Chapter II: Appendix (2)

"THE contentis of a letter direct by you (rycht worschipfull)
to Sir Harie Percie, was notifeid unto us by Mr. Kircaldie of
Grange, this Sonday the [16th][63] of Julij, by the whiche we
perceave, that the said Grange, of zeill and faithfull hairt
whiche he bereth to the furtherance of this our great, and,
befoire the warld, dangerous interpryse, hath travelled with
you as with ane unfeaned favorer of Chrystis trew religioun,
and of the libertie of our countrye, for knawlege of your
myndis towardis us, incais that we be assaulted by ony
forayne invasioun, or greater power then we be weill able to
resist. Youre confortable answer to this questioun we have
considered, to our joy and conforte, as also youre motiouns,
and quhatt ye demand; to witt, What we, the Protestantis
within this realme, do purpois? To quhatt end we meane to
directe oure actiouns? How we will, and how we be[64] able to
accompleis the same? What doubtis we have of ony adversare
powar? And finallie, incais that supporte sould be send frome
you, what maner of amytie mycht insew betuix these twa
realmes? To the whiche in breve we answer, That oure hoille
and only purpois (as knaweth God) is to advance the glorye of
Chryst Jesus, the trew preaching of his evangell[65] within
this realme; to remove superstitioun, and all kynd of
idolatrie;[66] to brydeill to our poweris the furie of those
that heirtofoir have cruellie sched the bloode of our
bretherein; and, to our utermest, to meanteine the libertie
of this oure countrye frome the tirranie and thraldome of
strangeris, as God sall assist us. How we [sall] be able to
accompleiss these premisses, is to us unknawin; onlye oure
hoip is guid that He that hes begune this guid wark in us,
and hathe, by his power, to this hour confounded the faces of
our adversaries, will performe the same to his glorie, whiche
chieflie we seik in this oure interpryse. Because we
suppoise, that neither oure present danger, neither yett the
weirlyke preparatioun whiche France maketh aganis us, be hyd
frome you nor frome the Counsall, we omitt that pairt. As
tuicheing the assurance of a perpetuall amity to stand betuix
these twa Realmes; as no earthlie [thing] of us is more
desyred, so crave we of God to mak us instrumentis by whiche
this unnaturall debaite, whiche long hath continued betuix
us, may anis be composed, to the prais of Goddis name, and to
the confort of the faithfull in boyth realmes. And gif youre
wisdomes can foirsie and devyse the meanes and assurances,
how the same may be brocht to passe; perswade youreselfis,
not onlye of oure consent and assistance, but also of oure
constancie, as men may promeise, to oure lyves end; yea, and
farther, of a charge and commandement by us to be left to
oure posteritie, that the amity betuix [us], in God
contracted and begun, may be by thame kept inviolat for ever.
And for the revolting frome you to France, whiche yee seeme
to fear and suspect, at thair pleisour, we utterlie abhor
that infidelitie; for now doeth the voyce[67] of God
continualie sound in our earis, 'That suche as profaine the
terrible and reverent name of God, sall nott eschaip
veangence.' Oure confederacie, amitie, and leigue, sall nott
be lyke the pactions maid by wardlie men for wardlie
proffeit; but as we require it for Goddis caus, so will we
incall his name for the observatioun of the same. Moirover,
gif we sould laike any thing to temporall commoditie, yitt
sould we never have occasioun to returne to thame; ffor we
now perceave and feill the wecht of thair yoke, and intend
(by Goddis grace) to cutt away suche instrumentis[68] as by
quhome this realme wes befoire abused. Trew it is, that as
yeit we have maid no mentioun of ony change in Authoritie,
neither yeit were we myndit to [do] any suche thing, till
extreme necessitie compelled us thairto: but seing it is now
more than evident, that France, and the Quene Regent heir,
with hir preistis, pretend to nothing bot the suppressing of
Chrystis Evangell, the ruyne of us, and the subversioun of
[this] poore realme; committing oure innocencie to God, and
unto the judgment of all godlie and naturall men, we are
determined to seik the nixt remedie, in whiche we hairtlie
requyre youre counsaill and assistance. And this far we have
interprysit, to mak you participant of oure purpois; becauis
in the said letteris you requyred of the [said] Mr.
Kirkcaldie sum farther assurance then his awin woord of
wreitting, whiche we dout nott bot ye sall schoirtlie receave
frome mo then frome us. We dar nott haistellie mak the whole
assemblie, neither of noblis, neither of barronis, prevy in
this cause, for dangeris that may insew by policie and craft
of the adversaries; youre Wisdomes, we doubt not, will
communicat these onlye, with suche as ye knaw favoraris of
such ane godlie conjunctioun. It should much help in oure
opinioun, gif the preacharis boyth in persuasioun and in
publict prayeris, (as ouris do heire,) wald commend the same
unto the peopill. And thus, efter oure humill commendatiounis
to the Quenis Majestie, (quhois reigne we desyre to be
prosperous and long, to the glorie of God, and conforte of
his Churche,) we hairtlie committ you to the protectioun of
the Omnipotent. Fra Edinburgh, the [19th][69] of Julij 1559."

[63] In Vautr. edit, "the 26th of Julie;" MS. G. has "the 25th." In
the MS. 1566, it might either be 25 or 28. The original letter reads
distinctly, "this Sounday, the 15 of Julij;" but the 3d Sunday of July
fell on the 16th; and it has been seen, that such mistakes on the part
of Knox are not unusual.

[64] Vautr. edit. has, "how we be able;" MS. G, "how we sall be able."

[65] In MS. G, "his holie evangell;" in Vautr. edit. "his gospell."

[66] In MS. G, "externall idolatrie."

[67] In MS. 1566, "wolce."

[68] In the original letter, the words, "the papisticall clergye," are
added in the margin.

[69] In all the copies of Knox's History, this letter is dated the
17th of July; the original has the 19th.

With this oure letter,[70] Jhonne Knox wreat two, one to the said Secratarie, and ane uther to the Quenis Majestie hirself, in tennour as efter followis:

JHONE KNOX[71] SECOUND LETTER TO MR. CYCILL, FOR DELIVERANCE OF ANE UTHER TO THE QUEIN OF ENGLAND.

