Chapter III: Personis Subject to Discipline (10)

"The cheif heid," said Johne Knox, "that ye deny, to wit, That the Propheittis nevir taucht that it appertenit to the peopill to punisch the idolatrie of thair Kingis; the contrair whairof I affirm: And for the probatioun, I am reddie to produce the fact of ane Propheit; for ye knaw, my Lord, said he, that Eliseus send one of the childrene of the Propheittis to anoynt Jehu, who gaif him in commandiment to destroy the hous of his maister Achab for the idolatrie commitit be him, and for the innocent blude that Jesabell his wyckit wyff had sched: quhilk he obeyit, and pat in full execution; for the quhilk God promessit unto him the stabillatie of the kingdom to the fourt generation. Now, said he, heir is the fact of ane Propheit, that proveis that subjectis wer commandit to execute jugementis upoun thair King and Prince."

"Thair is eneuch," said Lethingtoun, "to be ansuerit thairto; for Jehu wes ane King befoir he pat onie thing in executioun; and besydis this, the fact is extraordinaire, and aucht nocht to be imitat."

"My Lord," said the uther, "he wes ane meir subject, and no King whan the Propheittis servand came unto him; yea, and albeit that his fellow capitanis, heiring of the message, blew the trumphet, and said, 'Jehu is king;' yit I doute nocht, but Jesabell boith thocht and said, 'He wes ane traitour;' and so did monie utheris that wer in Israell and in Samaria. And as tuiching that ye allege, that the fact wes extraordinarie, and is nocht to be imitat, I say, that it had ground of Godis ordinary jugement, whilk commandis the idolater to dey the deith; and, thairfoir, I yit agane affirme, that it is to be imitat of all those that prefferis the true honour, the true worschip and glorie of God, to the affectiounis of flesch, and of wickit Princes."[1028]

[1028] The conclusion of this sentence is corrected by MS. G. In MS.
1566, the words are here awkwardly transposed; and various others in
this Disputation have either been omitted, or inaccurately
transcribed.

"We ar nocht bound to imitat extraordinarie exampillis," said Lethingtoun, "unles we haif the lyke commandiment and assurance."

"I grant," said the uther, "gif the exampill repugn to the law; and gif ane avaricious and deceitfull man wald borrow [gold,] silver, rayment, or [ony] uther necessaris from his nychtbour, and withhauld the same, alledging, that so thay mycht do and nocht offend God, because that the Iseraellitis did so to the Egiptianis at thair depairtour furth of Egipt. The exampill served to no purpoise unles that thai coulde produce the lyke cause, and the lyke commandiment that the Iseraellitis had, and that because thair fact repugnit to this commandiment of God, 'Thou sall nocht steill.' But whair the exampill aggreis with the law, and is, as it wer, the executioun of Godis jugementis expressit in the same, I say, that the exampill approved of God standis to us in place of a commandiment: for, as God of his natour is constant, immutable, sa can he nocht dampne in the aigis subsequent, that whilk he hes approvit in his servandis befoir us. But in his servandis befoir us, He be his awin commandiment hes approvit, that subjectis hes nocht onlie distroyit thair Kingis for idolatrie, but also hes ruitit out thair hoill posteritie, so that none of that race wes left efter to impyre above the peopill of God."

"Whatsoevir thai did," said Lethingtoun, "wes done at Godis commandiment."

"That fortifeis my argument," said the uther; "for be Godis commandiment he approvit, that subjectis punish thair Princes[1029] for idolatrie and wickitness be thame committit."

[1029] In MS. G, "thair Kings."

"We haif nocht the lyke commandiment," said Lethingtoun.

"That I deny," said the uther; "for the commandiment, 'The idolater sall dey the deith,' is perpetuall, as [ye] your self hes grantit: You douttit onlie who sould be executouris againis the King; and I said the peopill of God, and hes sufficientlie provin, as I think, that God hes raissit up the peopill, and by his Propheit hes anoyntit ane King to tak vengeance upoun the King, and upoun his posteritie. Quhilk fact, God sen that tyme hes nevir retreittit; and, thairfoir, to me it remanis for ane constant and cleane commandiment to all the peopill professing God, and haifing the power to punisch vyce, what thay aucht to do in the lyke caise. Gif the peopill had interprysit onie thing without Godis commandiment, we mycht haif doutit whidder thai had done weill or evill; but seing that God did bring the execution of his law agane in practice, efter that it wes cum in oblivioun and contempt, what ressonable man can doute now of Goddis will, unles we will doute of all thingis quhilk God renewis nocht unto us be miracallis, as it wer from age to age. But I am assureit, that the ansuer of Abraham unto the riche man, who being into hell, desyreit that Lazarus, or sum of the deid, sould be send unto his bretherin and freindis, to foirwairne thame of his incredable [pane and] tormentis, and that thay sould behaif thame selfis, so that thai sould nocht cum in that place of torment: the ansuer, I say, gevin unto him, sall confound sik as craif farder approbatioun of Godis will then is alreddy expressit within his holie Scriptouris; for Abraham said, 'Thay haif Moyses and the Propheittis, whome gif thay will nocht beleif, neither will thay beleif albeit that one of the deid sould ryise.' Evin so, I say, my Lord, that sik as will nocht be taucht what thay aucht to do, be commandiment of God anis gevin, and anis put in practice, will nocht beleif nor obey, albeit that God sould send angellis from hevin to instruct that doctrine."

"Ye haif but produceit ane exampill," said Lethingtoun.

[Sidenote: 2 PARALI.2][1030]

[1030] See page 427, note 1.

"One sufficeth," said the uther; "but yit, God be praissit, we lack nocht utheris; for the whole peopill conspyreit aganis Amasiath king of Juda, efter that he had turnit away from the Lord, followit him to Lachess and slew him, and tuik Uziah and anoyntit him king in steid of his father. The peopill had nocht altogidder forgottin[1031] the league and covenant quhilk wes maid betwix thair king and thame, at the inauguratioun of Joash, his father, to wit, 'That the King and the peopill sould be the peopill of the Lord,' and than sould thai be his faythfull subjectis: From the quhilk convenant, whan that first the father, and efter the sonne declynit, thai wer boith punischit to the deith, Joash be his awin servandis, and Amasias be the whole peopill."

