Chapter XLVI: Letter XII (3)

Page 193. The government of Jinnee appears to be Moorish; because
_Malai Smaera_, which should be written _Mulai Smaera_, signifies
in the Arabic language, the _Prince Smaera_: the term does not
belong to Negroes, but exclusively to Muhamedans. _Malai Bacharoo_
is a Negro corruption of the word; it should be _Mulai_, or _Muley
Bukaree_; i.e. the _Abeed Mulai Bukaree_, or _Abeed Seedi Bukaree_.
They are well known among the Negroes of Sudan; the Negroes of this
race form the present body-guard of the Emperor of Maroceo's
troops, consisting of 5000 horse. They are dexterous in the
management of the horse, are well-disciplined troops, and are the
only military in the Emperor's army that can cope with the
Berebbers of the Atlas.

Note, p. 194. Dapper's description of Africa is here quoted in
confirmation of the decay of Timbuctoo; and Jackson is accused of
extravagance. The latter I shall pass over, it being an assertion
unsupported by any substantial testimony; but immediately
afterwards is the following passage.

"The three last kings before Billa (_i.e. Billabahada_) were
Osamana, (_i.e._ Osaman; Osamana being the feminine gender,)
Dawoloo, and Abass. Mr. Jackson says there was a King Woolo
reigning in 1800; and a Moor who had come from Timbuctoo to
Comassee ten years ago (viz. about 1807, or ten years before Mr.
482 Bowdich visited Ashantee), did not know King Woolo was dead, as he
was reigning at the time he left Timbuctoo."

With regard to Dapper's assertion, it should be remembered, that if
Timbuctoo was decaying in his time, that is about the period that
Muley Ismael ascended the throne of Marocco, viz. in 1672; it
revived very soon after, that is before the close of the 17th
century. This powerful and warlike prince had the address to
establish and to maintain a very strong garrison at Timbuctoo; and
accordingly, during his long reign of fifty-five years, viz. from
1672 to 1727, Timbuctoo carried on a constant, extensive, and
lucrative trade with Marocco, Tafilelt, and Fas, in gold dust,
gum-sudan, ostrich-feathers, ivory, and slaves, &c.
_Akkabahs_[282], and _cafilahs_, or caravans, were going
continually from Timbuctoo to Tafilelt, Marocco, Fas, and Terodant.
Travelling across the Desert was then as safe as it is now in the
plains of Marocco, or on the roads in England; the only months
during which the caravans did not travel were July and August,
because the _Shûme_, or hot wind of the Desert, prevails during
these two months. It is reported, that Muley Ismael was so rich in
gold, that the bolts of the gates of his palaces, and his kitchen
utensils, were of pure gold. Timbuctoo continued to carry on a most
483 lucrative trade with Marocco, &c.; during the Feign of the Emperor
Muley Abd Allah, son and successor of Ismael, and also during the
reign of Seedy[283] Muhamed ben Abd Allah, who died about the year
1795, a sovereign universally regretted, and hence aptly
denominated the father of his people: since the decease of
Seedy[284] Muhamed ben Abd Allah, the father of the reigning
emperor, Muley Soliman, the trade of Sudan has rapidly decreased,
because the policy of the present emperor is, to discourage
commerce, but to encourage the agriculture and the manufactures of
his own country, so as to make them sufficient for itself, and
independent of foreign supplies!

[Footnote 282: An Akkabah is an accumulation of many _cafilahs_
or caravans.]

[Footnote 283: It should be observed, that an emperor having
the name of the Arabian prophet, is called Seedy; but having
any other name, he is called Muley; the former signifies
master, the latter, prince.]

[Footnote 284: If therefore the trade with Timbuctoo declined
in Leo's time, _i.e._ A.D. 1570, it unquestionably revived in
Ismael's reign, and also continued with but little diminution
during the reign of his son Abd Allah, and his grandson
Muhamed.]

Da Woolo is a reverential term, and is synonymous with Woolo,
signifying King Woolo.