[70] The original of this letter, in the hand-writing of Knox, is
preserved in the State Paper Office. It is signed by the Earls of
Argyle and Glencairn, the Prior of St. Andrews, and Lords Ruthven,
Boyd, and Ochiltree. The original draft of Cecil's answer, in the same
collection, is dated 28th July 1559. (See Tytler's Hist. of Scotland,
vol. vi. pp. 122, 124.)

[71] This second letter to Cecil, and the following one to Queen
Elizabeth, are omitted in Vautrollier's edition and the later MSS. It
is highly probable that these letters were purposely suppressed while
that edition was at press, in order to avoid giving offence to Queen
Elizabeth.--As already mentioned, the originals of several of Knox's
Letters of this period, are still preserved, and copies of them will
be inserted in a subsequent volume.

"WITH my humill commendatiounis. Pleise you, SIR, to delyver
this other letter inclosit to the Quenis Grace. It containeth
in few and in semple wourdis my confessioun, quhat I think of
hir Authoritie, how it is just, and quhat may mak it odious
in Goddis presence. I heir that thair is ane Confutatioun
sett furth in prent aganis 'The First Blast.'[72] God grant
that the wreitter have no more socht the favoris of this
present estait, no less the glorie of God, and the stable
commoditie of his countrey, then did he quho enterprysed in
that 'Blast' to utter his conscience. When I sall have tyme,
(whiche now is sumquhatt precious unto me,) to peruse that
werk, I will communicat my judgement with you.

"The tyme is now, Sir, that all that either thrist Chryst
Jesus to reigne in this yle, or yett the hairtes of the
inhabitantes of the same to be joyned togidder in love
unfained, aucht rather to studie how the same mycht be brocht
to passe, then vanelie to travaill for the mantenance of
that, quhairof we have allreddy seine the danger, and felt
the smarte. Gif the most pairt of women be wicked, and suche
as willinglie we wald nott reigne over us; and gif the most
godlie, and suche as have rare graces be yett mortall, we
aucht to tak heid, least in establissing one judged godlie
and profitable to hir countrey, we mak ane entres and tytill
to mony; off quhome not only sall the treuth be impugned, bot
also sall the countrey be brocht in bondage. God give you,
and utheris favoraris of your countrey, eyis to foirsee, and
wisdome to avoyd the dangeris appeareing.

"By dyverse [letteris], I have requyred licence to have
visited the North pairtis of England; but as yitt I have
ressaved no favorabill answer.[73] The longer, Sir, that it
be delayed, the less conforte sall the faithfull thair
receive, the weaker sall the Quenis Grace be. Gif I war nott
to hir Grace are unfeaned friend, I wald not instantlie begg
suche libertie, whiche to me I knaw sall neither be
profitable nor pleising in the flesche. The estait of thingis
here comoun, I dout nott ye knaw. Some thingis I have, (as
oft I have wreitten,) whiche gladlie I wald communicat,
quhilk I mynd nott to committ unto paper and ynk: find,
thairfoir, the meanis that I may speik suche one as ye will
credit in all thingis. The grace of the Lord Jesus rest with
you.

"I hairtlie beseik you to have my service humblie commended
to the Quenis Grace; adding, that quhosoever maketh me odious
to hir Grace, seiketh somequhatt besydis the glorie of God,
and hir Grace's prosperitie; and thairfoir can nott be
assured and unfayned freindis. From, &c."

[72] Alluding to the publication by John Aylmer, afterwards
Bishop of London, which will be more particularly noticed in
a subsequent volume, entitled, "An Harborowe for faithfull
and trewe subjectes, against the late blowne Blaste
concerninge the Government of Wemen." &c., Anno 1559. 4to.

[73] See _supra_, page 19, note 1.

The letter sent be the said Jhonne, to the Quenis Majestie of England, being inclosed in the foirsaid Mr. Cycillis letter.

"TO THE VERTEOUS AND GODLIE ELIZABETH, BY THE GRACE OF GOD
QUEIN OF ENGLAND, &C., JHONNE KNOX DESYRETH THE PERPETUALL
CONFORTE OF THE HOLY SPREIT.

"As youre Grace's displeisoure aganis me, most injustlie
conceaved, hath bein, and is to my wretched hearte a burdene
greavouse, and almost intollerable; so is the testimony of
ane cleir conscience to me ane stay and uphald, that in
disperatioun I synk nott, how vehement that ever the
tentatiouns appeir. For, in Goddis presence, my conscience
beareth me record, that maliciously, nor of purpoise, I never
offended youre Grace, nor youre realme; and, thairfoir,
howsoever I be judged of man, I am assured to be absolved of
him quho only knaweth the secreitis of hairtis. I can not
deny the wreiting of a booke aganis the usurped Authoritie,
and injust Regement of Women;[74] neither [yit] am I myndit
to retract or call back any principall point, or propositioun
of the same, till treuth and verritie do farder appeir. But
quhy, that either youre Grace, either yitt ony suche as
unfeanedlie favore the libertie of England, be offendit at
the authore of suche ane warke, I can perceave no just
occasioun. For, first, my booke tueched nott youre Grace's
persoune [in speciall,] neither yitt is it prejudiciall till
any libertie of the realme, gif the tyme of my wretting be
indifferentlie considdered. How could I be ennemy to youre
Grace's persone, for delyverance quhairof I did more studie,
and interpryse farther, then ony of these that now accuise
me? And, as concerning youre Regiment, how could or can I
invy that whiche most I have thristit, and for the quhilk (as
oblivioun will suffer) I render thankis unfeandlie unto God?
That is, 'That he hath pleised him, of his eternall goodness,
to exalt your head, (which some tymes was in danger,) to the
manifestatioun of his glorie, and extirpatioun of idolatrie.'
And as for my offense, quhilk I have committed against
England, either in wreitting that, or of any uther werk, I
will nott refuise that moderat and indifferent man judge and
discerne betwix me and those that accuise [me]: to witt,
quhither of the parties do maist hurt to the libertie of
England, I that affirme, 'That no woman may be exalted above
any[75] realme, to mak the libertie of the same thrall to ane
strange, proude, and cruell natioun;' or, they that approve
quhatsoever plaeseth Princes for the tyme. Gif I war alsweill
disposed to accuse, as some of thame (till thair awin schame)
have declaired thame selfis, I no thing doubt, bot that in
few wourdis I sould lett reassonable men understand, that
some that this day lawlie crouche to your Grace, and laubor
to mak me odiuss in your eyes, did, in your adversitie,
neather schaw thame selfis faithfull freindis to your Grace,
neather so loveing and carefull over thair awin native
countrey, as thei wald be estemed. But omitting the
accusatioun of utheris, for my awin purgatioun, and your
Grace's satisfactioun, I say, that nothing in my booke
contained, is, nor can be prejudiciall to your Grace's just
regiment, providit that ye be nott found ungrate unto God:
Ungrate ye sallbe provein in presence of his throne,
(howsoever that flattereris justifie your factioun,) gif ye
transferr the glorye of that honor, in quhilk ye now stand,
to any uther thing, then to the dispensatioun of his mercie,
which only maketh that lauchfull to your Grace, quhilk nature
and law denyeth to all woman. Neither wald I that your Grace
should feare that this your humiliatioun before [God] sould,
in ony caise, infirme or weaken your Grace's just and
lauchfull authoritie befoire men. Nay, Madame, such unfeaned
confessioun of Goddis benifits receaved shalbe the
establissement of the same, nott only to youre self, but also
to youre seid and posteritie; whair, contrariwyse, a proude
conceat and elevatioun of youre self, salbe the occasioun,
that youre reigne salbe unstable, troublesome, and schorte.
God is witnesse, that unfeanedlie I boyth love and reverence
youre Grace; yea, I pray, that youre reigne may be long,
prosperouse, and quyet; and that, for the quyetnes which
Christis membres, befoire persecuted, have receaved under
you.