[1031] In MS. 1566, "gottin."

"I doubt," said Lethingtoun, "whidder thay did weill or nocht."

"It salbe free for you," said the uther, "to doubt as ye pleis; but whair I find executioun according to Godis lawis, and God him self nocht to accuse the doaris, I dar nocht doubt of the equittie of thair cause. And farder, it appeiris unto me, that God gaif sufficient approbatioun and allowance to thair fact; for he blissit thame with victorie, peace, and prosperitie, the space of fifty-two yeiris thairafter."

"But prosperitie," said Lethingtoun, "does nocht alwayis prove that God approveis the factis of men."

"Yis," said the uther; "when the factis[1032] of men aggrie with the law of God, and ar rewairdit according to Godis awin promeise, expressit in his law, I say, that the prosperitie succeiding the fact is moist infallable assurance that God hes approvit that fact. Now so it is, that God hes promeissit in his law, that when his peopill sall exterminat and destroy sik as declyne from him, that he will bliss thame, and multipley thame, as he hes promeissit unto thair fatheris. But so it is, that Amasias turneit fra God; for so the text do witness; and plane it is the peopill slew thair king; and lyke plane it is, that God blissit thame: Thairfoir, yit agane conclude I, that God approvit thair fact, in so far as it wes done according to his commandiment, wes blissit according to his promeise."

[1032] In MS. 1566, "faltis."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I think nocht the ground sa sure as I durst builde my conscience thairupoun."

"I pray God," said the uther, "that your conscience haif no worse ground than is this, when soevir ye sall begin that lyke work whilk God in your awin eis hes alreddie blessit. And now, my Lord, (said he,) I haif but one exampeill to produce, and than I will put [an] end to my ressonying, becaus I wearie langer to stand." (Commandiment wes gevin that he sould sytt doune; but he refuissit it, and said, "Melancholius[1033] ressouns wald haif sum myrth intermixed.") "My last exampill, (said he,) my Lord, is this:--Uzzias the King, nocht content of his royal estait, malepeirtlie tuk upoun him to enter within the temple of the Lord, to burne incense upoun the alter of incense; 'And Azarias the preist went in efter him, and with him fourscore preistis of the Lord, vailzeant men, and thay withstude Uzzias the king, and said unto him, It pertenith thee nocht, Uzzias,[1034] to burne incense unto the Lord, but to the preistis, the sonnis of Aaroune, that ar consecratit to offer incense: Go furth of the sanctuary, for thou hes transgressit, and you sall haif no honour of the Lord God.' Heirof, my Lord, I conclude, that subjectis nocht onlie may, but also aucht to withstand and resist thair princes, whensoever thay do onie thing that expreslie repugnis to God, his law, or holie ordinance."

[1033] In MS. 1566, "malankourelie;" in MS. L 3, "malancholik."

[1034] In MS. G, "it apperteneth not unto Uzzias."

"Thay that withstude the King," said Lethingtoun, "wer nocht sempill subjectis, but wer the Preistis of the Lord, and figoureis of Chryste, and sik preistis haif we none this day, to withstand Kingis gif thay do wrang."

"That the Hye Preist wes the figour of Chryste," said the uther, "I grant: but that he wes nocht ane subject, that I deny. For I am assureit, that he in his priestheid had no prerogative above those that had passit befoir him. Now, so it is, that Aaroune wes subject unto Moyses, and callit him his Lord. Samuell, being boith propheit and preist, subject him self to Saule, eftor he wes inaugurat of the peopill. Sadock bowit befoir David; and Abiathar wes depossit frome the preistheid be Salamoune, quhilkis all confessit thame selfis subjectis to the Kingis, albeit that thairwith thei ceissit nocht to be the figouris of Christe. And whairas ye say, that we haif no sik preistis this day, I mycht answer, that nether haif we sik Kingis this day as than wer annoyntit at Godis commandiment, and sat upoun the sait of David, and wer no les the figour of Chryste Jesus in thair juste administratioun, then wer the preistis in thair appoyntit office: and sik Kingis, I am assureit, we haif nocht now moir than that we haif sik preistis: for Chryste Jesus being annoyntit in our natour, of God his Father, both King, Priest, and Prophet, hes put an end to all externall unctioune. And yit, I think, ye will nocht say, that God hes now diminissit his graceis for those whome he appoyntis ambassadouris betwix him and his peopill, [more] than that he dois from kingis and princes; and thairfoir, why that the servandis of Jesus Chryste may not also justlie withstand kingis and princes, that this day no less offendit Godis majestie than Uzzias did, I see nocht, onless that ye will say, that we, in the brychtnes of the Evangill, ar nocht sa straitlie bound to regaird Godis glorie, nor yit his commandimentis, as wer the fatheris that leiffit under the dark schaddowis of the Law."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I will dip no farder in that heid. But how resisted the Preistis the King? Thai onelie spak unto him without farder violence intendit."

"That thay withstude him," said the other, "the text assureis me; but that thay did nothing but speik, I can nocht understand; for the plane text affirms the contrair, to wit, that thay caused him haistilie to depairt frome the sanctuarie, yea, and that he wes compellit to depairt: quhilk maner of speiking, I am assureit in the Hebrew toung impoirtis uther thing than exhoirting, or commanding by worde."

"Thay did that," said Lethingtoun, "efter that he wes espyit leaprous."