484 Park says, Mansong was king of Timbuctoo in 1796, and in 1805,
implying that he reigned from 1796 to 1805. The Moor before
mentioned, who came from Timbuctoo to Comassie in 1807, told Mr.
Bowdich, that Woolo was then reigning at Timbuctoo. Isaaco says,
Woolo was predecessor to Mansong; consequently, according to this
Jew, Woolo was king before the year 1796; therefore, if Mr. Park's
testimony be correct, Woolo must have been predecessor and
successor to Mansong; otherwise, Mr. Park was incorrect in saying
that Mansong was king of Timbuctoo in 1796, and in 1805. Adams
says, Woolo was king of Timbuctoo in 1810, and was old and
grey-headed. Riley's narrative also confirms his age and grey
hairs. With regard to my testimony, viz. that Woolo was king[285]
of Timbuctoo in 1800, I had it from two merchants of veracity, who
returned from Timbuctoo in 1800, after residing there 14 years:
they are both alive now, and reside at Fas; their names I would
mention, were I not apprehensive that it might lead to a reprimand
from the emperor, and create jealousy for having communicated
intelligence respecting the interior of the country. I should not
have entered into this detail _in confirmation of my assertion that
Woolo was king of Timbuctoo in_ 1800, if the editor of the
Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica (article Africa), had not
asserted, that I have committed an anachronism in asserting, that
he was king in that year; thereby insinuating that Park was right,
and that I was wrong.

[Footnote 285: See my Letter on the Interior of Africa, in the
Anti-Jacobin Review for January, 1818, p. 453.]

485 Page 195. The Editor of Adams's Narrative is, I apprehend,
incorrect in asserting, that the name Fatima affords no proof that
the queen, or the wife of Woolo, was a Muhamedan. Fatima is
incontestably an Arabian proper name; and it would be considered
presumption in a Negress unconverted to Muselmism, to assume the
name of Fatima. She must, therefore, have been necessarily a
Mooress, or a converted Negress; the name has nothing to do with a
numeral, as Mr. Bowdich suggests, and above all not with the
_numeral five_, for that is a number ominous of evil in Africa, and
as such, would never have been bestowed as a name on a beloved
wife.

Page 196. Note of W. Hutchison, "The four greatest monarchs known
on the banks of the Quolla, are Baharnoo, Santambool, Malisimiel,
and Malla, or Mallowa."

Baharnoo should be written _Ber Noh_; i.e. the country of Noah the
patriarch; it is called in the maps Bernoo, and the whole passage
is calculated greatly to confuse African geography. The information
is unquestionably derived from Negro authority, and that not of the
most authentic kind. Santambool is the Negro corruption of
_Strambool_, which is the Arabic name for Constantinople:
_Malisimiel_ is the Negro corruption of Muley Ismael.[286] The
first signifies the empire of Constantinople; the second signifies
the empire of Muley Ismael, who was emperor of Marocco in the early
part of the 18th century, and whose authority was acknowledged at
486 Timbuctoo, where he maintained a strong garrison, and held the
adjacent country in subjection, where his name is held in reverence
to this day. This being premised, it follows of course, that one of
these four great monarchies here alluded to, viz. that of
Santambool is certainly not on the Quolla, unless the Quolla be
considered the same river with the Egyptian Nile, and that Egypt be
considered a part of the empire of Santambool; then, and then only,
can it be said, that the empire of Santambool is situated on the
Quolla.

[Footnote 286: See Jackson's Marocco, chap. xiii. p. 295, and
note, p. 296.]

Page 198. Two large lakes were described close to the northward of
Houssa; one called Balahar Sudan, and the other Girrigi Maragasee;
the first of these names is a Negro corruption, or an European
corruption of the term _Bahar Sudan_[287]; the other is a Negro
name of another, if not of the same lake or sea. The situation of
the _Bahar Sudan_ is described by me in the 13th chapter, in my
account of Marocco, to be fifteen journeys east of Timbuctoo, and
the _Neel El Abeed_ passes through it. I had this information from
no less than seven Moorish merchants of intelligence and veracity;
the same is confirmed by Ali Bey[288], the Shereef Imhammed, Park,
and Dr. Seitzen; all these authorities must therefore fall to the
487 ground if Mr. Bowdich's report is to overturn these testimonies,
which has placed it three degrees of latitude north of the _Neel El
Abeed_, or [289]_Neel Assudan_, and in the Sahara[290],
_unconnected with any river_! I doubt if any, but a very ignorant
Pagan Negro (for the Muhamedan Negroes are more intelligent), would
have given the Sea of Sudan this novel situation.