"Bot yett, gif I should flatter youre Grace, I war no friend,
bot ane deceavable traitor. And thairfoire of conscience, I
am compelled to say, that neather the consent of people, the
process of tyme, nor multitude of men, can establische a law
which God sall approve; bot quhatsoever he approveth by his
eternall wourd, that shalbe approved, and quhatsoever he
condempneth salbe condempned, thocht all men in earth wald
hasard the justificatioun of the same. And, thairfoire,
Madame, the only way to reteane and kept those benefites of
God, aboundantlie poured now of laitt dayis upoun you, and
upoun youre realme, is unfeanedlie to rander unto God, to his
mercie, and undeserved grace, the [whole] glorie of this
youre exaltatioun. Forgett youre birth, and all tytill which
thairupoun doeth hing; and considder deiplie, how for feir of
your lyef, ye did declyne from God, and bow till idollatrie.
Lett it not appeire ane small offence in your eyes, that ye
have declyned from Christ Jesus in the day of his batteill.
Neither yett wald I, that ye sould esteme that mercie to be
vulgare and commoun which ye have received; to witt, that God
hath covered your former offense, hathe preserved you quhen
ye war most unthankfull; and in the end, hath exalted and
raiseit you up, nott only from the dust, bot also from the
portis of deith, to reule above his people, for the confort
of his Kirk. It apperteneth to you, thairfoire, to ground the
justice of your Authoritie, nott upoun that law, which from
year to year doeth change, but upoun the eternall providence
of Him, who, contrair to nature, and without your deserving,
hath thus exalted your head. Gif thus, in Goddis presence, ye
humill your self, as in my heart I glorifie God for that
rest granted to his afflicted flocke within Ingland, under
you a weik instrument; so will I with toung and penn justifie
your Authoritie and Regiment, as the Holy Ghost hath
justified[76] the same in Debora, that blissed mother in
Israell. Bot gif the premisses (as God forbeid) neglected, ye
sall begin to bragg of your birth, and to builde your
Authoritie and Regiment upoun your awin law, flatter you quho
so list, your felicitie salbe schorte. Interpreit my rude
wordis in the best pairte, as written by him who is no
ennemye to your Grace.

"By dyverse letteris I have requyred license to veseit your
Realme, nott to seik my self, neither yett my awin ease nor
commoditie; which, gif ye now refuise and deny, I most remit
my caus to God; adding this for conclusioun, that commonlie
it is seine, 'That such as refuise the counsaill of the
faithfull, (appeir it never so scharpe,) ar compelled to
follow the deceat of flattereris to thair awin perditioun.'
The mychtie Spreit of the Lord Jesus move your hairt to
understand quhat is said; give unto you the discretioun of
spreittis, and so rewll you in all your actions and
interpryses, that in you God may be glorified, his Kirk
edified, and ye your self as ane lyvlie member of the same,
may be an example of vertew and godlie lyffe till all
utheris. So be it. Of Edinburgh, the [20th][77] day of Julij
1559."

[74] Referring to his "First Blast of the Trumpet," &c.,
published at Geneva, in 1558.

[75] In MS. G, "over any."

[76] In the MS. of 1566, "institued."

[77] MS. G. makes it the 28th; but the date of the original letter, as
Mr. Tytler has noticed, is the 20th of July. (Hist. vol. vi. p. 122.)

* * * * *

These letters war directed by Alexander Quhytlaw,[78] a man that oft hath hazarded him self, and all that he had, for the cause of God, and for his freindis being in danger for the same cause.

[78] See a brief notice of Whytelaw, in vol. i. p. 393. Throkmorton,
in a letter dated at Paris, 21st June 1559, says, "One Sanders Whitlo,
a Scottishman, who was heretofore pensioner in England, in King
Edward's tyme," and "being a very honest, sober, and godly man, and
the most truely affectionat to England of any Scottishman I know here,
hath been with me, and given me diverse advertisements of things which
be trew;" and he recommends that he should receive the same pension he
had enjoyed, after his lands in Scotland had been forfeited by the
Earl of Huntley. (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i p. 137.) On the 28th
June, he was the bearer of a letter from Throkmorton to Secretary
Cecil.--(Ib. p. 147.) A postscript to the letter adds, "This bearer is
greatly estemyd of John Knokes, and he doth also favour him above
other: nevertheles, he is sory for his boke rashly writen."

Within a day or twa efter the departing of the said Alexander, thair come a lettre from Sir Harye Percye to Jhone Knox, requyring him to meitt him at Annyk,[79] the threid of August, for such effairis as he wald nott wreit, nor yitt communicat with any but with the said Jhone him self. While he was preparing him self for the journay, (for Secretary Cycill had appointed to have mett him at Stampfourd,)[80] the Frenche men furiouslie come furth of Dumbar, of purpose to have surprised the Lordis being in Edinburgh, as in the Secound Booke befoir is declared: Which stayit the journay of the said Jhonne, till that God had delyvered the innocentis from that great danger; and then was he, having in his company,[81] Maister Robert Hamyltoun,[82] minister of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, directed from the Lordis, with full commissioun and instructiouns to expone thair hole cause and estait quhairin thei stoode.