"Thay withstude him hefoir," said the other; "but yit thair last fact confermes my propositioune so evidentlie, that sik as will oppone thame unto it, moist neidis oppone thame unto God; for my assertioun is, that kingis haif no previlege moir than has the peopill to offend Godis majestie; and gif that so thay do, thay ar no moir exempted from the punischment of the law than is onie uther subject; yea, and that subjectis may nocht onlie lauchfullie oppone thame selfis to thair kingis, whensoevir thay do onie thing that expressedlie repugnes to Goddis commandiment, but also that thay may execute jugement upoun thame according to Goddis law; so that [if] the king be ane murtherar, adulterar, or idolater, he soulde suffer according to Godis law, nocht as ane king, but as ane offender, and that the peopill may put Godis lawis in executioune, this Historie cleirlie proveis: for how soon that the leprosie appeirit[1035] in his foirheid, he wes nocht onelie compellit to depairt oute of the sanctuarie, but also he was removeit frome all publick socyetie and administratioune of the kingdome, and wes compellit to dwell in ane house ane pairt, evin as the law commandit, and gat no grytter privilage in that cais than onie uther of the peopill soulde haif done; and this wes executit be the peopill; for it is no doute mo wer witnesses of his leprossie than the preistis allone. But we fynd none oppone thame selfis to the sentence of God pronounced in his law aganis the leprouse; and thairfoir, yit agane say I, that the peopill aucht to execute Goddis law evin aganis thair princes, when that thair oppin crymes be Godis law deserve deith, but especialie when thay ar sik as may infect the rest of the multitude. And now, my Lordis, (said he,) I will ressoune no langer, for I haif spokin moir than I intendit."

[1035] In MSS. G, and L 3, "the leprosie was espyed."

"And yit," said Lethingtoun, "I can nocht tell what can be concludit."

"Albeit ye can nocht," said the uther, "yit I am assureit what I haif provin, to wit:--

"1. That subjectis haif delyverit ane innocent frome the handis of thair King, and thairintill offendit nocht God.

"2. That subjectis haif refuseit to stryke innocentis whan ane King commandit, and in so doing denyit no just obedience.

"3. That sik as struck at the commandiment of the King befoir God wer reputed murtheraris.

"4. That God hes nocht onlie of ane subject maid ane King, but also hes airmit subjectis aganis thair naturall Kings, and commandit thame to tak vengence upoun thame according to his law.

"And, last, That Godis pepill hes executit Godis law aganis thair King, having no farther regaird to him in that behalf, than gif he had bene the moist simpill subject within this Realme.

"And thairfoir, albeit ye will not understand what sould be concludeit, yit I am[1036] assureit that nocht onlie Goddis pepill [may], but also, that thai ar bounde to do the same whair the lyke crymes ar committit, and when he gevis unto thame the lyke power."

[1036] In MS. G, "I am not."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I think ye sall nocht haif monie leirnit men of your oppinioun."

"My Lord," said the uther, "the treuthe ceisses nocht to be the treuthe, howsoevir it be that men [either] misknaw it, or yit ganestand it. And yit, (said he,) I praise my God, I lack nocht the consent of Godis servandis in that heid." And with that he presentit unto the Secretour the Apologie of Magdeburgh;[1037] and willit him to reid the names of the Mynisteris who had subscribed the defence of the Toune to be ane moist juste defence; and thairwith addit, "That to resist ane tyrant, is not to resist God, nor yit his ordinance."

[1037] Magdeburg, in the province of Saxony, is a town of ancient
date, and of importance from its situation. It was involved in
disputes with Austria, on account of the protection which it granted
to Lutheranism. This drew upon it the ban of the Empire, followed by a
siege in 1550, which endured for twelve months; but a treaty was
concluded in 1551, without the Magdeburgers being betrayed into any
mean submission to the Emperor. (See Robertson's Charles V., Book x.)

Whilk when he had read, he scripped and said, "_Homines obscuri_."[1038] The uther ansuerit, "_Dei tamen servi_."[1039]

[1038] That is, "Men of no note."

[1039] That is, "Servants of God however."

And [so] Lethingtoun arose and said, "My Lordis, ye haif hard the ressounis upoun boith pairteis: it becumis you now to decyde, and [to] put ane ordour unto preicheouris, that thay may be uniforme in doctrine. May we, think ye, tak the Queenis Messe frome hir?"

Whille that sum began to geif thair voittis, for sum wer appoyntit, as it wer, leaderis to the rest, Johne Knox said, "My Lordis, I suppois that ye will nocht [do] contrair to your [Lordships] promeis, maid to the whole Assemblie, whilk wes, That nothing soulde be voited in secreit, till that the first all maitteris soulde be debaittit in publict, and that than the voittis of the whole Assemblie sould put an end to the controversie. Now haif I onelie sustenit the argument, and haif rather schawin my conscience in moist simpill maner, than that I haif insystit upoun the force and vehemence of onie ane argument: And thairfoir I, for my pairt, utterlie disassent frome all voitting, till that the whole Assemblie haif hard the propositiounis and the ressounis of boith pairteis. For I unfeinyeitlie acknawlege, that monie in this cumpanie ar moir abill to sustene the argument than I am."

"Think ye it reasonable," said Lethingtoun, "that sik ane multitude [as] ar now convenit, soulde ressoune and voit in these heidis and matteris that concerne the Quenis Majesties awin persoune and effairis?"

"I think," said the uther, "that whatsoevir soulde bind, the multitude soulde heir, unless that thai haif resignit thair power unto thair Commissioneris, whilk thai haif nocht done, sua far as I understand; for my Lord Justice-Clark heard thame with ane voice say, That in no wayis wald thai consent that onie thing soulde ether here be voited or concludit."

"I can nocht tell," said Lethingtoun, "[if] that my Lordis that be heir present, and that beir the burding of sik maitteris, soulde be bounde to thair will. What say ye, (said he,) my Lordis? Will ye voit in this maitter, or will ye nocht voit?"

Efter lang ressonyng, sum that wer maid for the purpois said, "Why may nocht the Lordis voit, and than schaw unto the Kirk whatsoevir is done?"

