Chapter VI: Part 1: {on Sound} (2)
Tones. Accent.
p.{p}. 京城 kiung zung, {metropolis}, ult.
功勞 kúng lau, {merit}, „
s.{p}. 賞頭 song deu, {reward}, „
k.{p}. 進城 tsing dzung, {enter the city}, „
性情 sing dzing, {disposition}, „
j.{p}. 北門 póh mun, {north gate}, „
{p.p.} 城頭 dzung deu, {city wall}, „
衙門 ngá mun, {mandarin’s office}, „
{s.p.} 老爺 lau yá, {a title of respect}, „
{k.p.} 養牛 yáng nieu, {keep buffaloes}, „
樹皮 zû bí, {bark of trees}, ult.
{j.p.} 月牙 niöh ngá, {moon’s horns}, „
木頭 móh deu, {wood}, „
j.p.{p}. 黑心人 huh-sing niun, {black-hearted man}, ant.
k.{k.p.} 蓋地皮 ké {t}í-bí, {possess land}, ult.
k.p.{p}. 算希奇 sû{n} hí-gí, {regard as remarkable}, „
{j.p.p.} 木頭人 móh-deu niun, {wooden image}, ant.
{k.j.p.} 舊木頭 {k}ieu móh-deu, {old wood}, ult.
Obs. In the groups not marked p, {p}, and {p, p,} the last word changes to the upper quick falling tone. In the remaining instances it preserves its even character. The way is prepared for reciprocal changes between the upper and lower series, by the initial consonants being different. The alphabetical distinction prevents the confusion, that would arise from this intermingling of sounds.
38. Examples of the lower first tone, as the penultimate of three.
Tones. Accent.
p.{p}.s. 新房子 sing vong-tsz, {a new house}, pen.
s.{p}.p. 主人家 tsû niun-ká, {master of family}, ult.
k.{p}.p. 做人家 tsú niun ká, {to be economical}, „
k.{p.p.} 要銅錢 yau dóng-die{n}, {he wants money}, ant.
{s.p.}p. 老人家 lau niun-ká, {an old man}, ult.
{s.p.}p. 洞庭山 {t}óng-ding sa{n}, {island in the Great Lake}, „
{j.p.k.} 十王殿 seh-{w}ong die{n}, {temple of the ten kings}. „
Obs. After the deep deflected tone preceding it in {s}, {p}, p, the penultimate in these examples is usually raised to the upper falling tone.
39. {Lower second tone}. This tone properly a low protracted tone rising at its close, contains in it a number of words whose pronunciation is not fixed. These words, sometimes counted in this tone, and at other times in the next in order, are in other parts of China in the third tone. It will be better to consider them under the heading to which they belong in other dialects, and present here such examples as are free from this uncertainty in tone.
Ex. 有 yeu, {have}; 五 {ng}, {five}; 里 lí, {Chinese mile}.
40. Examples of the lower second tone in the penultimate of two words.
Tones. Accent.
{s}.p. 眼睛 nga{n} tsing, {eyes}, ult.
老君 lau kiün, {founder of Taúism}, „
{s}.s. 冷水 láng sz, {cold water}, pen.
鈕子 nieu tsz, {button}, „
{s}.k. 理性 lí sing, {reason}, ult.
買處 má ts’û, {means of buying}, „
{s}.j. 免脫 míe{n} t’eh, {forgive}, „
{s.p.} 領頭 ling deu, {neckband}, „
女人 nü niun, {woman}, „
{s.s.} 永遠 {y}úng {y}ö{n}, {very long time}, „
{s.k.} 引誘 {y}un {y}eu‘, {to tempt}, „
領路 ling lú, {lead the way}, „
{s.j.} 擄掠 lú liáh, {rob}, „
Obs. i. The tone under illustration, keeps its natural character throughout. No initial letters occur but l, m, ng, n, r, and the vowels. Words beginning with mutes and sibilants that were originally in this tone, are in course of transition to the lower third tone. V from w in mandarin, remains in the second tone.
Obs. ii. The low deflected tone in the penultimate of {s.p.} and {s}.s. so affects the last words, that they are heard in the quick falling tone.
Obs. iii. This tone is difficult to describe as distinct from the preceding, from the fact that both tend upwards; the former deviates slightly, after beginning even; the latter begins low and ascends through its whole time. The first is in its general character even, but when compared with the pure monotone in the Amoy dialect, to which it is most nearly allied, there is a difference perceptible that needs to be specified. It is heard we believe with this peculiarity when pronounced alone, and when standing last in a binary combination, if it does not then change to the upper first tone. When first in order, it is even. It was before observed, that the first upper tone, when last in order, changes to the first lower. In the sound then heard, when enunciated with the true native drawl, the same may be noticed.
Obs. iv. There is nothing even in the second tone when alone, except when enunciated in a high key. When last in order it often rises to the upper second tone, and is then heard even.
For ready comparison of the sounds, a few examples of words in the lower tones are here appended:—
良, 兩, 亮, liáng, in the tones {p.s.k.}
埋, 買, 賣, má, „
泥, 你, 義, ní, „
人, 忍, 認, niun, (R. zun), „
油, 有, 佑, yeu, „
題, 弟, 地, dí, „
隨, 罪, 睿, zûe, „
The last two words here marked as in the second tone will be shewn immediately to be so for this district.
41. Examples of the same tone as the antepenultimate in a group of three.
Tones. Accent.
{s}.p.j. 冷天色 láng t’íe{n}-suh, {cold weather}, ult.
{s}.s.s. 耳𦖋管 ní-tú kwé{n}, {ear cavity}, „
{s}.k.{p}. 老太婆 lau t’á bú, {aged dame}, „
{s}.k.{p}. 買進來 má tsing-lé, {to buy}, „
{s.k.}s. 武藝子 vú-ní tsz, {capacity for an art or
business}, pen.
{s.k.}p. 領事官 ling-zz kwé{n}, {foreign consul}, ult.
42. Examples of this tone as the last in a group of two or three words.
Tones. Accent.
p.{s}. 杴米 k’íe{n} mí, {grind rice}, ult.
s.{s}. 小雨 siau {ü}, {small rain}, „
k.{s}. 囥籠 k’ong lóng, {to hide}, „
j.{s}. 搭鈕 tah nieu, {an iron hook}, „
j.{s}. 瞎眼 hah nga{n}, {blind}, „
{p.s.} 情理 dzing lí, {reasonable, reason}, „
{s.s.} 美女 mé n{ü}, {beautiful woman}, „
{k.s.} 盡禮 dzing lí, {do everything properly}, „
{j.s.} 落雨 loh {ü}, {it rains}, „
着冷 dzáh láng {catch cold}, „
p.p.{s}. 珍珠米 tsun-tsû mí, {Indian corn}, „
k.s.{s}. 最苦惱 tsûe k’ú nau, {very miserable}, „
{s.k.s.} 有道理 {y}eu ’dau-lí, {virtue}, ant.
{j.j.s.} 勿勒裡 veh leh-lí, {not at home}, „
{k.j.s.} 話勿理 {w}ó veh-lí, {will not listen}, „
Obs. In 情理 and 盡禮 where a difference of accent might have been expected, the distinction is kept in the native pronunciation, entirely by means of the tones. In many of these cases, the last word rises and becomes even, i.e. passes into the upper second tone. Thus, 眼 nga{n} and 理 lí, become high and even.