[Footnote 287: See Jackson's Marocco, chap. xiii.]

[Footnote 288: For an elucidation of these opinions, see my
Letter on the Interior of Africa, in the European Magazine,
Feb. 1818, page 113.]

[Footnote 289: Neel Sudan and Neel Assudan are synonymous, the
_as_ being the article.]

[Footnote 290: See Mr. Bowdich's Map, in his Account of a
Mission to Ashantee.]

Page 200. The Quolla appears to be the Negro pronunciation of the
Arabic name _Kulla_; i.e. the _Bahar Kulla_, to which the _Neel
Assudan_ is said to flow. _Bahar Kulla_ is an Arabic word
signifying the sea altogether, or an alluvial country. The _Neel
Assudan_ here joins the waters of a river that proceed westward
from the Abysinian Nile, and hence is formed the water
communication between Cairo[291] and Timbuctoo.

[Footnote 291: See Jackson's Account of Marocco, enlarged
edition, p. 313. See also his Letter to the Editor of the
Monthly Magazine for March, 1817. p. 125.]

Page 201. Quolla Raba, or Kulla Raba, signifies the Kulla forest,
as the Negroes express it; the Arabs call it _Raba Kulla_, i.e. the
forest of _Kulla_, If any further proof of the accuracy of this
interpretation be necessary, it maybe added, that the position
agrees exactly with Major Rennell's kingdom of _Kulla_, for which
see the Major's map in proceedings of the African Association, vol.
i. page 209, lat. N. 9°, long. W. 10°.
488
Page 203. The lake Fittri is a lake, the waters of which are said
to be filtered through the earth, as the name implies. The Nile is
here said to run under ground. The Arabs and Moors have a
tradition, that the waters of Noah's flood rested here, and were
absorbed and filtered through the earth, leaving only this large
lake. I never understood this sea to be identified with the Bahar
Heimed[292]; i.e. the Hot or Warm Sea. The Hot Sea and the Filtered
Sea are distinct waters; the former lies about mid-way, in a right
line between Lake Fittri and Lake Dwi. (See Laurie and Whittle's
Map of Africa, published in 1813.) This is another inaccuracy of
Mr. Hutchison; who appears, indeed, to have collected information
from natives, without considering what title they had to
credibility. Another error is added to the note in page 203 and
204, viz. what he calls sweet beans are unquestionably dates, which
have not the least affinity in taste, shape, growth, or quality, to
beans. The Arabic name correctly converted into European letters,
is _timmer_, not _tummer_. The Arabic words designating sweet
beans, is _Elfool El Hellue_. The passage signed William Hutchison
here alluded to, is this: "The Arabs eat black rice, corn, and
_sweet beans called tummer_."

[Footnote 292: _Heimed_ is an Arabic term, signifying that
degree of heat which milk has when coming from the cow or
goat.]

Note, page 204. I do not know whence the Quarterly Review has
489 derived its information respecting the derivation of the word Misr
(a corruption of Massar); the word Massar is compounded of the two
Arabic words Ma and Sar; i.e. Mother of Walls. Possibly some Arabic
professor versed in bibliographic lore, to favor a darling
hypothesis, has transmuted Massar into Misr, to strengthen the
plausibility of the etymology of Misr from Misraem!!