"That appeiris to me," said Johne Knox, "nocht onlie ane backwart ordour, but also ane tyrranie usurpeit upoun the Kirk: But for me, do as ye list, (said he,) for as I ressoune, so I voit; yit protesting as befoir, that I dissent frome all voiting, till that the hoill Assemblie understand alsweill the questiounis as the ressonyngis."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "that can nocht be done now, for the tyme is spent; and thairfoir, my Lorde Chanceler, (said he,) ask ye the voittis, and tak [be course] everie ane of the Mynisteris, and ane of us."

[Sidenote: MR. JOHNE DOUGLAS RECTOUR.]

And so wes the Rectour of Sanctandrois[1040] commanded first to speik his conscience; who said, "I reffer, to the Superintendant of Fyffe, for I think we ar boith in one jugement; and yit, (said he,) gif ye will that I speik first, my conscience is this, That gif the Quene oppone hir self to oure religioun, whilk is the onelie trew religioun, that in that caise the Nobillitie and Estaitis of this Realme, professouris[1041] of the trew doctrine, may justlie oppone thame selffis unto hir. But as concernyng hir awin Messe, I knaw it is idolatrie, but yit I am nocht yit resolved, whidder that be violence we may tack it frome hir or nocht." The Superintendant of Fyffe[1042] said, "That same is my conscience." And so affirmit sum of the Nobillitie. But utheris voitted frankley, and said, "That as the Messe wes abominatioun, so wes it juste and rycht that it soulde be suppressit;[1043] and that in so doing, men did no moir wrong to the Quenis Majestie than thay that soulde be force tak frome hir ane poysonit coupe when sehe wes going to drink it."

[1040] At page 286 of the former volume, a brief notice of Douglas is
given, in order to show that he must be distinguished from John
Douglas, a Carmalite Friar, who, forsaking his order, became in 1558,
Chaplain to the Earl of Argyle. As stated in the note referred to, Mr.
John Douglas was elected Provost of St. Mary's College, St. Andrews,
in 1547. He was also elected for a long series of years Rector of the
University; and having embraced the Reformed opinions, he still
continued his residence at St. Andrews, retaining his situation as
Provost of the College. In 1571, when "an auld feeble man," by
"compromise with the Earl of Morton, he was nominated to the See of
St. Andrews: Knox having refused to inaugurate him, the ceremony was
performed by Mr. John Wynrame. (M'Crie's Life of Knox.) According to
his Confirmed Testament, 29th January 1574-5, "Johne Archbishop of
Sanctandrois, &c. died in (blank) 1574;" and it shows that his nominal
dignity had not enriched him. The Summa of his Inventar amounted only
to £280, 4s. 4d., and this included "Item, his L[ordship's] liberall
[library] of bukis, extending to ane hundreth pundis."

[1041] In MS. G, "that have professit."

[1042] Mr. John Wynrame. See note in vol. i. p. 150. As Sub-prior of
St. Andrews, he sat as one of the Judges at the trials of Sir John
Borthwick in 1540, of George Wishart in 1546, and of Walter Myln in
1550. In 1549, at the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, he is
styled "M. Johannes Wynrame Ecclesiæ Metrop. Primitialis S. Andreæ,
Canonicus Regularis, et Supprior, Theologiæ Doctor." He survived till
the year 1582, when he died at the advanced age of ninety.

[1043] In MSS. G, and L 4, "repressed."

[Sidenote: MR. JOHN CRAIG.]

At last, Mr. Johne Craig,[1044] fellow-minister with Johne Knox in the Kirk of Edinburgh, wes requyreit to gif his jugement and vote, who said, "I will glaidlie schaw unto your Honouris what I understand; but I gritlie doubt whidder my knawlege and conscience sall satisfy you, seing that ye haif heard so monie ressounis and ar so lyttil moved be thame. But yit I sall nocht conceill from you my jugement, adhering first to the protestatioun of my Brother, to wit, That our voitting prejudge nocht the lybertie of the Generall Assembly. I wes, (said he,) in the Universitie of Bononia,[1045] in the yeir of God 1554,[1046] whair, in the place of the Blak-Freiris of the same toune, I saw in the tyme of thair Generall Assemblie this Conclusioun set furth: This same I hard ressoned, determined, and concludit:--

[1044] Mr. John Craig was born in 1512, became a Dominican Friar, and
narrowly escaped from a sentence of the Inquisition at Rome, which had
condemned him to the flames as a heretic in 1559. He at length
succeeded in reaching Scotland. He was minister of the Canongate for a
short time, before he was appointed Knox's colleague. He was
translated from Edinburgh to New Aberdeen before 1574; but was brought
back as King's Minister in July 1580. He survived till the year 1600,
and died at the advanced age of eighty-eight. (M'Crie's Life of Knox,
vol. ii. p. 53-57; Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 455.)

[1045] The Latin name of Bologna.

[1046] So also in MS. L 3; but in MS. A i, the date is "1550;" in MSS.
L 4, and M, "1553." MS. G, makes it "1562"--an obvious mistake, as
Craig returned to Scotland in 1560, and is not known to have left it
at any subsequent period.

CONCLUSIO.

"PRINCIPES omnes, tam supremi, quam inferiores, possunt et
debent reformari, vel deponi per eos, per quos eliguntur,
confirmantur, vel admittuntur ad officium, quoties a fide
præstita subditis per juramentum deficiunt: Quoniam relatio
juramenti subditorum et principum mutua est, et utrinque
æquo jure servanda et reformanda, juxta legem et conditionem
juramenti ab utraque parte facti."

"That is, All Reuleris, be thay supreame or be thay inferiour, may and aucht to be reformed or deposed be thame be whom thay ar chosin, confirmed, or admitted to thair office, as oft as thay brak that promeis maid be the oath to thair subjectis: Because that thair Prince is no less bound be oath to the subjectis, then is the subjectis to thair Princeis, and thairfoir aucht to be keipit and reformed equallie, according to the law and conditioun of the oath that is maid of other partie."