[79] In MS. G, "Anwich," the town of Alnwick, in the county of
Northumberland, 84 miles from Newcastle.

[80] Stamford, an ancient borough town in the county of Lincoln. The
Castle, of which scarcely any vestiges are now visible, was granted by
Queen Elizabeth to Sir William Cecil.

[81] In Vautr. edit. "then was he hated of his companie."

[82] Mr. Robert Hamilton was educated at St. Andrews. As witness of a
deed, dated 1558, he is styled Rector of Torrens.--(Lyon's St.
Andrews, vol. ii. p. 262.) He afterwards became Minister of St.
Andrews.

[Sidenote: SIR JAMES CROFTIS COUNSALE.]

Thair passage was from Petinweame,[83] by sea. Thei arryvit at Holy-Iland; and being advertissed that Sir Harye Percie was absent from [the North], thei addressed thame selfis to Sir James Croftis, then Capitane of Berwik, and Wardein of the East Marches of England. Thei schew unto him thair creddit and commissioun. He receaved thame gentlie, and comforted thame with his faithfull counsall, which was: "That thei sould travaill no farther,[84] neather yitt sould thei be seine in publict, and that for dyverse consideratiouns. First, The Quene Regent had her espyellis in England. Secoundarlie, The Quene and the Counsall that favored our actioun, wald that all thingis should be secreat so long as thei mycht. And last, (said he,) I think it nott expedient, that in such raritie of preachearis, ye two be ony long tyme absent from the Lordis. And thairfoire, (said he,) ye shall do best to committ to wreating your hoile mynd and creddit, and I shall promeise to you, upoun my honour, to haif answer at you, and at the Lordis againe, befoire that ye your selfis can be at Londoun. And quhaire that your letteris can nott expresse all thingis so fully as your presence could, I sall supplie the same, not only by my penne, but also by my awin presence, to suche as will informe the Counsall sufficientlie of all thingis."

[83] Pittenweem, a royal burgh and sea-port on the east-coast of Fife.

[84] As this portion of the History supplies a defect in the previous
Book, where the application made by the Protestants for aid from
England is scarcely alluded to; and as there is an apparent confusion
in some of the dates, owing to the letters being partially or
inaccurately copied, a few words of explanation may here be added.
Knox's conversation with Kirkaldy of Grange, (see page 21,) took place
at St. Andrews, after Cupar Muir, before the end of June 1559; and
letters from Kirkaldy, to Cecil and Percy, on the 23d and 25th of that
month, and on the 1st of July, are still preserved. Knox himself wrote
to Cecil, on the 28th June. The result of their correspondence was,
that Whytelaw, who had then returned from France, and having passed
through England, had brought letters from Sir William Cecil, was sent
back on the 20th of July, as the bearer of the letters from the Lords
of the Congregation, and from Knox, to Cecil and Queen Elizabeth,
which are printed in pages 22 to 30. After Whytelaw's departure, Knox
received a letter from Sir Henry Percy, wishing that they should meet
at Alnwick. His journey thither was delayed, in consequence of the
Queen and the French troops having advanced from Dunbar, on Monday the
23d of July, and the Congregation having retired from Edinburgh on the
24th; but Knox, after a short delay, passed through Fife to
Pittenweem, and crossed the Firth to Holy Island. Having acceded to
the suggestions of Sir James Crofts, instead of proceeding farther, he
remained at Berwick until Whytelaw came with Cecil's letter, on the 2d
or 3d of August: (see page 35, note 1.)

The said Jhone and Maister Robert followed his counsall,[85] for it was faithfull, and proceidit of luif at that tyme. Thei taried with him verry secretly, within the Castell of Berwick, two dayis. In the which tyme, returned Alexander Quhytlaw foirsaid, with answer to the Lordis, and to Jhone Knox;[86] the tennour of whose letter was this:--

[85] The Articles and Instructions, written by Knox, and left with
Crofts to be transmitted to the English Privy Council, are dated 31st
July 1559. (See Tytler's History of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 128.)

[86] MS. G. makes it, "Maister Knox."

MAISTER CYCILLIS LETTER TO JHONE KNOX.

"MAISTER KNOX,

"_Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus fiducia ejus._[87]

[87] That is, "There is neither male nor female, for as saith Paul,
they are all one in Christ Jesus. (Galat. iii. 28.) Blessed is the man
who trusteth in the Lord; and the Lord will be his confidence."

"I have resavit your letteris, at the same tyme that I have thocht to have sein your self about Stampfurd. Quhat is now hitherto the caus of your [lett], I knaw nott. I forbeir to descend to the bottome of thingis, untill I may conferr with such one as ye ar; and, thairfoire, gif your chance shalbe heirefter to cum hither, I wishe you furnissed with good credite, and power to mak good resolutioun. Althocht my answer to the Lordis of Congregatioun be some quhat obscure, yitt upoun farther understanding ye sall find the matter plaine. I neid wishe to you[88] no more prudence then Goddis grace, quhairof God send you plentie. And so I end. From Oxford, the 28th of Julij 1559.

(_Sic subscribitur,_)
Youris as ane member of the same body in Christ,
"W. CECILL."[89]

[88] In MS. 1566, "need you writ."

[89] In MS. 1566, "M. Cecill;" and this mistake is followed in all the
copies.

Albeit the said Jhone ressaved this letter at Berwyk, yett wald he answer no thing till that he had spokein the Lordis; quhome he fand in Striveling, and unto quhome he delyvered the answer send from the Counsall of England; (for Alexander Quhytlaw tuik seakness betwix Berwyk and Edinburgh, and was troubled be the Lord Seatoun, as in the formar booke is declaired.[90]) The answer send by Maister Cycill, was so generall, that many amanges us war dispaired of ony comforte to come from that countrey; and thairfoire war determined that thei wald requeast no farder. Jhone Knox laboured in the contraire;[91] but he could prevaill no farther, but that he should have licence and libertie to writt as he thocht best. And so tuik he upoun him to answer for all, in forme as follows:--

[90] Dr. M'Crie says, Knox, "at this time, prudently returned by sea
to Fife:" the above statement, I think, clearly shows, he must have
returned by land. He set out from Berwick, in company with Whytelaw,
on the 3d of August, but the latter _being detained on the road_ by
sickness, Knox proceeded, without delay, and reached Stirling on or
before the 6th of August, on which day he addressed letters to Sir
James Crofts: see Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. pp. 127, 130. Soon
afterwards, Whytelaw having recovered, and set out on his journey,
along with William Knox, _when between Preston and Edinburgh_, they
were pursued by Lord Seaton, and narrowly escaped: see vol. i. p. 393.

