Nethisdaill and Galloway, whair, in conference with the Maister of Maxwell,[835] a man of great judgment and experience, he communicat with him such thingis as he feared; who by his motioun wraytt to the Erle Bothwell, to behave himself as it became a faythfull subject, and to keape good quyetness in the partis committed to his charge, and so wold his cryme of the breaking of the ward be the more easelie pardoned. Johne Knox wrait unto the Dukis Grace, and earnestlie exhorted him neather to geve eare to the Bischope[836] his bastard brother, nor yit to the persuasionis of the Erle of Huntley; for yf he did, he assured him, that he and his House should come to a suddane ruyn.

[835] Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis, Warden of the West Marches: see
vol. i. p. 319.

[836] Giving ear to the Bishop, that is, John Hamilton, Archbishop of
St. Andrews.

By such meanis war the South partis keapte in reassonable quyetness, during the tyme that the trubles war in brewing in the North. And yit the Bischope and the Abbote of Corsraguell,[837] did what in thame lay to have rased some truble; for besydis the fearfull bruytes that thei sparsed abroad, (sometymes that the Quene was tacken; sometymes that the Erle of Murray and all his band war slane; and sometymes that the Quene had gevin her self unto the Erle of Huntley,--besydis such bruites) the Bischope, to brek the countrey of Kyle, whair quyetness was greatest, rased the Craufurdis against the Readis for the payment of the Bischopis Pasche fynes; but that was stayed by the laubouris of indifferent men, who favored peace.

[837] Quintin Kennedy was the fourth son of Gilbert second Earl of
Cassillis. As a younger son, intended for the church, he pursued his
studies at St. Andrews, and afterwards at Paris. He obtained the
Abbacy of Crossraguell in Ayrshire, in the year 1549. He died on the
22d August 1564. See notice of his life in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol.
i. p. 89.

[Sidenote: DISPUTATIOUN.]

[Sidenote: CROSRAGUELL OFFFRED HIM ANES TO PREACH.]

The Abbot of Crosraguell requyred disputatioun of Johne Knox for mantenance of the Messe, which was granted unto him, and whiche held in Mayboll thre dayis. The Abbot had the advantage that he requyred, to wit, He took upoun him to prove that Melchisedeck offered bread and wyne unto God, which was the ground that the Messe was builded upoun to be a Sacrifice, &c. But in the travaill of thre dayis thair could no prooff be produced for Melchisedeckis oblatioun, as in the same disputatioun (which is to be had in print[838]) clearlie may appear. The Papistis constantlie looked for a wolter, and thairfoir thei wold maid some bragg of reassonyng. The Abbote farther presented him self to the pulpit, but the voice of Maister George Hay[839] so effrayed him, that efter ones he wearyed of that exercise.

[838] The Disputation referred to took place at Maybole in September
1562. Knox published a detailed account of it, under the title of "The
Copie of the Reasonyng which was betwix the Abbot of Crossraguell and
Johne Knox, in Maybole, concerning the Masse," &c. Printed at
Edinburgh by Robert Lekprevik, 1563, 4to. This, of course, will be
reprinted in a subsequent volume of his Works.

[839] Mr. George Hay was first minister of Eddilston, and in or before
1563, was appointed Commissioner of the Diocese of Aberdeen and Banff,
and also Minister of Ruthven. In August 1562, he had been appointed to
visit Ayrshire (see page 347); and Knox's allusion is evidently to
Hay's controversy with the Abbot at this time, which was published
under this title, "The Confutation of the Abbote of Crosraguells
Masse, set furth by Maister George Hay. Imprinted at Edinburgh, by
Robert Lekprewik, 1563," 4to; dedicated "To the Most Noble, Potent,
and Godly Lord James, Earle of Murray."

After that the Quene was somewhat satisfyed of hunting, and other pastyme,[840] sche cam to Abirdene, whair the Erle of Huntley met hir and his Lady, with no small tryne, remaned in Court, was supposed to have the greatest credyte, departed with the Quene to Buchquhane, met hir again at Rothymay, looking that sche should have passed with him to Strabogye. But in the jorney certane word cam to hir that Johne Gordoun had brocken promesse in not re-entering in ward; for his father the Erie had promessed that he should enter agane within the Castell of Stryveling, and thair abyd the Quenis pleasur. But whetther with his fatheris knowledge and consent, or without the same we know not, but he refused to enter; which so offended the Quene, that she wold not go to Strabogye, but passed through Straythyla to Innerness, whair the Castell thairof was denyed unto hir. The Capitane was commanded to keape it, and looked for releaf, for so had Johne of Gordoun promessed; but being thairof frustrat, the Castell was randered, and the Capitane named Gordoun was executed; the rest war damned, and the handis of some bound, but eschaiped.