"This Conclusioun, my Lordis, I heard sustenit and concludit, as I haif said, in ane moist notabill auditour. The sustenar wes ane leirnit man, M. Thomas de Finola, the Rectour of the Universitie, ane man famous in that cuntrie. Magister Vincentius de Placentia, affirmed the Conclusioun to be moist true and certane, agreable boith with the law of God and man. The occasioun of this Disputatioun and Conclusioun, wes ane certene disordour and tyrranie that wes attempit be the Paipes Governouris, who began to mak innovationis in the cuntrie aganis the lawis that wer befoir establischit, alledging thame selfis nocht to be subject to sik lawis, be ressoune that thay wer nocht institute be the peopill, but be the Paip, who wes King of that cuntrie; and, thairfoir thay, haifing full commissioun and authoritie of the Paip, mycht alter and change statuteis and ordinanceis of the cuntrie, without all consent of the peopill. Aganis this [thair] usurped tyrranie, the leirnit and the peopill opponcit thame selffis opinlie: and when that all ressounis whilk the Paipis governouris could allege wer heard and confuted, the Paip him self wes fane to tak up the maitter, and to promeis to keip nocht onlie the lybertie of the peopill, but also that he sould neither abrogat[1047] onie law [or] statute, neither yit mak onie new law without thair awin consent. And, thairfoir, my Lord, (said he,) my vote and consience is, that Princes ar nocht onlie bound to keip lawis and promeisses to thair subjectis, but also, that in caise thai faill, thay justlie may be deposeit; for the band betwix the Prince and the Peopill is reciproce."

[1047] In MS. 1566, "haif brocht."

Then start [up] ane claw-back of that corrupt Court, and said, "Ye wat nocht what ye say; for ye tell us what wes done in Bononia; we ar ane kingdome, and thai ar but ane Commounwelth."

"My Lord," said he, "my jugement is, that everie kingdom is, or at leist, sould be ane Commounwelth, albeit that everie Commounwelth be nocht ane kingdom; and, thairfoir, I think, that in ane kingdom no less dylligence aucht to be taikin, that lawis be nocht violatit, than is [in] ane Commounwelth; because that the tyrranie of Princeis who continwallie ring[1048] in ane kingdom, is moir hurtfull to the subjectis, than is the misgovernment of those that from yeir to yeir ar chaingit in fre Commounwelthis. But yit, my Lordis, to assure you and all utheris farder, that heid wes disputed be the utermoist; and than, in the end, it was concludit,[1049] that thay spak nocht of sik thingis as wer done in diverse kingdomis and natiounis be tyrranie and negligence of peopill. 'But we conclude,' said thai, 'what aucht to be done in all Kingdomis and Commounwelthis, according to the law of God, and unto the just lawis of man. And gif be the negligence of the peopill, or be tyrranie of Princes, contrair lawis haif bene maid, yit may that same peopill, or thair posteritie, justlie craif all thingis to be reformed,[1050] according to the originall institutioun of Kingis and Commounwelthis: and sik as will nocht [do] so, deserve to eit the frute of thair awin folischnes.'"

[1048] In MS. 1566, "who continewing."

[1049] In MSS. 1566, and L 3, "nocht concluded."

[1050] In MS. 1566, "ressonit."

Maister James Makgill,[1051] than Clark of Register, persaifing the voittis to be different, and heiring the bauld plainess of the foirsaid servand of God, said, "I remember that this same questioun wes lang debaittit aneis befoir this in my house, and thair, be ressoune that we wer nocht all of ane mynd, it wes concludit, that Mr. Knox sould in all our names haif writtin to Mr. Calvin for his jugement in the contraversie."

[1051] Some notices respecting Mackgill, who was appointed Clerk
Register in 1554, are given at page 156. From the Treasurer's Accounts
it appears his salary was only 20 merks, or £13, 6s. 8d.

"Nay," said Mr. Knox, "my Lord Secretour wald nocht consent that I sould wrytte, alleging, that the grittest weycht of the ansuer stude in the narrative, and thairfoir [promeisit that] he wald wryte, and I sould sey it. But when, (said he,) that diverse tymes I requyreit him to remember his promeis, I fand no thing but delay."

Whairto the Secretour did ansuer, "True it is, I promeist to wryte, and true it is, that diverse tymeis Mr. Knox requyreit me so to do. But when I had moir deiplie consydderit the weycht of the maitter, I began to find mo douttis than that I did befoir, and this one amangis utheris, How I durst, I being ane subject, and the Quenis Majesties Secretarie,[1052] tak upoun me to seik resolutioun of contraverseyis depending betwix hir Heyness and hir subjectis, without hir awin knawlege and consent." Than wes thair ane acclamatioun of the claw-backis of the Courte, as if Apollo had gevin his response: It wes wyselie and faythfullie done.

[1052] William Maitland, usually styled Laird of Lethington, was the
eldest son of Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, and was born
probably between 1525 and 1530. He is said to have studied at St.
Andrews, but his name does not occur in the Registers as having taken
any degree. Chalmers has devoted much labour in tracing the career of
this very able man, whose policy in changing his views from time to
time proved equally unfortunate to himself and his country. (Life of
Mary Queen of Scots, 2d edit. vol. iii. page 530 to 615.) At an early
period of life Maitland took an active share in public affairs. Knox
mentions him under the year 1555, (vol. i. p. 247;) and on more than
one occasion calls him "the author of all the mischief" that had
occurred. He first appears in the service of the Queen Regent; and in
September 1555, the Treasurer paid "to William Maitland, be the Quenis
Grace precept, for his pension of this instant zeir, £150." After the
death of Bishop Panter, on the 4th December 1558, he was appointed
Secretary of State. In October 1559, he joined the Lords of the
Congregation; in August 1560, he acted as Speaker of Parliament; and
in the following year he was raised to the bench. After various
embassies to France and England, and after having an active share in
all the intrigues and public affairs of the time, he died at Leith, as
alluded to at page 363, note I, 9th June 1573. He was twice married.
On the 10th November 1552, he had a charter of lands in Stirlingshire
to himself and Janet Menteith his spouse: she was the daughter of
Menteith of Kerse. He married, secondly, at Stirling, 6th January
1566-7, Mary Fleming, daughter of Malcolm third Lord Fleming. After
his death she addressed a pathetic letter to Lord Burleigh, dated from
Edinburgh, 21st June 1573, praying that her husband's body might
"_receive no shame or ignominy_." The English General, on the 18th,
had also written, that he had been pressed by the Earl of Athole and
others, "that the body of Ledingtoun might be buried, _and not remain
above the ground as it does_."--In 1584, Parliament passed an Act of
"Pacification to Marie Flemyng, (relict of umquhill William Maitland
younger of Lethingtoun, Secretare to our Soverane Lord) and his
bairnis." (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. p. 313.)