[91] The result of Knox's previous communications was very important,
having led to the resolution of the English Council to support the
Protestants in Scotland in their contest with the Queen Regent, but
with so much secrecy as might not infringe the treaty of peace between
the two kingdoms. For this purpose a commission was granted on the 8th
of August to Sir Ralph Sadler, in conjunction with the Earl of
Northumberland and Sir James Crofts, to reside at Berwick, ostensibly
to settle some Border disputes, and to strengthen the fortifications
of that city; and the sum of £3000 was placed at Sadler's disposal. A
similar sum was paid to him on the 5th of October; and a third payment
in November. It was part of this money that was sent to Scotland with
Balnaves, and with Cockburn of Ormiston. (See Letter of Queen
Elizabeth to Sadler, in Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters, 3d Series,
vol. iii. p. 332.)--Sadler's Correspondence, extending from August
1559 to April 1560, (included in his "State Papers and Letters,"
Edinb. 1809, 2 vols. 4to,) furnish copious and most important
materials for illustrating the negotiations and proceedings at this
time.

ANSWER TO MR. CYCILLIS LETTER.[92]

"Two causes impeded me, Richt Worschipfull, to visite you at
any pairt of England. Formar, no significatioun of your mynd
and plaisour was maid unto me, for only did Sir Harye
Percye[93] will me to cum and speak him, which,
convenientlie at that tyme I could nott do, be reasone that
the Frenche men, (which was the Secound cause of my stay,)
did then most furiouslie persew us, whill our company was
dispersed; and then durst I nott be absent for dyverse
inconvenientis. Neather did I think my presence greatlie
necessarie with you, considdering that the mater, which I
desyred maist, was opened and proponed. To the quhilk I wald
have wished that a more plaine and especiall answer should
have bein maid. For, albeit Mr. Quhitlaw, by his credite,
Mr. Kirkcaldie, by his letter, and I, boyth by letteris, and
by that which I had ressaved from Sir James Croftis, did
persuade your goode mindis; yitt could not the Counsall be
uthairwayis persuaded, but that this alteratioun in France
had altered your former purpois. It is nott unknawin what
favor we three do beare to England; and, thairfoir, I wishe,
that rather your pen then our credite, or ony thing writtin
to ony of us, should assuire the Lordis and otheris, of your
goode myndis, (who ar bot now in nomber fyve hundreth).
Onless that money be fournissed without delay to pay the
soldiouris with, for thair servise bypast, and to reteane
ane uther thousand footmen, with three hundreth horsmen,
till some stay be had in this danger, these gentilmen will
be compelled to leave the feildis. I am assured, as fleshe
may be of fleshe, that some of thame will tak a verry harde
lyve befoir that ever they compone eather with the Quene
Regent, eather yitt with France; but this I dar nott
promeise of all, onless in you they see a greatter
fordwardness. To support us will appeir excessive, and to
break promeisse with France, will appeir dangeruss. But the
loss of expensses, in my opinioun, aucht nott to be esteamit
from the first payment; neather yitt the danger from the
first appearance. France is most fervent to conqueise us,
and avoweth, that against us thei will spend thair Croune,
(so did my awin earis heare Buttencourt brag[94]). But, most
assuredlie I knaw, that onless by us thei thocht to mak ane
enteress to you, that thei wald nott bye oure povertie at
that price. Thei labour to corrupt some of oure great men by
money, (and some of oure nomber ar poore, as befoire I
wraitt, and can nott serve without supporte); some thei
threattin; and against utheris thei have raised up ane
partie in thair awin countrey. In this meane tyme, gif ye
lye by as neutrallis, quhat wilbe the end, ye may easellie
conjecture. And, thairfoire, Sir, in the bowellis of Christ
Jesus, I requyre you to mak plaine answer; What the
gentillmen heir may lippin to, and quhatt the Quenis
Majestie will do, may without long delay be put in
executioun. Rest in Christ Jesus. Off Sanct Johnstoun, the
&c. day of, &c."[95]

[92] In MS. G. and Vautr. edit., "to Maister Cicillis writing."

[93] "Sir Henry Percy, second son of Sir Thomas Percy, who was
executed in 1537, on account of Aske's rebellion, and brother of
Thomas seventh Earl of Northumberland. Having remained attached to the
Queen, and even taken arms against the insurgents, in the great
northern rebellion, headed by his brother and Westmoreland, he escaped
one great peril, and succeeded to the family titles and domains upon
his brother's execution, in 1572. But having engaged in Lord Paget's
enterprise for setting Queen Mary at liberty, and being imprisoned, he
shot himself through the heart to prevent the attainder and forfeiture
which must have attended a conviction for treason."--(Note by Sir
Walter Scott, in Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 409.)

[94] In Vautr. edit. this name occurs as two words, "Butteau Court;"
in MS. G, "Buttincourt." The person referred to, the Sieur de
Béthencourt, is already mentioned in a note to vol. i. p. 384. Sir N.
Throkmorton, in his correspondence from Paris, notices that on "the
11th of this present, (_i. e._ the month of June) there arrived here
in post out of Scotlande, _one Butomcourt, a Frenchman, Maister
d'hostel_ to the Quene Dowagier there, &c." (Forbes's State Papers,
vol. i. p. 130.) On the 21st June, he is called "Betoncourt, the
Scotishe Quenis Master d'hostel," (ib. p. 141); again, on the 29th
July, "Butomcourt, which I thinke passed through to England, had in
charge to will the Quene Douagier of Scotland _to conforme herself to
the Scotts procedings in religion, and to dissemble with them_;
supposing that to be the best meane to worke theyr purposes." (Ib. p.
183.) And on the 8th August, he further says, there was "sent by
Botuncourt, at his last dispetche, diverse blankes to the Quene
Dowager, signed by the French King and Queen." (Ib. 193.) His arrival
in Scotland, with these letters, is noticed by Knox: see vol. i. p.
384.