Note, page _205_. _Bahar bela ma_ is an Arabic expression,
importing it to be a country once covered with water, but now no
longer so. In the note in this page, I recognise the word Sooess to
designate the Isthmus of Suez. The Bahar Malee, and the Sebaha
Bahoori, are Negro corruptions of the Arabic words _Bahar El
Maleh_, and _Seba Baharet_: the former does not apply particularly
to the Mediterranean, but _is a term applicable to any sea or ocean
that is salt_ (as all seas and oceans assuredly are); the latter
term signifies literally, the Seven Seas or Waters: neither is this
a term applicable to the Mediterranean, but to any sea supplied by
seven rivers, as the Red Sea: these, therefore, are evidently other
inaccuracies of Mr. Hutchison. I apprehend Mr. Hutchison's Arabic
tutor at Ashantee was not an erudite scholar. The term, and the
only term in Africa, applicable to the Mediterranean Sea, is the
_Bahar Segrer_ (literally the Small Sea); and _El Bahar El Kabeer_
(is the Atlantic Ocean, or literally the Great Sea); the latter is
sometimes figuratively called the _Bahar Addolum_, i.e. the Unknown
Sea, or the Sea of Darkness.
490
Note, p. 206. Is it possible that the author doubts that Wangara is
east of Timbuctoo? It should seem that he did, as he quotes Mr.
Hutchison as authority for making it to contain Kong, a mountainous
district many journeys south of the _Neel Assudan_. Mr. Park's
testimony is also called in support of this opinion, but they are
both erroneous. Wangara is as well known in Africa to be east of
Timbuqtoo, as in England York is known to be North of of London.

Oongooroo is a barbarous Negro corruption of Wangara; therefore,
this note, if suffered to pass through the press unnoticed, would
be calculated to confuse, not to elucidate, African geography;
neither can it be called, according to Mr. Horneman's orthography,
Ungura: the name is _Wangara_ which cannot be converted accurately
into any word _but_ Wangara. Ungura Oongooroo, &c. are corruptions
of the proper name, originating in an imperfect, and but an oral
knowledge of the African Arabic.

Page 210. I apprehend the reason why Wassenah was not known at
Ashantee by the traders, is because it was out of their trading
track. I have no doubt of the existence of Wassenah or Massenah
(for when the names of African towns and countries are recorded, we
should not be particular about a letter or two, when we find so
many orthographical variations are made by different authors);
neither is there any reason (that I know of) to doubt the
491 description of Wassenah given in Riley's Narrative; but it is not
extraordinary, that this place should be unknown at Ashantee, if
there were no commerce or communication between these countries
respectively; it is certain, that the Africans neither know, seek,
or care, for places or countries with which they have no trade or
communication.

It appears well deserving of observation (for the purpose of
rendering Arabic names intelligible to future African travellers),
that Mr. Bowdich has demonstrated that, what is called in our maps,
1. Bambarra, 2. Gimbala, 3. Sego, 4. Berghoo, 5. Begarmee, being
written in the Arabic language, with the guttural letter _grain_,
would be quite unintelligible, if pronounced to an African _as they
are written_ by our letters, the nearest approximation to the
Arabic words would be as follows, taking _Gr_ for the nearest
similitude that our alphabet affords to the guttural letter [Arabic]
_grain_.

Correct Pronunciation. African Orthography. Called in the Maps.

1. Banbug'r [Arabic] Bambara.

2. Grimbala [Arabic] Gimbala.

3. Shagr'u [Arabic] Sego.

4. Bergr'u [Arabic] Berghoo.

5. Bagrarmee [Arabic] Begarmee.
492
The African traveller should be precise in his attention to the
sound of these words, otherwise he will be quite unintelligible to
the Africans, and to the Muhamedans.

Richardson, in his Arabic Grammar, is certainly incorrect, when he
says, the letter [Arabic] _grain_ should be pronounced _gh_. No
one acquainted _practically_ with the Arabic language, could
possibly be of this opinion; _gh_ having no more resemblance to the
sound of the letter [Arabic] _grain_, than _g_ has to _h_: and
every traveller going to Africa with this erroneous opinion, will,
undoubtedly, be unintelligible to the Africans.

Finally, the Arabic document, if it may be permitted to call it
Arabic, facing page 128 of this interesting work of Mr. Bowdich, is
a most miserable composition of _Lingua franca_, or corrupt
Spanish, of unintelligible jargon, consisting of many words quite
unintelligible to the Africans, whether Negroes or Moors, or
others. The language of this document, although it has some Arabic
words in it, is worse, if possible, than the scrawl in which it is
written; neither is it a correct translation of the English which
precedes it. But purporting to be a letter issued from the
_accredited servants of the King of the English_, it is certainly a
disgrace to the country from whence it issues, and a rare specimen
of our knowledge of the Arabic language.