"Weill," said Johne Knox, "let warldlie men praise warldlie wisdome so heichlie as thay pleise, I am assureit, that be sik shiftis, idolatrie is mentenit, and the treuth of Jesus Chryste is betrayit, whairof God one day will be revengit." At this, and the lyke scherpnes, monie offendit, the voitting ceissit, and everie factioun began planelie to speik as effectioun moveit thame.

Johne Knox in the end wes commandit yit to wryte to Mr. Calvin, and to the leirnit in uther Kirkis, to knaw thair jugementis in that questioune; quhilk he refuissit, schawing his ressoun, "I myself am nocht onlie fullie resolved in conscience, but also I haif heard the jugementis in this, and all uther thingis that I haif affirmit within this Realme, of the moist godlie and moist leirnit that be knawin in Europe. I come nocht to this Realme without thair resolutioun; and for my assurance I haif the hand wrytingis of monie; and, thairfoir, gif I sould [now] move the same questioun agane, what sould I do uther, but either schaw my awin ignorance and forgetfulness, or ellis inconstancey: And, thairfoir, it may pleise you to appardoune me, albeit I wryte nocht. But I will teich you the surer way, whilk is [this], that ye wryte and complayne upoun me, that I teich publictlie and affirme constantlie sik doctrine as offendis you, and so sall ye knaw thair plane myndis, and whidder that I and thay aggrey in jugement or nocht."

[Sidenote: THE END OF THE RESSONYNG BETWIX JOHN KNOX AND THE SECRETOUR IN JUNE 1564.]

Diverse said the offer wes gude; bot no man wes founde that wald be the secretour. And so did that Assemblie in lang ressonyng brek up. Efter the whilk tyme, the mynisteris, that wer callit preceissit, wer haldin of all the Courteouris as monstouris.

In all that tyme[1053] the Erle of Murray wes so formed[1054] to Johne Knox, that nowther be word nor write wes there ony communicatioun betwix thame.[1055]

[1053] In MS. 1566, this short paragraph of three lines, is in a
different hand and colour of ink, and bears a close resemblance to
Knox's own writing.

[1054] So in the MS.; but evidently intended for _fremmit_, strange,
foreign: in MS. G, "fremmed;" in MS. M, "freamed;" in MS. L 4,
"frame;" in MS. A 1, "framed;" but MS. L 3, has "formed."

[1055] In the later MSS. there are several variations at the end of
this book. In MSS. A 1, and L 3, an extract from his Sermon in 1565,
is added with this title, "These words following are found written be
John Knox, in the preface of a certain Treatise maid be him upon the
xxvj. cap. Isayas." In MSS. M, and L 1, we read as follows: "In this
Conference, (with Lethington,) ye may see a proofe of Mr. Knox his
deep jugement and promptness in citing the passages of Scripture,
besides his great zeal, courage, and sinceritie in the cause of God,
without respect to flesh or blood." MS. L 4, adds, "Mr. Knox endeth
the 4 Buik of his Storie, with this Conference." In MS. M, "Heere
endeth the Fourth Booke of Mr. Knox his Historie of the Church of
Scotland." On a separate leaf in MS. L 4, are four paragraphs which
occur in Book Fifth, and are copied nearly _verbatim_ in Calderwood's
History, vol. ii. pp. 280, 284, 294, 295. The last paragraph breaks
off in the middle of a sentence, and in the margin is added, "The rest
of this section ye will find elsewhere, in the beginning of some writt
scrollis."

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO BOOK FIFTH.

IN the previous volume it has been shewn that the Four Books of THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND were written by Knox, between the years 1559 and 1566; and that these Books have reached us, as completed by himself, without being either mutilated or interpolated, except in the common printed editions of the work. But of the Fifth Book, no manuscript copy has been discovered; and although there may be sufficient reason to prevent us from ascribing its composition to the Scotish Reformer, there can be no doubt of the propriety of annexing it as a Supplement or Continuation of his History.

This Fifth Book relates to the progress of affairs in Scotland, from September 1564 to August 1567, when Queen Mary having been forced to abdicate the throne, the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent. It was first published in folio, in the year 1644, by DAVID BUCHANAN, a person of literary distinction, of whom some account will be given in the Appendix to the present volume. The volume has this title:--

"THE HISTORIE OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND; Containing five Books: Together with some TREATISES conducing to the History. Published by Authority. (Jerem. 5. 1.-2 Cor. 13. 8.) LONDON, Printed by _John Raworth_, for _George Thomason_ and _Octavian Pullen_, and are to be sold at the Signe of the Rose in _Paul's_ Church-yard. MDCXLIV."

In the course of the same year, another edition, in quarto, appeared under a similar title:--"THE HISTORIE, &c. Printed at LONDON for _G. T._ and _O. P._ And Re-Printed at EDINBURGH by ROBERT BRYSON, and are to be sold at his Shop at the Signe of JONA. 1644."