43. Examples of the same tone, as the penultimate in a group of three.
Tones. Accent.
p.{s}.p. 裝滿之 tsong-mén tsz, {having packed full}, ant.
k.{s}.k. 看冷破 k’ö{n} láng p’ú, {despise others}, pen.
{p.s.}s. 情理點 dzing-lí tíe{n}, {be more reasonable}, ant.
{k.s.s.} 廿五里 nia{n}-{ng} lí, {twenty-five Chinese miles.}, „
{j.s.k.} 洛眼淚 loh nga{n}-lí, {to weep}, ult.
{s.s.k.} 五里路 {ng}-lí lú, {five Chinese miles}, „
44. Before proceeding to those words whose tone is undecided, it may be first observed, that in the Tonic Dictionaries,[1] there is a large class of characters ranged under the second tone, not found there, either in the dialects of the Southern provinces, or in the Northern mandarin as registered by Prémare. These words have for their initials, only the sibilant and mute consonants z, dz, zh, b, d, g, with the vowels, and v from f. In the modern pronunciation of Háng-cheú and Sú-cheú, they are also found as in other parts of the empire in the third tone. It follows that they must have made the transition, since the Dictionary system was completed. The earliest works containing it, quoted in K’áng-hí, are said in the preface to have been written in the Liáng and Táng dynasties,[2] and must consequently be regarded as the tradition of at least a thousand years. While this change has taken place in the sound of a large class of very common words, through the greater part of China, it is curious to notice, that the older pronunciation still lingers in the colloquial practice of one part at least of central China.
Even if the inventors of the syllabic spelling confined themselves in the first instance to the usage of the Kiáng provinces, whik north and south of them a different pronunciation prevailed, still this change has taken place in the large cities of Cheh-kiáng and Kiáng-nán, which are now one with their neighbours. In our own dialect it has not yet been completed. After a sufficient time perhaps, this anomaly will have its term, and the boundaries of the tones be as sharply defined, as according to the laws of Chinese pronunciation they ought to be. There are moreover other illustrations that may be drawn from the Dictionaries, of secular changes (to adopt the phraseology employed in sciences of higher mark) occurring in the tones of China.
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1. The names of some of the most commonly used are 詩韻集成, 詩韻含英.
2. 自說文以後, 字書善者, 於粱則玉篇, 於唐則廣韻. “From the Shwóh-wun
downward, the best Dictionaries, were Yúh-p’ien in the Liáng,
and Kwáng Yün in the Táng dynasties,” etc. Liáng A.D. 502 to
560, T’áng 617 to 917.
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45. {Lower third tone}. The words that were primarily in this tone, are always heard with the quick rising pronunciation that properly belongs to it. It is like “the tone given to some words, when spoken ironically, or to the word ‘indeed!’ when used as an exclamation.” (Medhurst’s Hok-kien Dictionary.)
The words referred to in the last article, are placed here rather than in the second tone, because the other dialects are unanimous in doing so. In fact, however, they are in Sháng-hái usage more in the last tone than in this. The following words for example, when pronounced alone, have the long sound.
後 ’{h}eu, 上 ’záng, 動 ’{t}óng, 奉 ’vóng, 坐 ’zú, 部 ’{p}ú,
禍 ’{h}ú, 是 ’zz, 弟 ’{t}í, 父 ’vú, 罪 dzûi, 緩 ’{h}wé{n},
倖 ’{h}yung, 市 ’zz, 道 ’{t}au, 婦 ’vú, 造 ’zau, 罷 ’{p}ó,
跪 ’{k}wé 緒 ’dzü, 蕩 ’{t}ong, 犯 ’va{n}, 重 ’dzóng, 下 ’{h}iá,
近 ’{k}iun, 善 ’zé{n}, 丈 ’dzáng, 在 ’dzé
⁂ In the department of 嘉興 Ka-hiung, occupying the space between those of Háng-cheú and Súng-kiáng, these words are never in the third tone.
Any of these words that occasionally become verbs in the books, being commonly in other parts of speech, are in that case always marked as belonging to the third tone in good editions of native works. E.e. 上꜄ 下꜄ 善꜄ 弟꜄ 後꜄ when they become verbs, change from the second to the third tone and are so marked. All the authorities are uniform in these matters; and the Dictionaries specify the tones by name, assigning the primary sense to the second tone, and the secondary sense, in all these cases a verb, to the third tone.
46. These words though when standing isolated, they keep the old dictionary tone, are liable to such frequent changes in combination, that teachers who have not studied the subject, are at a loss to affix their true tone. In the following examples, these variations will be indicated as they occur, by the apostrophe on the left, and inverted comma on the right, for the second and third tones respectively.
Tones. Accent.
{k.k.} 坐坐 ’zú zú‘, {sit down}, ult.
s.{k}. 請坐 ts’ing ’zú, {please sit down}, pen.
{k.p.} 上頭 ’zong deu, {above}, ult.
{p.k.} 皇上 {w}ong záng‘, {emperor}, „
p.{k}. 兄弟 h’iúng dí‘, {younger brother}, pen.
{k}.p. 弟兄 ’tí h’iúng, {brothers}, ult.
{k.k.} 味道 mí dau‘, {taste}, „
{k.p.} 道臺 ’{t}au dé, {Revenue Commissioner}, „
{k.p.} 道爺 {t}au‘ yá, „ „
{k.k.} 罪過 zé‘ kú, {sin}, pen.
{k.k.} 定罪 {t}ing ’dzûe, {to condemn}, „
{k}.k. 是個 zz‘ kú, {it is so}, „
{j.k.} 勿是 veh ’zz, {it is not so}, ult.
{j.k.} 活動 {w}eh ’dóng, {living and moving}, „
{k}.p. 動身 ’{t}óng sun, {move one’s-self}, „
s.{k}. 寡婦 kwó ’vú, {a widow}, pen.
p.{k}. 夫婦 fu vú‘, {husband and wife}, ult.
{p.k.} 爲善 {w}é ’zé{n}, {be virtuous}, pen.
{k}.k. 善報 ’zé{n} pau, {reward of virtue}, ult.
{p}.p.k.{k}. 明知過犯 ming tsz kú ’va{n}, {wilfully transgress}, „
{k}.j. 犯法 va{n}‘ fah, {break the law}, „
{k.j.k.} 是勿是 zz‘ veh zz, {is it so or not?} „
{k.j.k.} 並勿是 {p}ing veh zz, {certainly not}, ant.
{k}.j. 造屋 ’zau óh, {build a house}, ult.
{k.p.}s. 造完者 zau‘ wén tsé, {finished building}, pen.
p.{k}.p.{k}. 街市頭上 ká ’zz deu long, {in the streets}, ult.