JAMES GREY JACKSON.
493

_Commercial Intercourse with the Interior of Africa._

TO THE EDITOR OF THE JOURNAL OF TRADE, &c.

Sir, Eton, June 30, 1818.

The last expedition from Sierra Leone, in addition to many others
sent out for the purpose of _exploring the interior of Africa_,
having failed, and the enterprising and persevering Mr. Burckhardt,
having frustrated the well grounded hopes of the African
Association, by his having paid the debt of nature, it is not
improbable that His Majesty's government _will now direct their
attention with energy to the only plan that can possibly make that
interesting and extraordinary country a jewel in the British
crown_.

This important discovery, which would immortalise the prince, who
should cherish it to its maturity, _can be effected only through
the medium of commerce_. But it should be attempted not only with
energy and decision, but with _dispatch_, before the enterprising
and commercial spirit of a foreign power (seeing how abortive our
efforts have been), shall snatch from us the glorious opportunity
now offered of _laying open the interior regions of Africa_ to the
commercial enterprise of Great Britain.

I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant,

VASCO DE GAMA.
494

The following curious Memoir was composed by Edmund Hogan, in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, and lately found amongst the papers of
one of his descendants.

(A TRUE COPY.)

"_The Embassage of Mr. Edmund Hogan, one of the Sworne Esquires of
her Ma't's Person, from her Highnesse to Muley Abdelmelech,
Emperour of Morocco, and King of Fes and Sus, in the Yeare 1577.
Written by himselfe_.