It is a mistake to suppose that this Edinburgh edition was a literal reprint. The greater portion of the volume is in fact so, insomuch that the words and letters in most of the lines correspond in the two editions; still there are some changes which it is not improbable were introduced under Buchanan's immediate inspection. The Preface "To the Reader," in which the Editor "D. B." says, "I have thought fit in this place to point at some main occurrences from that time (1567) till now," remains unaltered. But "The Life of John Knox," which fills eight pages in the folio edition, is extended as "The Life and Death of John Knox," in the quarto, to twenty-two pages, including "An Acrostick" (8 lines), and 16 lines in the shape of an altar, "To the pretious memorie of John Knox, that worthie Primitive-Reformer in the Church of Scotland," signed "J. L." The historical "Preface," relating to the earlier people and religion of Scotland, filling thirty leaves in the folio, and thirty-two leaves in the quarto edition, contains no alterations. Neither are there any of importance, until we reach the close of Book Fourth, where four paragraphs are added, two of them being transposed from the commencement of Book Fifth. Other additions occur towards the latter part of Book Fifth. And in the subjoined Treatises, there is added Knox's "Brief Exhortation," dated from Geneva, 12th January 1557.

The passage in Buchanan's Life of John Knox, in which he speaks of the HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, is worthy of notice. After mentioning Knox's education and earnest study of the Holy Scriptures, he refers to his sufferings, and says, "For the cause of the truth, he suffered very much by sea and land, in minde and body; among forraigners, and amongst his own countreymen, as ye may see in this History of the Church, which now here we present unto you: Which History, namely so much of it, I mean, as formerly was published, hath gone commonly under his name, because he is the man of whom most is spoken thorowout the whole History, as being a most earnest and diligent agent in the businesse of the Reformation in the Church: Next, because he hath penned with his own hand, or spoken by word of mouth, the most part of the most remarkable and most usefull things for Posterity in the History. Thirdly, the whole History is gathered out of his Papers and Manuscripts: And so ye see why it is generally received to be of JOHN KNOX. But to return to his Life," &c.

In the Edinburgh edition, this reference to the History is altered as follows:--after mentioning that Knox "was honoured to be one of the prime publike actors in that worthy worke of our Primitive Reformation," Buchanan says, "And because some singular fruit, more then ordinare, is expected from him who hes some singular enduements, more then ordinar: Therefore, to shew to the world how farre his thoughts were bussied upon the good of Posteritie, and how little he did live to himselfe, he brought out of the intrals of actions many choise and worthie secrets, as the laudable travels of his pious and judicious minde, the truth whereof is evidentlie apparent throughout the whole progresse of this Church-Historie, which may justly bee published and sent abroad under his name, because the most part thereof hath either been penned with his owne hand, or spoken and uttered by the word of his mouth, or gathered and collected out of his Papers and Manuscripts. His Historicall relations are without partialitie. Hee hated no man's person, no not the enemie but his sin. And therefore I hope his unpartiall expressions shall be unseasonable to no good man, be hee never so great. Wearie not then in reading, but adventure your patience as he hes done his paines, and I doubt not, but in each particular, you shall get such a full and satisfactorie information of the truth, that you shall not afterward need to strike fire, and light your candle at another man's Torch. But to returne to his Life," &c.

In regard to the authorship of this Fifth Book, the minute statement of facts, the occasional modes of expression, and the above declaration by the Editor, that "the whole History is gathered out of Knox's Papers and Manuscripts," are quite opposed to the general notion that it was written or even compiled by David Buchanan. Neither can we attribute it to Knox's Secretary, Richard Bannatyne, as the style is altogether unlike that of the "Journal of Transactions" from 1570 to 1573, which has been published under his name; and from which portions at least ought to be included in a collection of the Reformer's Works. This will form part of the concluding volume.

On this subject the Editor of 1732, after remarking, "It is not easy to give any tolerable account of the Fifth Book," says, "It seems probable that Mr. David Buchanan himself is the author of it: perhaps he was beholden to Mr. Knox's scrolls, but I wish he had carefully distinguished Mr. Knox's composure from his own, and forborn his interpolations in the body of the History, which is a liberty no person ought to take with any Author.... The Editors, (it is added;) have given the Fifth Book as Mr. Buchanan has published it, and leave it to the Reader to value it as he finds cause." But these Editors have taken an unusual liberty, which they have not specified, in altering the language to correspond to the more antiquated orthography of the Glasgow MS. of the Four Books. In the present edition, the text is given from that of London, 1644.

Although persuaded that the Fifth Book has been chiefly derived from Knox's papers by some unknown hand, yet, as it has no well-founded claims to be regarded as A WORK OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITY, like the previous Books, I have not thought it necessary to devote much time to its elucidation by encumbering the pages with foot-notes; and the more so, as the period of three years which it embraces, has been so fruitful in controversy, and has obtained a much larger share of literary investigation than perhaps any other period of our National History.

[Sidenote: There be two Epigrams extant, written by George Buchanan, of a rich diamond sent from Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth.[1056]

[1056] The marginal notes in this Book are evidently added by the
original editor, David Buchanan.

* * * * *

IN the next moneth, which was July, the Queen went into Athole to the hunting; and from thence she made her progress into Murray, and returned to Fyfe in September.[1057] All this while there was appearance of love and tender friendship betwixt the two Queens; for there was many letters full of civility and complements sent from either of them to the other in signe of amity; besides costly presents for tokens. And in the meantime the Earl of Lenox[1058] laboured to come home forth of England; and in the moneth of October he arrived at Halyrud-House, where he was graciously received by the Queen's Majestie; namely, when he had presented the Queen of England her letters, written in his favour: And because he could not be restored to his lands without Act of Parliament, therefore there was a Parliament procured to be holden at Edinburgh, the 13. day of December:[1059] But before the Queen would cause to proclaim a Parliament, she desired the Earle of Murray, by whose means chiefly the said Earle of Lenox came into Scotland, That there should no word be spoken, or at least concluded, that concerned Religion in the Parliament. But he answered, That he could not promise it. In the mean time, the Hamiltons and the Earle of Lenox were agreed.[1060]

[1057] On the 25th or 26th September 1564: see note 4, page 420.