{k.p.} 市頭 zz‘ deu, {the street}, „
{k.s.k.} 動咾動 ’{t}óng lau dóng’, {moving}, „
{k.p.}s. 重來死 dzóng‘ lé sí, {very heavy}, „
k.{k}. 看重 k’ö{n} ’dzóng, {value highly}, „
Obs. It will be seen that among these examples, there are nearly as many of the quick or third tone, as of the longer one. Taking the usage all in all, the balance in cases of grouping is however, in favour of the quicker form. When alone the original tone is used almost exclusively. In reading there is about the same amount of variation as in colloquial usage. The quicker tone usually, but not exclusively, prefers to stand last, leaving the penultimate of a combination to the longer tone.
47. In regard to the words that have always been in the lower third tone, there is as much regularity of pronunciation as in any other tone.
Ex. 病 {p}ing, {disease}; 話 {w}ó, {words, to speak}; 大 {t}ú, {great}.
The following are examples where this tone occurs in the penultimate of a group of two.
Tones. Accent.
{k}.p. 順風 zun fóng, {fair wind}, ult.
{k}.s. 硯子 níe{n} tsz, {ink stone}, pen.
{k}.k. 定當 {t}ing tong, {to fix}, ult.
{k}.j. 外國 ngá kóh, {foreign state}, „
賣脫 má teh, {to sell off}, pen.
{k.p.} 浪頭 long deu, {waves}, ult.
{k.k.} 面貌 míe{n} mau, {countenance}, „
{k.k.} 謝謝 {s}iá ziá, {I thank you}, „
{k.j.} 念佛 nia{n} veh, {chant Buddhist classics}, „
48. Examples of this tone in the antepenultimate of three.
Tones. Accent.
{k}.p.{p}. 硬心腸 ngáng sing-dzáng, {hard heart}, ult.
{k}.j.{p}. 外國人 ngá-koh niun, {foreigner}, ant.
{k}.j.j. 靜出出 zing’ t‘seh t‘seh, {quiet and empty}, „
{k.p.}j. 硬如鐵 ngáng zû t’ih, {hard as iron}, ult.
{k.p.}s. 大娘子 {t}ú niáng-tsz, {wife}, pen.
{k.j.}j. 飯粒屑 vau{n} lih-sih, {rice crumbs}, ant.
Obs. In the fourth example 子 being an enclitic, throws back the accent on the penultimate. In the last, the accent is on the first word for a similar reason.
49. Examples of the lower third tone standing last in a group of two or three.
Tones. Accent.
p.{k}. 街上 ká long, {in the streets}, pen.
多謝 tú ziá, {many thanks}, ult.
燒飯 sau va{n}, {cook rice}, „
s.{k}. 响亮 h’iáng liáng, {distinct in sound}, „
k.{k}. 頂大 ting dú, {the greatest}, „
性命 sing ming, {life} „
j.{k}. 看病 k’ö{n} bing, {cure diseases}, „
{p.k.} 國度 kóh dú, {a kingdom}, „
城外 dzung ’ngá, {outside the city wall}, „
{s.k.} 隨便 dzûe bie{n}, {as you please}, „
{k.k.} 忍耐 zun (or niun) né, {patient}, „
話壊 {w}ó {w}á, {speak ill of}, „
命令 ming ling, {a command}, „
{j.k.} 月亮 niöh liáng, {moonlight}, „
s.s.{k}. 果子樹 kú tsz zû, {fruit-bearing tree}, „
k.p.{k}. 送羮飯 sóng káng va{n}, {give away food}, pen.
{j}.s.{k}. 瘧子病 ngok (R. niák) tsz bing, {fever and ague}, ult.
In the first example, {long} is always in the third tone. With 街上 ká long or 山上 sa{n} long, compare the English {convict, wisdom, darkness}. If the last words however, were not a mere enclitic, the comparison of pronunciation would fail, the accent being on the ultimate.
50. Examples of the same tone in the penultimate of a group of three.
Tones. Accent.
p.{k.s.} 虛字眼 h’ü-zz nga{n}, {particles}, ant.
p.{k.k.} 多謝儂 tú ziá nóng, {many thanks to you}, „
j.{k}.p. 執定之 tseh-ding tsz, {obstinate}, „
{p.k.p.} 城外頭 dzung ngá-deu, {outside the city}, ult.
{s.k.}k. 兩樣個 liáng-yáng kú, {different}, pen.
{k.k.}k. 念念看 ’nia{n}-nia{n} k’ö{n}, {read a little aloud}, ant.
{j.k.}k 勿碍啥 veh-ngé sá, {no matter}, pen.
{p.k.p.} 嘸用人 {m}-yúng niun, {a useless man}, „
Obs. When an enclitic stands last, as in the 3rd, 5th, and 7th examples, the lower third tone preceding it takes the accent.
51. {Lower fourth tone}. While this may be described as the lower short rising tone, and represented as short in {quantity}, it should be observed, that two long vowels, and several diphthongs are also admitted to it. The same is true of the short tone in the upper scale. These vowels and diphthongs are á, ó, (vide art. 6,), and iák, iah, iók, iöh, iuk, wák, wah, weh, wok.
Ex. 賊 zuk, {thief}; 挾 {k}áh, {to press}; 掘 {k}iöh, {to dig}.
52. Examples of this tone when standing last of two words.
Tones. Accent.
p.{j}. 遮沒 tsó meh, {cover over}, ult.
s.{j}. 土白 t’ú báh, {local dialect}, „
k.{j}. 對敵 dé dih, {oppose enemies}, „
j.{j}. 覺着 koh (g) záh, {become aware of}, pen.
出力 t’seh lih (liuk), {exert strength}, „
{p.j.} 明白 ming báh, {clear, to understand}, ult.
重疊 dzóng deh, {tautology}, „
{s.j.} 煖熱 nö{n} nyih, {warm}, „
{k.j.} 樹木 zû móh, {trees}, „
{j.j.} 毒藥 {t}óh (g) yáh, {poison}, pen.
Obs. The long tones preserve their character before the short tone with great accuracy.
53. Examples of this tone in the penultimate of two words.
Tones. Accent.
{j}.p. 陌生 mák sáng, {strange, unknown}, ult.
{j.p.} 畧些 liák sü, {a little}, ult.
{j}.s. 落水 lok sz, {ebb tide}, „
{j}.k. 孛相 {p}eh siáng, {amusement, do nothing}, „
{j}.j. 狭窄 {h}ah tsah, {narrow-minded}, „
落脫 lok t’eh, {let fall}, pen.
{j.p.} 別人 {p}ih niun, {another man}, ult.
{j.k.} 實在 {s}eh zé, {truly}, „
{j.j.} 目錄 móh (g) lóh, {table of contents}, „
Obs. The terminating consonants of the fourth tone, in some dialects are three, k, t, p, corresponding to the final ng, n, m, of words in the other tones. Only the first of these is audible in Shánghái pronunciation. It occurs after á, ó, o, u. It is heard k before consonants of the upper series, particularly s, t; and g before those of the lower series, particularly z, d. Both will be found exemplified in these two tables.
54. Examples of combinations of three.
Tones. Accent.
{j}.p.s. 學生子 {h}ok-sáng tsz, {scholar}, pen.
{j}.j.{k}. 勿一定 veh ih ding, {not necessarily}, ant.
j.{k.p.} 落下來 loh ’{a}u-lé, {fall down}, „
{j.k.j.} 白話脫 {p}áh (g) {w}ó-t’eh, {speak to no purpose}, pen.