[95] This date is left blank in the various copies of Knox's History.
But the above is neither a full or accurate copy of the letter, of
which Mr. Tytler has given an extract from the original in the State
Paper Office.--(Hist. vol. vi. pp. 136, 386.) It is dated not from St.
Johnstone (or Perth,) but from "St. Andrews, 15th August 1559;" and
will afterwards be given entire.

Answere with great expeditioun was returned to this letter, desyring some men of credite to be sent frome the Lordis to Berwyk,[96] for the receaving of money for the first supporte, with promeise, that gif the Lordis of the Congregatioun meant no utherwyse then befoire thei had writtin, and gif thei wald enter in league with honest conditionis, thei sould neather lack men nor money to thair just caus. Upoun this answer, was directed from the Lordis to Berwik, Maister Henrye Balnaves, a man [of] goode credit in boyth the realmes, who suddenlie returned with such a somme of money as served all the publict effaris till November nixt; when Jhonne Cokburne of Ormistoun send[97] for the second supporte, and receaving the same, unhappelie fell in to handis of the Erlle Bothwell, was wounded, tane, and spoilzed of a great somme.[98] Upoun whiche mischance followed all the rest of oure troubles befoire rehersed.

[96] In Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. p. 401), there is a letter,
dated 20th August 1559, addressed by Sir James Crofts to Knox,
mentioning that Sadler and himself were desirous "to have som
conference eyther with Mr. Henry Balnaves, or som other discrete and
trusty man, for the better expedicion of this grete and weightie
busyness, which you have in hande;" and suggesting, that he should
come by sea to Holy Island, and afterwards to be conveyed in secret
manner to Berwick. On the same day, Sadler and Crofts wrote to Cecil,
representing that some aid should be granted, along with the sum of
2000 or 3000 crowns, to relieve the Protestant party in Scotland in
their present necessities: see page 35, note 2.

[97] In MS. G, "being sent;" in Vautr. edit., "sent."

[98] The sum of £1000 sterling, on the last of October: see note in
vol. i. p. 455.

In the Secound Booke preceading, we have declaired how Secretarye Lethingtoun[99] was directed to England: but one thing we have befoire past by. In that, oure greatest dejectioun, this ordour was tackin, That the Duike his Grace, the Erlle of Glencarne, Lord Boyd, Lord Uchiltrie, and thair freindis, should remain togither at Glaskow, for conforte of the countrey, and for geving of answeris, as occasioun should requyre; and that the Erlle of Arrane, the Lord James, the Erlle of Rothess, the Maister of Lyndsay, and thair adherantes, should continew togither within Fyffe, for the same causses, that advertissementis mycht go frome the one to the other, as neid requyred. In the negotiatioun of the Secretary Lethingtoun with the Quene and Counsall of England, (in whiche he travailed with no less wisdome and faithfulnes then happy successe,) mony thingis occurred that requyred the resolutioun of the hole Lordis,[100] amanges which thair was one quhairof befoir no mentioun is maid.

[99] William Maitland, see _supra_, p. 4, note 2.

[100] In MS. 1566, "holye;" in MS. G. "haill."

Efter that the Quene and Counsall of England had concluded to send thair army into Scotland, for expelling of the Frenche, the Duke of Northfolk was sent to Berwyk,[101] with full instructionis, power, and commissioun, to do in all thingis concerning the present effaris of Scotland, as mycht the Quene and Counsellis in thair awin personis[102] do. Heirupoun the said Duke requyred sicke a pairt of the Lordis of Scotland, as had power and commissioun from the whole, to meet him at suche day and place as pleised thame to appoint. This advertissement came first to Glaskow, by the meanis of the Maister of Maxwell. Quhilk redd and considdered by the Lordis, conclusioun was takin, that thei wald meitt at Carleill;[103] and that was the procurement of the said Maister of Maxwell, for his ease. Heirupoune war letteris direct fra the Lordis, lyeing in Glaskow, to Lord James, requyring him, with all possible expeditioun, to repair towardis thame for the purpois foirsaid. Which letteris redd and advised upoun, commandment was gevin to Jhone Knox to mak the answer: For so it was appointed at the devisioun of the Lordis, that he should answer for the pairte of thoise that war in Fyffe; and Maister Henrye Balnaves for the pairte of thame that abaide at Glaskow. The said Jhone answered as followis:--

[101] The Queen's letter to Sadler, intimating the appointment of the
Duke of Norfolk as Lord Lieutenant in the Northern Counties, is dated
the last of December 1559. He arrived at Newcastle on the 6th or 7th
of January. The whole of his correspondence with the Privy Council of
England, while he exercised that office, has been printed in Haynes's
Collection of Original State Papers, from the Cecil or Burghley
Papers. (Lond. 1740, folio.) Sir Ralph Sadler has also preserved
several other letters of a less public nature: see note by Sir Walter
Scott, in Sadler, vol. i. p. 718.

[102] In MS. G, "thair awin proper persons."

[103] The town of Carlisle.

"TO THE LORD DUKE HIS GRACE, AND THE LORDIS
AT GLASKOW.