[1058] Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of Lennox. He arrived at Edinburgh
on the 23d September. A letter, addressed by Queen Mary to Queen
Elizabeth, on the 28th of that month, mentions, that he had presented
the letters of Elizabeth, at Holyrood-House, on the previous day.
(Tytler's Hist., vol. vi. p. 297; Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 233.)

[1059] The proceedings of this Parliament are not preserved, and the
day of meeting in variously stated. Some Acts passed on the 15th
December are recorded. (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 545.) In an
abstract of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, marked 3d December 1564,
(an evident error in the date for the 23d,) we read, "Lennox restored
by Parliament called only for that purpose. The Queen made an Oration
in the Parliament, shewing the reason of restoring Lennox; and the
rather, because it was at the request and suit of her sister of
England." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 259.) On the 15th, Lennox's
restoration was proclaimed with great solemnity at the Cross of
Edinburgh.

[1060] In Buchanan's republication of Knox's History, at Edinburgh,
1644, this and the next paragraph are transposed to the end of Book
Fourth, with two additional paragraphs, for the purpose evidently of
bringing the History down to the close of the year 1564. The first of
these, as follows, occurs nearly _verbatim_ in Calderwood's History,
vol. ii. p. 280: see also the Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 47.--

"ARTICLES AND PETITIONS.

"It was thought good by the Church Assembly immediately preceding
[viz. in June 1564,] and conforme to the Acts made before the Queen's
arrivall, and approven since, that Christ's true Religion bee _de
novo_, established, ratified, and approven throughout the whole
Realme; And that all Idolatry, especially the Masse, he abolished
every where, so that no other face of Religion be suffered to be
erected within this Realme. And for this effect, that the Ministrie be
sufficiently provided with maintenance, and sure appointment where
they shall take up thair stipends. In like manner, to desire that the
transgressors of the said Laws bee punished, specially in Aberdeen,
the Karse of Gowry, Seyfield, and other places which shall be
specified. These Articles were appointed to bee presented to the Lords
of the Secret Councel. The Earls of Murray, Argyle, Glencairne, and
the Secretary being present, and sent by the Queene to observe what
things were propounded in the Assembly, thought not good that the
Articles should be propounded after this manner, but drew out two
heads; First, they would declare the good mind and obedience of the
Assembly; Next, they would labour at her G[race's] hands for settling
of Religion according to the order established before her arrivall.
They promised also to deal with her for set stipends. Lethington
returned a gracious answer to these Heads. It was appointed that a
request should be presented to the Queen for obtaining the gift of the
Frier's Kirk of Kirkcudbright, to be holden hereafter the Parish Kirk
of Kirkcudbright."

The second paragraph is entitled,

"AN ANSWER TO PAUL METHVEN'S SUPPLICATION.

"The General Assembly of the Church conveened at Edinburgh the 25. of
December, the exhortation and invocation of the name of God being made
by John Knox. John Ærskin of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearnes,
was chosen Moderator. In this Assembly Paul Methven's supplication
anent his receiving to repentance, &c., was read and considered. The
Brethren were content to receive him, providing he presented himself
personally before them, and shew evident signes of unfained
repentance, and willingness to obey such a forme of repentance as they
should enjoyne. As for deleting the processe out of their Books, they
could no wayes condescend, neither thought they such a Petition could
proceed of the Holy Spirit, seeing David, a notable servant of God,
was not ashamed to leave in register his offence, to God's glory and
his own confusion. Anent his admission and re-entrie to the Ministrie
within this Realme, it was ansuered, That could not be granted till
the memorie of his former offence were more deeply buried, and some
particular Kirks within the Realme made request for him. And, further,
That his entrie in the Ministrie of England, hee being excommunicated
and unreconciled to the Kirk, hath grievously offended them." This
paragraph is copied nearly _verbatim_ from the Acts of Assembly, 27th
December 1564. (Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 55.)

At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where the said Earle of Lenox was restored, after two and twenty years exile: He was banished, and forfeited by the Hamiltons, when they had the rule. There were some Articles given in by the Church, especially for the abolishing of the Masse universally, and for punishment of vice; but there was little thing granted, save that it was Statute, That scandalous livers should be punished first by prison, and then publikely shewen unto the people with ignominy; but the same was not put in execution.

In the end of this moneth of December, the Generall Assembly of the Church was held at Edinburgh:[1061] many things were ordained for setling of the affairs of the Church.

[1061] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1564.

In the end of January the Queen past to Fyfe,[1062] and visiting the Gentlemen's houses, was magnificently banquetted every where, so that such superfluity was never seen before within this Realme; which caused the wilde fowl to be so dear, that partridges were sold for a crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act of Parliament, the confirmation of the feues of Church Lands, at the desire of divers Lords, whereof the Earle of Murray was chief. During the Queen's absence, the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chappell to hear Masse; and seeing there was no punishment, they waxed more bold: some of them thinking thereby to please the Queen, upon a certain Sunday in February, they made an Even-song of their own, setting two Priests on the one side of the quire, and one or two on the other side, with Sandy Stevin, Menstrall, (baptizing their children, and making marriages,) who, within eight days after, convinced of blasphemy, alleadging, That he would give no more credit to the New Testament than to a tale of Robin Hood,[1063] except it were confirmed by the Doctors of the Church. The said superstitious Even-song was the occasion of a great slander, for many were offended with it; which being by the Brethren declared to the Lords of the Privy Councell, especially to the Earle of Murray, who lamented the cause to the Queen's Majestie, shewing her what inconveniency should come if such things were suffered unpunished: And, after sharp reasoning, it was promised, That the like should not be done hereafter: The Queen also alleadged, That they were a great number; and that she could not trouble their conscience.

[1062] The Queen left Edinburgh on the 19th January 1564-5. Randolph,
who followed soon after, transmitted to England an interesting account
of his interviews with her at St. Andrews. (Chalmers' Life of Queen
Mary, vol. i. p. 123-127. Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 261.) She
afterwards visited Wemyss Castle. where she received Darnley's first
visit, on the 16th February, and returned to the Palace of Holyrood on
the 24th of that month.