{p.j.}s. 担勿起 ta{n} veh-k’í, {cannot lift}, ant.
{p.j.j.} 尋勿着 dzing-veh-dzáh, {cannot find}, ult.
Obs. The first of these may be compared to a trissyllable with an accent on the penultimate, as “convicted,” i.e. if 生 sáng be pronounced high. The syllables adjacent to the accent in English are so contracted in time as to sound more like words in short tones or enclitics, than in long tones. Should 生 fall to the lower first tone as it often does, the similarity would not hold.
55. Examples of larger groups in the lower tones.
男男女女 né{n}-né{n} ’nü-’nü, {men and women}.
明明白白 ming-ming báh-báh, {perfectly clear}.
綾羅緞疋 ling-lú dön‘ p’ih, {silks and satins}.
風調雨順 fóng diau ’{ü} zun‘, {wind and rain favourable}.
日月星辰 zeh, {y}öh, sing, dzun, {sun, moon, and stars}.
仁義禮智 zun ní‘ ’lí tsz‘ sing‘, {five cardinal virtues}.
天地萬物 t’íe{n}-dí‘ va{n}‘-veh, {heaven and earth and all things}.
書裡有黃金 sû-’lí {y}eu-{w}ong-kiun, {there is gold in books}.
家常白話 ká-dzáng {p}áh-{w}ó‘, {household words}.
一眼大一眼 ih-’nga{n}-dú ih-’nga{n}, {increase little by little}.
謀衣謀食 meu-í meu-zuh, {seek food and clothing}.
56. General remarks on the lower tones.
I. The initial consonant is a test for any word being in the upper or lower series. Thus, all the broad mutes and sibilants, the weak aspirate, with the liquids and nasals are in the lower tones. The other consonants with the strong aspirate are in the upper series. The following in the higher tones are exceptions.
Ex. 端, 短, 斷, 對, 答, 鬥, 躭, dön, ’dön, dön‘, dé‘, deh, deu‘, dé{n}. 拉, 咯, lá, lóh. Yet 對 is heard té‘ in té‘ deu, {adversary}. This is caused by the accent falling on 頭 deu.
This furnishes the principle of the orthography adopted in the present work. The initial letter being an index to the tone, it is needless to employ distinct tonal marks for the upper and lower series. In the same way, the Fan t‘sieh or native syllabic spelling marks the series by the first word, and the particular tone by the sound. Thus 夫 fú is spelt with 方徒 fang dú. The initial F of the first word combined with the U final of the second, gives the sound fu in the first tone. We add an example or two from K’áng-hí:—
正 is spelt with 章並 cháng {p}ing‘, giving ching‘.
學 „ „ 行酌 {h}ing chóh, „ {h}ióh.
The first word tells us, whether the sound required is high or low, and the second to which of the four tones it belongs. The pronunciation of the words borrowed for this purpose is supposed known.
II. The orthography is in many instances not fixed. Words sometimes heard g, d, b, are at other times heard {k}, {t}, {p}. The sounds g, d, b, occur after a word in combination; while {k}, {t}, {p} occur when no word precedes. To indicate that they are always low in pitch, they are printed in italics. V, z, come partially under the same rule. The rest dz, dzz, are scarcely heard in the thin form at all, and are therefore spelt with d in this work. Another peculiarity is that z and dz are interchangeable. Z is more common in conversation; dz in reading.
III. There are many words having sibilants or mutes, or the weak aspirate for their initial consonants, of which the tone is uncertain, being sometimes in the second, and at other times in the third. The liquids and vowels have not this peculiarity, and it only belongs to words that were originally in the second tone.
IV. The first tone, when last in a binary combination, rises to the upper first, except when preceded by the first tone, upper or lower. The initial consonant remains broad as in other cases.
V. The other tones also frequently rise to the upper series when standing last, each to its corresponding tone, and the initial consonant is unaffected.
VI. The laws of accent are the same as in the upper tones. The last word of a combination being usually accented, affords the best opportunity for the discrimination of the tones.
57. {Relation of Tones to Music}. It is only when they are even, that a musical notation can fully and correctly represent the tones. For deflection, so essential to the latter, is not allowed in music, being destructive of harmony. The short and quick tones may however be described as {staccato} notes, and the violin may be made in passing from one note to another, to produce a continuous sound, which has been adduced in “The Chinese as they are,” to illustrate the deflections. In regard to time, so minutely subdivided in music, there do not appear be more than two classes of tones, the quick and the slow. Kircher supposed that the five tones were the first five notes in an octave do, re, mi, fa, sol; but in reality, differences of elevation are usually not more than two for one dialect. The interval between the two series varies, it being greater for example, in some parts of the north of China, than in Kiáng-nán, where it is about half an octave.
58. {Relation of Tones to Accents in other languages}. So far as accent only means the distinction of loud and soft, there seems no analogy. For the Chinese tones may be pronounced as gently or sonorously as the speaker pleases, and loudness in this language also constitutes accent as distinct from tone. In the common accents of English conversation however, there is usually a difference in deflection, or as it is called by some writers, modulation. There is one tone (1) for assertion and determination, and another (2) for asking questions; and these differ not in time, or in loudness, but in the fact that they are deflected downwards and upwards respectively. Again, the tone of interrogation (2) is commonly quick, while that of sarcasm (3) is often slow. Those who read aloud, too often confine themselves almost exclusively to the monotone, a fourth variation (4). Now it is these very distinctions of deflection and time that form the essence of the Chinese tones, and they are in daily use in our own language, as aids in expressing the feelings, as marks of emphasis, and as a means of relieving the voice by interchange. All that a foreigner has to do then in imitating the Chinese tones is to apply forms of utterance, to which he is already accustomed, to those words in which the Chinese employ them, and to treat the tone thus individualized, whichever it may be, as a part of the word, to be learned contemporaneously with the vowels and consonants. With regard to the doubly deflected tones, and those that are less familiar to us, the ancient Greeks would have had an advantage we do not possess. Their circumflex was made up of two tones, the acute and grave combined. (Buttman Gr. Gram. Sect. 9.) Every syllable had a tone, and the tones were placed on either long or short vowels. There seem also to have been dialectic and secular varieties. These four facts are all suggestive of a similarity in their enunciation to that of China. Mr. Lay in the work alluded to above, has pointed out to what tones the Greek accents appeared to him to correspond. But our data are so scanty on the subject of classical pronunciation, that nothing certain can be said, when we attempt to detail their individual differences.
59. Examples are here annexed of words, which differing slightly, as in a tone or an aspirate, may be mistaken for each other if mispronounced.
鏡子 kiung‘ ’tsz, {a mirror}.
景致 ’kiung tsz‘, {beautiful scenery}.
浪頭 long‘ deu, {waves}.
榔頭 ’long deu, {a hammer}.
此地 ’t’sz dí‘, {here}.
次第 t’sz‘ dí‘, {regularity}.
進教 tsing‘ kiau‘, {enter a religious order}.
請教 ’t’sing kiau‘, {please inform me}.
第頭 {t}í‘ deu, {here}.
剃頭 t’í‘ deu, {shave}.