"AFTER humill commendatioun of my service. Albeit I have
writtin ofter then anes to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, what thingis
have myslyked me in youre slaw proceideings, alsweill in
supporting youre brethrein, quho many dayes have susteined
extreame danger in these pairtes, as in making provisioun
how the ennemye mycht have bein annoyed,[104] quho lay in
few nomber nye to youre quarteris in Striveling; and in
making lykewayis provisioun, how the expectatioun of your
freindis, quho long have awaited for youre answer, mycht
have bein satisfied;--Albeit, (I say,) that of thoise
thingis I have befoire complained, yet of verry conscience,
I am compelled to signifie unto youre Honoris, that onless
of these, and other inormiteis, I sall espye some redress, I
am assured that the end shalbe suche as godlie men shall
murne, that ane good cause shall perishe for lack of wisdome
and diligence. In my last letteris to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, I
declared, that youre especiall freindis in England wounder
that no gritter expeditioun is maid, the weycht of the mater
being considdered. Gif the falt be in the Lord Duke, and his
freindis, I wrait also, that the greatest loss should be his
and thairs in the end. And now, I can nott cease, boyth to
wonder and lament, that youre hoile Counsall was so
destitute of wisdome and discretioun as to charge this poore
man, the Priour,[105] to come to you to Glaskow, and
thairefter to go to Carleill, for suche effearis as ar to be
entreated. Was thair none amangis you, quho did foirsee
quhat inconvenientis mycht insew his absence frome these
partis? I cease to speake of the dangeris in the ennemy.
Youre freindis have lyen in the Frith now xv. dayis bypast,
(what was thair formar travaill is nott unknawin); thei have
never receaved conforte of any man (him only excepted), more
then thei had lyen upoun the coast of thair mortall ennemye.
Do ye nott considder, that suche a companye sall neide
conforte and provisioun from tyme to tyme? Remove him, and
quho abydeth that cairfullie will travaill in that or any
uther wechty materis in these pairtis? Did ye nott farther
considder, that he had begune to meddle with the
gentilmen[106] who had declaired thameselfis unfreindis
heirtofoir; and also that ordour wald have bein taekin for
suche as haif bein neutrall: now, be reassoun of his
absence, the one shall escaip without admonitioun, and the
other shalbe at thair formare libertie? I am assured that
the ennemye sall nott sleip, neather in that nor in uther
effairis, to undermynd you and your hoile caus; and
especiallie to hurte this pairt of the countrey to revenge
thair formare foly. Gif none of these formar causses should
have moved you to have considered that such a journay (at
suche a tyme,) wes nott meet for him, neather yit for thame
that must accompany him; yit discreit men wald have
considdered, that the men that have lyen in thair jackes,
and travailled thair horse continuallie the space of a
moneth, requyreth some longer rest, boyth to thame selfis,
but especiallie to thair horsses, (befoire thei had bein
charged to suche a journey,) then yitt they have had. The
Priour may, for satisfactioun of your unreasonable myndis,
interpryse the purposse; but I am assured, he shall nott be
able to have sex honnest men in all Fyiff to accompany him:
And how that eather standis with youre Honoris, or with his
safetie, juge ye youre selfis. But yitt, wonder it is, that
ye did nott considder, to quhatt paine and fascherie shall
ye putt youre freindis of England, especiallie the Duke of
Northfolke, and his Counsall, whome ye shall caus travaile
the most wearesoum and fasschous gaitt that is in England.
In my opinioun, quhosoever gaif you that counsall eather
laicked rycht judgement in thingis to be done, or ellis had
too much respect to his awin ease, and too small regaird to
the travaill and danger of thair bretherein. A comoun cause
requireth a comoun concurrance, and that everie man beare
his burdein proportionablie. But prudent and indifferent men
espy the contrair in this caus, especiallie of lait dayis;
for the weakest ar maist greavouslie charged, and to quhome
the mater maist belongeth, and to quhome justlie greatest
burthein is dew, ar exempted in a manor boyth from travaill
and expensses. To speik the mater plainlie, wyse men do
wonder what my Lordis Dukis freindis do meane, that thei ar
so slaike and backward in this caus: In uther actionis, thei
have bein judged stout and fordward; and in this, whiche is
the greatest that ever he or thei had in hand, thei appeir
destitut bayth of grace and of courage. I am nott ignorant,
that thei that are most inward of his counsall ar ennemyes
to God, and thairfoire can nott bot be ennemyes to his
cause. But wounder it is, that he and his uther freindis
should nott considder, that the tinsale of this godlie
interpryse, shalbe the routing of thame and thair posteritie
frome this realme. Considdering, my Lordis, that by Goddis
providence ye ar joyned with the Dukis Grace in this comoun
cause, admonishe him plainlie of the danger to cum: will him
to beware of the counsale of those that ar plainlie infected
with superstitioun, with pryde, and with vennome of
particulare proffeit; whiche gif he do not at your
admonitioun, he shall smarte, befoir he beware: and gif ye
cease to putt him in mynd of his deutie, it may be that, for
youre silence, ye shall drynk some portioun of the plague
with him. Tak my plaine speking, as proceeding from him that
is nott youre ennemye, being also unceartaine when I shall
have occasioun to writt heareafter. God, the Father of oure
Lord Jesus Christ, assist you with the spreit of wisdome and
fortitude, that to his glorie, and to youre Lordschipis and
oure commoun conforte, ye may performe that thing, which
godlie wes ones begun. Amen. From Sanctandrois, the vj. of
Februare, in haist, 1559.[107]

(_Sic subscribitur_,)
"Your Lordschipis to command in godliness,
"J. K."

[104] In the MS. of 1566, "anoyned;" MS. G. has "anoyit."

[105] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews: see vol. i. p. 249,
note 5.

[106] See notes to pages 7 and 43-4.

[107] That is 1559-60. In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. this letter is dated
"the 6th of Februare in haist." In the former it is signed, "Your
Grace's, &c.--JOHNE KNOX." The MS. 1566, makes it "the 5th of
Februarie, in Christ."

Upoun the receatt of this letter, and consultatioun had thairapoun, new conclusioun was tackin: to witt, that thei wald viseit the said Duke of Northfolke at Berwyke,[108] quhair he was.

[108] Thomas Randall wrote to Sadler from Glasgow, on the 10th
February 1559-60, mentioning that the Lords of the Congregation had
come to that town to consult; and that Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the
Master of Maxwell, Wishart of Pittarrow, and Henry Balnaves, had been
appointed by the whole Council to meet with the Duke of Norfolk at
Berwick, on the 23d of that month. (State Papers, vol. i. p. 704.)

Thus far have we digressed fra the style of the Historie, to lett the posteritie that shall follow understand, by quhat instrumentis God wrocht the familiaritie and freindschipe, that after we fand in Ingland. Now we returne to oure formare Historie.

* * * * *

The pairtis of Fyiff sett at fredome frome the bondage of those bloodie wormes, solempned thankis war gevin, in Sanctandrois, unto God for his mychtie delyverance. Schorte after the Erlle of Arrane and Lord James, apprehended the Lardis of Wemes, Seafeald, Balgonye, and Durye,[109] and utheris, that assisted the Frenche; but thei war sett schoirtlie at fredome, upoun suche conditionis as thei mynded never to keape: for sick men have neather fayeth nor honnestie. Mr. James Balfoure,[110] who was the greatest practiser, and had drawn the band of the Balfouris, eschaiped. The Ingliss schippis daylie multiplied, till that thei war able to keape the whole Firth: whairatt the Frenche and Quene Regent, enraged, begane to executt their tirranye upoun the pairtes of Lowthiane that lay neye to Edinburgh. Lett Mr. David Borthwick[111] witnesse quhat favoris[112] his wyffe and place of Adenstoun[113] fand of the Frenche, for all the service that he had maid to the Quene Regent.