"I Edmund Hogan, being appointed Embassadour from the Queens Ma'tie
to the above-named Emperour and King Muley Abdelmelech, departed
with my company and servants from London the 22d April, 1577, being
imbarked in the good ship called the Gallion, of London, and
arrived in Azafi, a port of Barbary, the 21st of May next
following. Immediately I sent Leonell Egerton ashoare with my
letters directed to John Williams and John Bampton, who dispatched
a courier to Morocco to know the Kings pleasure for my repaire to
the court, which letters came to theire hands on the Thursday
night. They with all speed gave the King understanding of it, who
being glad thereof, speeded the next day certaine captaines, with
souldiera and tents, with other provision, to Azafi; so that upon
Whitsunday at night, the said captaines, with John Bampton, Robert
495 Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the Kings officers, came late to
Azafi. In the meane time I remained aboard, and caused some of the
goods to be discharged, for lightning of the ship; and I wrote in
my letter that I would not lande 'till I knew the Kings pleasure.
The 26th day, being Saturday, the Mark-speed arrived in the roade
about two of the clock in the afternoone. The 27th day, being
Whitsunday, came aboard the Gallion, John Bampton, and others,
giving me to understand how much the King rejoyced of my safe
arrivall, coming from the Queens Ma'tie; and how that for my safe
conduct to the court he had sent four captaines, and an hundred
souldiers well appointed, with a horse furnished, which he used
himself to ride on, with all other furniture accordingly; they
wished me also to come on land in the best order I could, as well
for my self as my men, which I did, having to the number of ten
men, whereof three were trumpeters. The ships being four, appointed
themselves in the best order they could, for the best shew, and
shott off all theire ordinance to the value of twenty marks in
powder. At my coming, ashoare, I found all the souldiers well
appointed on horseback, the captaines and the Govern'r of the towne
standing as neer the water side as they could, with a jennet of the
Kings, and rec'd me from the boate, declaring how glad his Ma'tie
was of my safe arrivall, coming from the Queens Ma'tie my
496 Mistresse, and that he had sent them to attend upon me, it being
his pleasure that I should tarrie there on shoare five or six dayes
for my refreshing; so being mounted upon the jennet, they conducted
me through the towne into a faire fielde upon the sea side, where
there was a tent provided for me, and all the ground spread with
Turkie carpets, and the castle discharged a peale of ordinance, and
all things necessarie were brought into my tent, where I both tooke
my table and lodging, and had other convenient tents for my
servants. The souldiers inviron'd the tents, and watched about us
day and night as long as I lay there, altho' I sought my speedier
dispatch. On the Wednesday towards night, I tooke my horse, and
travelled ten miles to the first place of water that wee could
finde, and there pitched our tents 'till the next morning, and so
traveled till ten of the clock, and then pitched our tents 'till
four, and so traveled as long as day light would suffer, about
twenty-six miles that day. The next day being Fryday, I traveled in
like order but eight and twenty miles at the most; and by a
[293]river, being about six miles within sight of the Citty of
Morocco, wee pitched bur tents. Imediately after came all our
English Merchants, and the French, on horseback, to meete me; and
before night there came an Alcayde from the King with fiftie men,
and divers mules laden with victuall and banket for my supper,
497 declaring unto me how glad the King shewed himselfe to hear of the
Queens Ma'tie, and that his pleasure was I should be received into
his countrey as never any Christian the like; and desired to know
what time the next day I would come into his Citie, because he
would that all the Christians, as also his Nobilitie, should meete
me; and willed John Bampton to be with him early in the morning,
which he did. About seven of the clock, being accompanied with the
French and English Merchants, and a great number of souldiers, I
passed towards the Citie, and by that time I had traveled two
miles, there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and
Portugals to receive me, which I know was more by the Kings
commandment then of any good wills of themselves; for some of them,
although they speake me faire, hung downe theire heads like dogs,
and especially the Portugals; and I countenanced them accordingly.
So I passed on, 'till I came within two English miles of the Citie;
and then John Bampton returned, shewing me that the King was so
glad of my coming, that he could not devise to doe too much, to
shew the good will that he did owe to the Queens Ma'tie and her
Realme; His counsellors met me without the gates; and at the entrie
of the gates, his footmen and guard were placed on both sides of my
horse, and so brought me to the King's palace. The King sate in his
chaire, with his Counsell about him, as well the Moores as the
498 Alkaids; and, according to his order given unto me before, I there
declared my message in Spanish, and made deliverie of the Queens
Ma't's letters, and all that I spake at that present in Spanish, he
caused one of his Alkaids to declare the same to the Moores present
in the Arabic tongue; which done, he answered me againe in Spanish,
yeelding to the Queens Ma'tie great thankes, and offering himselfe
and his countrey to be at her Graces comandment; and he comanded
certaine of his counsellors to conduct me to my lodging, not being
farr from the Court. The house was faire, after the fashion of that
countrey, being dayly well furnished with all kinde of victuall at
the Kings charge. The same night he sent for me to the court, and I
had conference with him about the space of two houres; where I
throughly declared the charge co'mitted unto me from her Ma'tie,
finding him conformable, willing to pleasure, and not to urge her
Ma'tie with any demands, more then conveniently she might willingly
consent unto, hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of
England might be better served with lackes, then he in comparison
from us. Further, he gave me to understand, that the King of Spain
had sent unto him for a licence that an Embassadour of his might