最多 tsûe‘ tú, {very many}.
最大 tsûe‘ dú‘, {very great}.
第八 {t}í‘ pah, {the eighth}.
提拔 {t}í bah, {to save}.
大細 {t}ú‘ sí‘, {young son}.
圖死 {t}ú ’sí, {wish to die}.
勿通 veh t’óng, {without reason or proof}.
勿懂 veh ’tóng, {not to understand}.
勿同 veh dóng, {not the same}.
勿動 veh ’dóng, {not moving}.
Note. For some words of constant occurrence, the following contractions will in future be used. C. or S.C. Shánghái, colloquial form. M. Northern mandarin pronunciation, R. or S.R. Shánghái reading sound.
{Section} 4. {Alphabetical form of the Shánghái sounds}.
i. {Initials}.
60. In grammatical works on other languages, more or less is said on orthography, or orthography according as the alphabetical symbols are controlled by more or fewer laws. The Chinese sounds are few, and regulated by laws which are easily laid down. A section therefore may properly be devoted to the romanized form of the sounds.
From the time that the Buddhist priests introduced the Sanscrit system, and the initials and finals, the Chinese have had an imperfect method of spelling words. The division of each sound into two parts, represented by two characters, the initial 毋 ’mú, and the final 韻 yün‘, constitutes the method.
The 字彙 zz‘ {w}e‘, a Dictionary of the Ming dynasty, says 韻學自沈 約始, 而釋神琪, 繼以等韻, 列爲三十六毋, 分爲平仄四聲, yün‘ {y}áh, zz‘ sun‘ {y}ah ’sz, rh suh zun kóng, kí ’í ’tung yün‘, lih {w}é sa{n} {s}eh lóh ’mú’, fun {w}é {p}ing tsuh sz‘ sung. “{The doctrine of arranging sounds by their rhymes began with Shin-yoh, and the Buddhist priests Shin-k’ong continued it, forming the rhymes into classes, and the initials into thirty six divisions, and placing them all under the four tones.}”
61. From the sixth century of our era, the system whose origin is thus recorded, has been preserved in the Dictionaries successively made, with apparently few variations. The thirty six initials referred to are contained in the following table:—
{Native table of Initials.}
k 見 kíen
k’ 溪 k’í
g 郡 giun
ng 疑 ngi
t 端 twan
t’ 透 t’eú
d 定 ding’
n 泥 ní
ch 知 ch
ch’ 徹 ch’eh
j 澄 jing
ni 娘 niáng
p 幫 páng
p’ 滂 p’áng
b 並 bing
m 明 ming
f 非 fí
f’ 敷 f’ú
v 奉 vóng
w 微 ví
ts 精 tsing
ts’ 淸 ts’ing
dz 從 dzóng
s 心 sin
z 邪 zié
tsh 照 tshaú
t’sh 穿 t’shuen
dj 狀 jwang
sh 審 shin
zh 禪 zhen
y 影 ying
h 曉 hiáu
{y} 喩 {y}ü
{h} 匣 {h}iáh
l 來 lái
rh 日 jih
62. From the table it will be seen, that the division into an upper and lower series of initial consonants, the one embracing thin and clear sounds, with strong aspirates, the other including the broader consonants with the liquids and nasals, meets us not only in the study of the tones of a dialect as shewn in the former section, but in the accredited Dictionaries of the general language. This may be readily accounted for from the Kiáng provinces having been the chief seat of literature and political power, when the sounds of the language were first represented by double characters. Since the growth of the modern pronunciation there has been no attempt in any imperial work to form a new system of spelling.[1] The difference of the old system and the new will be understood if it be mentioned that 魚 ü, is spelt ngü, and that 外, 月, wái‘, yöh, are also in the column headed NG. More details on this subject will be found in the appendix. In the 五方元音 a small portable Dictionary on the alphabetic plan, and containing about 10,000 characters, the modern mandarin is followed in the initials and finals.
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1. In Káng-hí’s Dictionary many words in the lower first tone,
formerly in the g, d, b, columns, have been transferred to the
aspirate column, to be in conformity with northern
pronunciation. Words in the short tone having k, t, p, as finals
in the old system, have also been classed as terminating in
{vowels}, for the same reason. These changes however are only
found in Káng-hí’s {second} table, and the older classification,
denoted by a circle round the examples placed where they
formerly stood, is retained with the new.
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63. In eight of the nine divisions above, the second initial is the strong aspirate either alone or following, the letters k, t, ch, p, f, ts and tsh. Of these the palatal ch, and sibilant tsh, are not needed in Shánghái pronunciation. Ts takes their place. In double initials the aspirate is between t and s, or t and sh.
(ch) 知道 M. ch táú‘ S. tsz dau‘, {to know}.
(tsh) 出來 M. ch’uh lái S. ts’eh lé, {come out}.
F‘ is the same as f. In other instances the aspirate is always preserved.
吹進吹出 t’sz tsing‘ t’sz t’séh, {blow in and out}.
看歇戲否 k’ö{n}‘ h’ih h’í‘ ’vá, {have you seen the play}?
開口 k’é ’k’eu, {begin speaking}.
In other cases, all these letters with and without aspirates, are the same with mandarin.
64. The third initial of the same eight divisions is wanting for Shánghái, only in the case of those headed ch and tsh. Their place is supplied by z. 形狀 {y}uug zong‘, {visible form}. Sh and zh in the seventh, are replaced by s and z.
一隻手 M. ih chih ’sheú S. ih tsáh ’seu, {one hand}.
時物 M. sh wúh S. zz veh, {things in season}.
扇子 M. shen‘ tsz S. sé{n}‘ tsz, {fan}.
受領 M. sheú ling S. ’zeu ’ling, {receive}.
65. The h of mandarin is never heard before w or y in the lower tones:—
三魂六魄 sa{n} {w}ung lóh p’áh, {three mental, and six physical
principles of human life}.
無形無像 vú {y}ung vú ziáng‘, {invisible}.
縣分꜄ {y}ö{n}‘ vun‘, {what belongs to a district city}.
效法別人 {y}iau‘ fah {p}ih niun, {imitate others}.
In other examples among the lower tones, a slight aspirate is retained for the strong hissing sound of mandarin.
紅格紙頭, {h}óng kák ’tsz deu, {red ruled paper}.
閒書 {h}a{n} sû, {light reading}, 鞋子 {h}á ’tsz, {shoes}.
This slight aspirate is lost in a word standing last in a combination.
那能修行 ’ná nung sieu {a}ng? {how shall I grow virtuous?}
幾許闊狹 ’kí hau‘ kweh {a}h? {how wide?}
The English aspirate is between the two aspirates here distinguished, and is the same as that of Fúh-kien. We have no parallel in our pronunciation, to that hissing guttural sound, which in the mandarin provinces, belongs to all the five tones, and in Kiáng-nán to the upper series. Hence Morrison speaks of it as SH. Nor can the weak aspirate of the Kiáng-nán lower series, disappearing as it does so frequently, be regarded an equivalent to the English H.