[109] In MS. G, "Balgone, Durie;" in MS. 1566, "Bawgane,
Druye."--Supra page 7, Knox alluding to the ravages committed by the
French on the coast of Fife, in the beginning of 1560, says, they did
not spare even their own friends, the Lairds of Senfield, Wemyss,
Balmuto, and Balweary. In reference to the statement in the text, Sir
Ralph Sadler, in a letter dated 4th February 1559-60, says, "In Fife,
all suche gentlemen as were of any power or creditt, that tooke ony
parte with the Franches, as the Lorde of Wymes, the Lorde Bawerye,
Syfeld, Bagonye, and other, have promised their fidelitie, and given
pledgis never to stand against the Congregation. This hath bene the
Lord James's action since the Franches cam their way." (State Papers,
vol. i. p. 701.)

The persons mentioned by Knox, (using _Lord_ for _Laird_,) I suppose,
were, (1) Sir John Wemyss of Wemyss, the ancestor of Lord Wemyss; (2)
George Moutray of Seafield, the ruins of whose castle or tower stands
close upon the sea, to the west of Kinghorn; (3) Andrew or Robert
Lundie or Lundin of Balgonie, in the parish of Markinch, a property
that gives a second title of the Earl of Leven and Melville; and (4)
David Durie of Durie, in the parish of Scoonie. This property was
afterwards acquired by the father of the eminent lawyer, Sir John
Gibson of Durie.

[110] Afterwards Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich: see notes, vol. i.
pp. 202, 235.

[111] Mr. David Borthwick of Lochill was appointed Lord Advocate, and
one of the Judges in the Court of Session, on 20th October 1573. He
was educated at St. Andrews. His name occurs among the Determinants,
in St. Leonard's College, in 1525. He probably spent some time on the
Continent; and passed Advocate, 1st March 1549. He was twice married;
Marion Blyth, his first wife, died 24th March 1570, (Register of
Confirmed Testaments.) His second wife, Margaret Guthrie, having
survived him, married Mr. John Lindesay, second son of Sir David
Lindesay of Edzell, and Parson of Menmuir. According to Scot of
Scotstarvet, Borthwick had acquired "many lands in Lothian and Fife,
as Balnacreiff, Admiston, Balcarras, and others; but having infest his
son, Sir James, therein in his own time, he rested never till he had
sold all." Borthwick died in January 1581.

[112] In the MS. 1566, incorrectly written "Borwick," and "that
favoris."

[113] In MS. G, "Audistoun." The property of Addiston is in the parish
of Ratho. It now belongs to the Earl of Morton; but the old house,
situated on an elevated terrace, was pulled down a few years ago.

In the middest of Februarie war directed to England, frome the Dukis Grace and the Congregatioun, the Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Maister of Maxweill, the Maister of Lyndsay, Maister Henrye Balnaves, and the Laird of Pittarrow; who, with thair honnest cumpanyeis and commissioun, departed by sea, all, except the Maister of Maxwell, to Berwick, whair thair mett thame the Duke of Northfolke, lievetennent to the Quenis Majestie of England, and with him a great company of the gentillmen of the north, with some also of the south, having full power to contract with the nobillitie of Scotland, as that thei did, upoun suche conditionis as in the same Contract are specified. And becaus we have hard the malicious tounges of wicked men mak false reporte of that our fact, we have faithfullie and trewlie inserted in this oure Historie the said Contract, alsweill thatt whiche was maid at Leyth, during the seige, as that whiche first was maid at Berwick, that the memorie thereof may byde to our posteritie; to the end that thei may judge with indifference, whither that we have doun ony thing prejudiciall to our comoun wealth, or yitt contrarius unto that debtfull obedience whiche trew subjects aw to thair supperiouris whose authoritie aucht to deffend and mainteine the libertie and fredome of the Realmes committed to thair charge; and nott to oppress and betray the same to strangearis. The tennour of oure Contract followis:--

THE CONTRACT AT BERWICK.

"JAMES DUKE OF CHASTELARAULT, Erlle of Arrane, Lord Hamyltoun, second persone of the realme of Scotland, and appearand [air] to the Croune, the Counsalle, Nobilitie, and principall Estaittis of the same: To all and sindrie, whais knawlege thir presentis shall come, greitting. We have weill considerat, and be fullie persuaded in what danger, desolatioun, and miserie, the lang enmytie with the kingdome of Ingland, hath brocht oure Countrey heirtofoir: how wechtie and florishing it shall become, gif those two kingdomes, as thei be joyned in one Iland by creatioun of the warld, so may be knytt in a constant and assured friendschip: These considerationis, groundit upoun a most infallible treuth, aucht no less to have moved our progenitouris and foirfatheris then us: but the present danger hanging over oure heades, by the injust dealing of those of whome we have alwayis best deserved, hathe caused us to wey thame more earnestlie then thei did. The misbehaveour of the Frenche ministeris[114] heere hathe of laitt zeris beine so greatt; the oppressioun and crueltie of the soldiouris, the tyranny and ambitioun of thair supperiouris and rewlleris so greavouse to the people; the viollent subversioun of our libertie, and conqueast of the land, whair at thei have by maist craftie and subtile meanes continuallie preassit,[115] so intollerable to us all, that at last, when we could nott obteane the redresse by humill suitis and earnest supplicationis presented to the Quene Dowager, who bayth for deuties saik and place scho did occupy, aucht to have bene most cairfull of oure estait; we have bene by verry necessitie, constrained nott only to assay our awin forces, but also to imploir the Quenis Majestie of England aide and supporte, quhilk hir Majestie hes maist gentillie granted upoun certaine covenantes, specified in ane Treaty, past at Berwick, betuix the Duck of Northfolk his good Grace, Lievtennent for hir Majestie, on that ane pairte, and ceartaine our Commissioneris, on that uther parte: Whairof the tennour followeth:--

[114] In Vautr. edit., "Frenche monsters."

[115] In MS. 1566, "pressed."