66. With regard to the thick mutes and sibilants (g, d, b, v, z,) in the lower tones, it may be remarked generally, that foreigners in learning colloquial phrases, usually acquire the habit of pronouncing these consonants thin, when first in a combination, and broad, when some word precedes. This is so frequently true, that no further proof is needed of the pronunciation being variable.
第個 {t}í‘ kú‘, {this}.
次第 t’sz‘ dí‘, {good order}.
提拔 {t}í bah, {rescue}.
拔草 {p}ah ’ts’au, {to weed}.
罷勿得 {p}á‘ veh tuh, {indispensable}.
勿罷拉 veh ’bá ’lá, {more than that}.
大同小異 {t}á‘ dóng ’siau {í}, {differing but little}
勿大好 veh dá‘ ’hau, {not good}.
For {t} and {p}, there is no difficulty in spelling as is here done, but {k}, {s}, {f}, are not so easily disposed of. The initial {k} or g is enunciated thickly before the vowels i and ü, though according to the system of the Dictionaries, the initial is the same in all cases. Some foreign students regard it as an aspirated consonant. Others write it dj or d. This anomaly of pronunciation, so difficult to express, does not occur before w, a and é. Limited thus to í and ü, it is thought preferable not to depart from the analogy, by inventing a new symbol for the few words in use that contain this unmanageable consonant.
插旗 t’sah gí, {set up a flag}. 顯轎 ’h’ie{n} giau‘, {mountain chair}.
葵花 {k}wé hwó, {sunflower}. 求告 {k}ieu kau‘, {pray}.
67. The lower f and s, are often heard v, z, even without a word preceding. Thus the actual pronunciation cannot be fairly represented by the law that answers for the other letters, and the only resource is to follow the natives in each case. This v, as well as that from w (M.) are pronounced w on the eastern side of the Hwáng-p’ú.
服事 {f}oh zz‘, {to serve}.
牢實 lau zeh, {honesty}.
謝謝 {s}iá‘ ziá‘, {I thank you}.
俗字眼 {s}óh zz‘ nga{n}, {colloquial expressions}.
尙書 zong‘ sû, {the Historical Classic}.
飯吃曼 va{n}‘ k’iuh ma{n}‘, {have you dined?}
邪派 siá p’á‘, {depraved customs}.
罰咒 vah tseu‘, {to swear}.
實在 {s}eh zé‘, {truly}.
68. The initials z and dz correspond, though somewhat irregularly, to the tabular initials z, zh, and j, dz, dj.
樹丫枝 zû‘ au tsz, {branches of trees}.
若使 zák sz‘, {if}.
炰茶 p’au‘ dzó {make tea}.
傳下來 dzé{n} ’{a}u lé, {deliver down}.
聚攏來 dzü‘ ’lóng lé, {collect}.
The d is often dropped, both, in reading and in the conversational form.
勿會寫字 veh {w}é‘ siá zz‘, {cannot write} (M. tsz‘).
擺渡船 ’pá dú‘ zé{n},[1] {ferry-boat} (M. ch’uen).
養蠶 yáng‘ zé{n}, {keep silkworms}, (M. t‘sán).
The d is in some words retained in reading, when dropped in the colloquial form.
豺狼虎豹 zá (R. dzé) long ’hu pau‘, {wolves and tigers}.
稻柴 {t}au zá (C.) {rice straw}.
柴門 dzé (R.) mun, {wooden gate}.
造完 ’zau (R. dzau) wé{n}, {finish building}.
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1. 船 The Dictionary pronunciation is 食川切 zhuen.
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69. Words beginning with a vowel, belong to the thirty-first or thirty-third initials (y, {y},) according as they are high or low in tone. In giving the romanized form, a more extended subdivision of the vowels must of necessity be adopted. In the present work, the initial vowel is italicized, when its word belongs to the lower series.
遠來死 ’{y}ö{n} lé ’sí, {very far off}.
寃枉 yö{n} ’wong, {falsely accuse}.
Those words in the dialect that begin with n, m, v, while in northern mandarin they have only a vowel as their initial, are placed in the Dictionary system under those consonants, and they are all in the lower tones.
原是 ’niö{n} ’zz, {well then it is}—
千山萬水 t’síe{n} sa{n} va{n}‘ ’ss, {a long distance}
一百萬 ih páh ma{n}‘, {a million}.
Words in the upper series beginning with a vowel, which in northern mandarin take the sound {ng} before them, never have it in the Shánghái dialect, nor in the Dictionary system. E.g.[1] 愛 ngái‘, 惡 ngóh,[2] are pronounced é‘ and oh.
愛伊樣物事 é‘ í {y}áng‘ meh zz‘, {love that thing}.
In the lower tones the initial ng is always preserved.
勿碍啥 veh ngé‘ sá‘, {no matter}.
一眼勿硬 ih ’nga{n} veh ngáng‘, {not in the least hard}.
咬牙切齒 ’ngaú ngá t’sih ’t’sz, {grind teeth with rage}.
我勿餓 ’ngú veh ngú‘ {I am not hungry}.
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1. 安 M. ngan, S. ö{n}, 恩 ngun, S. un, 哀 ngai, S. é, 暗 ngán‘,
S. én‘. The true sound as heard in the provinces where mandarin
is spoken, is a guttural to which the English alphabet has no
equivalent. NG is employed for want of a better symbol.
2. In the mandarin Dictionary 五方元音, the initial NG is placed
with U and A under W; I is placed with ǔ under Y.
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70. The remaining initials are ng, n, ni, m, v, l, and j. They belong with few exceptions to the lower tones.
NG, I. Many words classed in the Dictionaries under this initial are pronounced differently in this dialect. Thus 堯 {y}au, 言 {í}en, have no initial consonant, 疑 ní, 爾 ’nü, 義 ní‘, belong to the tooth nasal (N), 午五魚 are read {ü}, ú, but spoken {ng}. Ng precedes a, e, o, ö, u, but not i, ü.
II. Other words as 月 niöh, 牛 nieu, 願 niö{n}, belong more properly to the class headed ni, or the Spanish circumflexed n. The Sú-cheú dialect agrees better with the Dictionaries in this class of words, than that of Shánghái.
III. All the words in Morrison with the initial G belong to this class, except such as are in the upper tones. Such words as he writes aou, ae, yae, follow the same rule.
71. N, NI. These though distinguished in some alphabets as in Sanscrit and Spanish, may be for our purpose more usefully regarded as identical, the i being considered to belong to the final. Accordingly such words as 女 ’nü 你 ’né, 鈕 nieu, though placed under the palatal nasal NI in the native system, will be regarded as belonging to the tooth nasal N, and the remainder of the sound reckoned as the final. Even in the tables, these two consonants are in intentional juxtaposition. The consonants T, CH, to which they respectively belong are also naturally allied, as may be illustrated from our dialect, where CH becomes TS.
Many words written by Morrison yǔh, yin, yen, ying, yŏ, yu, yuen, yuĕ, take this initial, when they are in the lower tones. N, when thus prefixed, precedes no vowel but i, ü. The following are examples:—
玉 niók, 硯 níe{n}‘, 獄 niók, 源 niö{n},
銀 niun, 騐 nie{n}‘, 語 ’nü, 願 niön‘,
諺 níe{n}‘, 迎 niung, 愚 nü, 月 niöh, R. yöh.
72. M. V. The class headed M includes not only the mandarin words in m, but some that in mandarin begin with W. They are therefore placed together in the Dictionary system. Words thus transformed have V in reading as an intermediate sound, and often retain that form in the colloquial. If they are not words in very common use, they do not assume M as their initial. The following are examples:—
夫 mí and ví, C. ví, R. 襪 mah, 蚊 mun, C. and R.
萬 ma{n}‘ and va{n}‘, C. va{n}‘, R. 文, 武 vun, ’vú, C. and R.
Also 問忘網望味物 are spoken mun‘, &c., and read vun‘, etc. In early Chinese these words all began with b.
73. L. J. The former of these, as used in our dialect, agrees with the native system, and with the northern mandarin, and calls for no remark except that a very few words as before noted belong to the upper series. See Art. 56.
Under the initial j, are found all the Shánghái words in ni (C), and z (R), which are j, in Mandarin. E.g. 譆饒熱染日忍軟閏絨認撚 are spoken niáng, &c., and read záng, &c.
Thus,
人 niun, C. zun, R. jin, M. {a man}.
肉 nióh, C. zóh, R. júh, M. {flesh}.
Words that are {semi-colloquial}, or only used in combination retain z. E.g. 惹仁仍弱乳 are read and spoken ’zá, zun, etc.
Thus,
自然 zz‘ zé{n}, C. and R. tsz‘ jen, M.
⁂ Words in z from sh, or s in mandarin, never change into ni. Thus, the natural separation between distinct classes of words is maintained, when their reading sounds are identical.
74. This class also includes R.H. The native tables make no difference between J and RH, and in some parts of China the initial J is in jih, {sun}, and some other words pronounced like R.
而且 rh ’t’siá, {perhaps}.
When thoroughly colloquialized, however, these words pass into ní, and must be placed under n or ng.
二 ní‘, C. rh‘ R. {two}.
兒子 ní ’tsz, or {ng} ’tsz, C. rh, R. {son}.
耳朶 ’ní ’tú, C. rh tó, R. {ears}.
ii. {Finals}.
75. The Shánghái finals are about 60 in number. According to the native system, the whole of a word except the initial letter and the aspirate if there be one, is included in the final. In the Dictionaries, the finals, which unlike the initials differ but slightly from modern mandarin pronunciation, are less numerous. The 字彙 tsz‘ hwei‘ has 44. The short tones which should be considered independent rhymes are counted with the corresponding long ones, and thus the number is diminished. The first table in K’áng-hí has sixteen, and the second, twelve. Under each are several subdivisions. Another small and very convenient Dictionary, the 五方元音 ’Wú fáng yuen yin, taking the five tone mandarin dialect for its guide both in initials and finals, adopts twenty of the one, and twelve of the other, and arranges them under five tones. In reducing them to this small number, some violence is done to the sounds. All words beginning with a vowel, or NG are arranged under W and Y. In the finals, expedients are also employed to diminish the number of headings.
76. In the finals, the departures from the mandarin type are numerous, but they are according to system, and the knowledge of one variation is usually a key to the pronunciation of many tens of other words. The variations are usually the same for one long tone as for all.
In the following table which consists of words without a diphthong, the first column contains the final according to Shánghái pronunciation; the second, all the examples of it having different rhymes in mandarin; the third, the mandarin spelling; and the fourth, the Shánghái reading sound.
P. I. S. IV. TABLE OF FINALS.
Finals. Shánghái colloquial. Mandarin. Shánghái reading sound.
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á 拉 lá (upper series) lá
拜 pá‘ pái pé
家 ká kiá kiá
解 ’ká kiái, kiè kiá
快 k’á k‘wai k‘wé
惹 ’zá jé
ah 法 fah fáh, fá
瞎 hah hiáh, hiá
隔 kah kuh, kó kuh
ák 百 pák puh, ’pá puh
若 zák jóh, jó‘
目 mák, mok múh, mú‘ mok
石 zák shǐh,[1] sh
a{n} 但 {t}an‘ tán
簡 ’ka{n} kian kíe{n}
áng 張 tsáng cháng
生 sáng sung sung
宕 {t}áng‘ táng {t}ong
行 {h}áng, {y}ung hing, háng
au 好 ’hau háú
下 ’{h}au, {h}ó hiá‘ {y}á
呌 kau‘ kiáú kiau
é 海 ’hé hái
雷 lé lei, lui
衰 sé shwái
倍 {p}é‘ pei
eh 雜 dzeh tsáh, [1]tsá
實 zeh shih, [1]sh
沒 meh múh, [1]mú
說 seh shwoh söh
活 {w}eh hwóh, [1]hwó
é{n} 半 pé{n}‘ pwán
船 zé{n} ch’uen
善 ’zé{n} shen
eu 溝 keu keú
í 理 ’lí lí
非 fí fei
去 k’í‘ k’ü k’ü
死 ’si sz sz
些 sí sie
ih 立 lih lih, lí‘
切 ts’ih ts’ieh, t’sié
雪 sih siöh, ’sió
恤 sih siuh, sió
ing 循 dzing siün
心 sing sin
信 sing‘ sing
ó 怕 p’ó‘ p’á
遮 tsó ché tsó
赦 só‘ shé sé
öh 奪 {t}öh tóh, [1]tó
ók 獨 {t}óh túh, [1]tú
木 móh, mok múh, mú
國 kóh, kweh kwóh, [1]kwó
ok 薄 {p}ók, {p}ok póh,[1] pó
樂 lok lóh, ló‘
角 kok, kók kióh, chió kiák
ö{n} 端 dö{n} (upper series) twán
岸 ngö{n}‘ ngán
óng 松 sóng, súng sóng, súng
ong 喪 song sáng
雙 song shwáng
夢 mong‘ móng, múng móng
紅 ’kong kiáng kiáng
ú 所 ’sú só
大 {t}ú‘ tá {t}á
古 ’kú kú
ü 句 kü‘ kü
歸 kü kwei kwé
û (ü) 主 ’tsû tsü chú
uk 直 dzuk chih, [1]ch
ûe (üe) 雖 sûe (ü) súi
un (ng) 根 kun (g) kun
身 sun (g) shin (un)
尊 tsun (g) tsün
û{n} 杆 kû{n} kán
算 sû{n}‘ swán
óng (ú) 龍 lóng (ú) lóng (ú)
ung 亨 hung hung
門 mung (n) mun
{m} 無 vú, {m} wú vú
{ng} 恒 {h}ng hung
rh 而 rh rh
sz 思 詩 sz sz, sh and shí
鼠 ’sz shú sû
水 ’sz shúi sûe
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1. When there are two modes of spelling in the column of
mandarin pronunciation, the second is taken from the work
小氏音鑑 which contains the Peking pronunciation of words in the
short tone, spelled according to the syllabic system. Those to
which on asterisk is prefixed are all in the lower first tone.
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76. The intermediate vowel i forms the following finals:—
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iá 邪 {s}iá sié {s}ié
iah 甲 kah kiáh, kiá kiah
iák 畧 liah lióh, liáú‘
ia{n} 念 nian‘ nien
iau 教 kiau‘ kiáu
iáng 强 ’k’iang k’iáng
ié 且 ’t’siá t’sié t’síe
íe{n} 選 síe{n} siuen
田 {t}íe{n} t’ien
全 dze{n} t’siuen dzíe{n}
ieu 求 {k}ieu k‘ieú
宿 sieu süh
iih 熱 nyih jeh zeh
ióh 曲 k’óh k’iúh, ’k’ü
iöh 月 niöh yueh yöh
iö{n} 權 {k}iö{n} k’iuen
ióng 窮 {k}ióng k’iong (ú)
官 kióng kúng kóng
iú 靴 hiú hiö
iuk 逆 niuk nih
iun (ng) 勤 {k}iun (ng) k’in
iung (n) 今 kiung (n) kin
京 kiung king
iúng 兄 h’iúng h’iung
iün 訓 h’iün‘ h’iün
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77. The other intermediate vowels u, occurring only after k, g, forms the following finals:—
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uá 乖 kwá kwái kwé
uah 括 kwah kwáh
na{n} 關 kwa{n} kwán
wé{n} 官 kwé{n} kwán
wó 瓜 kwó kwá
wok 槨 kwok kwóh, ’kwó
wong 光 kwong kwáng
wun (ng) 滾 kwun (ng) kwun
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Obs. i. For {óng} and {úng}, Morrison writes úng; Prémare óng. It will be seen that in our dialect they are both in use. When a word is pronounced alone, or when last in order, ó is more common, while ú prefers the first place in combination; 松紅 Súng-kong, {Súng-kiáng}; 吳淞 {Ng sóng, Wú-súng}; 中國人 tsúng kóh niun, {Chinaman}; 勿拉當中 veh ’lá tong tsóng, {not in the centre}.
Obs. ii. Words in é from M. ái have two sounds. Some employ the Scotch {ae} in {sae}, {nae}, etc. nearly like e before r in the English words {there}, {where}. Others pronounce the English {a} in {cake}, {same}, i.e. in our orthography é. Ex. 來海 lé, ’hé, are constantly heard with both these sounds.
Obs. iii. Words in é{n}, beyond 黃渡 {W}ong dú‘, and 朱家閣 Tsû ká koh, 25 and 30 miles to the west of Shánghái, change into ö{n}.
Obs. iv. On {án}, {wán}. The second of these mandarin finals passes into é{n} or ö{n}. The former retains a for á. Ex. 滿洲 Mé{n} tseu, {Manchu}; 五六萬 ’{ng} lóh ma{n}, 50,000 or 60,000.
78. If the old native tables of finals could be reduced to a fixed Roman orthography, our dialect would be found to bear more similarity to that pronunciation as its maternal stem, than to its northern relative the modern mandarin. The final k in the short tone was recognized, and many sub-divisions of a final into two or more branches agree with our usage; i.e. kwán into kwön and kwan. Some southern dialects preserve some parts and some others parts of this traditional pronunciation. The work before referred to, Lé‘ sh‘ yin kíen‘ says, in the 凡例 Fán lieh, {Introductory Notes}, 南音於剜彎, 官關, 般班, 分之甚細。 北或合面爲一, Né{n} yun ü wé{n} wa{n}, kwé{n} kwa{n} pé{n} pa{n}, fun tsz zun‘ sí‘. Poh {w}óh {h}eh rh wé ih. “In the south (Kiáng-nán. etc.), the pronunciation of the words pé{n} pa{n}, etc. is carefully separated, while in the north, they combine in one (á) sound.”
Another instance there given, of difference between the north and south in the final, is in such words as 銀盈, 勤檠, 神繩, 林靈, 貧平, 金京, M. yin ying, k’in k’ing, shin shing, lin ling, p’in p’ing, kin king. These the author says, are carefully distinguished in the north, while in the south they are identical in sound.
The rule of Shánghái pronunciation is this. Those words that end in NG in mandarin keep it. Those words that end in UN change N into NG, while such as terminate in UN take N or NG indifferently. Thus the above examples are read niun (g) yung, {k}iun (g) {k}iung, zun (g) zung, ling ling, {p}ing {p}ing, kiun (g) kiung.
Both of this writer’s observations are exemplified in the table. It is there shewn how far precisely this coalescing and subdividing of rhymes extends. One rhyme in either of the dialects, may branch off in the other into four or even six independent finals.
79. The most curious fact deducible from the table is, the affinity of certain vowels for the terminating consonant k (g before words in the lower tones) found in the short tone; a peculiarity which disappears a little south-west of Shánghái, and is not noticed at Ningpo.
The principal forms of words in the short tone in mandarin, according to different systems of orthography in common use are as follow:—
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Morrison & Medhurst ă ĕ eĕ eǐh ih uĕ ǐh ǔh ŏ
Prémare ă ĕ iĕ ĭ uĕ ĕ ǔh ŏ
Williams áh eh ieh ih ueh eh uh óh
This work áh eh ieh ih iöh uh úh óh
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Most words in the short tone ending in k, are of the last three of these finals u, ú, ó. Of the others, those in ih if they take k often insert a short u. E.g. 力 is heard lik or liuk. Similarly when words in úh and óh do not take k, they change úh and óh into eh. Thus, 末 móh becomes meh, Many words in conformity with this law, change their places among the finals, and the collocation of a and e, with k is carefully avoided, while u, ú, ó, retain it with equal consistency.[1] It should be observed however, that the á of mandarin becomes a in the short tone, and the longer a is only used as the colloquialized form of u. E.g. 百 C. pák, R. puk. Thus in Shánghái usage, á, u, ó, o take k in the short tone, a, e, ö, admit m terminating consonant, while i remains common.
This law is much simpler than that of the Fúh-kien and other dialects of the south of China. But while in those dialects, there are found as in the dictionaries three terminating consonants, k, t, p, similar affinities to vowels are traceable. In Fúh-kien with the exception of á, which, all three share between them, k usually prefers one set of vowels, and t and p another.
The native rule in the southern dialects, that k, t, p, are merely the form assumed by the final letters ng, n, m, in the short tone, is inapplicable to dialects, so far north as this. In the native system of finals, this limitation is found indeed, but is not rigidly adhered to. Some words in t are placed under ng as well as n. Others in k occur under vowel finals. The cases of conformity however, are so much more numerous than the exceptions, that the rule is indubitable. Since here only k is in use, the modern seat of the old pronunciation of the dictionaries must lie in part farther south. It embraces indeed the seaboard provinces, from Shánghái to Canton with parts of Kiang-si and Hu-nan.
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1. Words in k frequently interchange. Uk and ák do so
throughout, while ók, ok are often both in use for the same words.
Ex. 木行 moh {h}ong or móh {h}ong, {a timber yard}.
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80. The letter n is also affected by the preceding vowel. After a, e, ö, û, it is almost unheard when no word follows, and though a well-defined consonant in the next word brings it into notice, it is still only audible as a slight nasal sound. The vowels i, o, refuse to be associated with it, and when u precedes, it only holds its position in common with ng. After ü it is as in mandarin.
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A Grammar of Colloquial Chinese, as Exhibited in the Shanghai DialectChapter VI: Part 1: {on Sound} (2)
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