come into his countrey, and had made great meanes, that if the
Queens Ma'tie of England sent any unto him, that he would not give
him any credit or entertainment; albeit (said he) I know what the
499 King of Spaine, and what the Queene of England and her realme is;
for I neither like of him, nor of his religion, being so governed
by the Inquisition, that he can doe nothing of himselfe. Therefore,
when he cometh upon the licence which I have granted, he shall well
see how little account I will make of him and Spaine, and how
greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes Ma'tie of England; he
shall not come to my presence as you have done, and shall dayly,
for I minde to accept of you as my companion, and one of my house,
whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his
message. After the end of this speech, I delivered Sir Thomas
Gresham's letters; when as he tooke me by the hand, and led me
downe a long court to a palace, where there ranne a faire fountaine
of water, and there sitting himselfe in a chaire, he comanded me to
sitt downe in another, and there called for such simple musicians
as he had. Then I presented him with a greate base lute, which he
most thankfully accepted, and then he was desirous to hear of the
musicians; and I tolde him, that there was great care had to
provide them, and that I did not doubt but upon my returne they
should come with the first ship. He is willing to give them good
entertainment, with provision of victuall, and to let them live
according to theire law and conscience, wherein he urgeth none to
the contrary. I finde him to be one that liveth greatly in the fear
500 of God, being well exercised in the Scriptures, as well in the Old
Testament, as also in the New, and he beareth a greater affection
to our nation then to others, because of our religion, which
forbiddeth worship of idols; and the Moores called him the
Christian King. The same night, being the first of June, I
continued with him till twelve of the clock, and he seemed to have
so good likeing of me, that he tooke from his girdle a short
dagger, being sett with 200 stones rubies and Turkies, and did
bestowe it upon me; and so I, being conducted, returned to my
lodging for that time. The next day, because he knew it to be
Sunday, and our Sabboth day, he did let me rest; but on the Monday
in the afternoone he sent for me, and I had conference with him
againe, and musick. Likewise on the Tuesday, by three of the clock,
he sent for me into his garden, finding him layed upon a silk bed,
complaining of a sore leg; yet, after long conference, he walked
into another orchard, whereas having a fair banketing house, and a
great water, and a new gallie in it, he went aboard the gallie, and
tooke me with him, and passed the space of two or three houres,
shewing the great experience he had in gallies, wherein (as he
said) he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeares in his youth.
After supper he shewed me his horses, and other co'modities that he
had about his house; and since that night I have not seene him, for
that he hath kept in with his sore legg; but he hath sent to me
501 dayly. The 18th of June, at six of the clock at night, I had againe
audience of the King, and I continued with him, till midnight,
having debated, as well for the Queenes co'mission, as for the
well-dealing with her merchants for their traffick here in these
parts, saying, he would do much more for the Queenes Ma'tie and the
Realme; offering that all English ships with her subjects may with
good securitie enter into his ports and dominions, as well in trade
of merchandize, as for victuall and water, as also in time of warr
with any of her enemies, to bring in prizes, and to make sales as
occasion should serve, or else to depart againe with them at theire
pleasure. Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his
Coast of Barbary, and threw the Streights into the Levant seas, and
so to the Turks dominions, and the King of Algiers, as his owne;
and that he would write to the Turke, and to the King of Algiers,
his letters for the well using of our ships and goods. Also, that
hereafter no Englishman that by any meanes may be taken captives,
shall be sold within any of his dominions; whereupon I declared
that the Queenes Ma'tie, accepting of these his offers, was pleased
to confirme the intercourse and trade of our Merchants within this
his countrey, as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he
should have need of, to furnish the necessities and wants of his
country in trade of merchandize, so as he required nothing contrary
to her honour and law, and the breach of league with the Christian
502 Princes her neighbours. The same night I presented the King with
the case of combes, and desired his Ma'tie to have speciall regard
that the ships might be Iaden back againe, for that I found little
store of salt-peter in readinesse in John Bampton's hands; he
answered me, that I should have all the assistance therein that he
could, but that in[294] Sus he thought to have some store in his
house there, as also that the Mountainers had made much in a
readinesse; I requested that he would sende downe, which he
promised to doe. The eighteenth day I was with him againe, and so
continued there till night; and he shewed me his house, with
pastime in ducking with water spaniels, and baiting bulls with his
English doggs. At this time I moved him againe for the sending
downe to Sus, which he granted to doe; and the 24th day there
departed Alcayde Mammie, with Lionell Egerton, and Rowland Guy, to
Sus; and carried with them, for our accounts and his company, the
Kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet, and Alcayde Shavan, and
the Viceroy. The 23d day the King sent me out of Morocco to his
garden called Shersbonare, with his guard and Alcayde Mamoute; and
the 24th at night I came to the Court to see a Morris-dance, and a
play of his Alkaids; he promised me audience the next day, being
503 Tuesday, but he putt it off 'till Thursday; and the Thursday at
night I was sent for to the King after supper, and then he sent
Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to conferr with me; but, after a
little talk, I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch.
And being brought to him,. I preferred two bills of John Bampton's,
which he had made for provision of salt-peter, also two bills for
the quiet traffique of our English Merchants, and bills for sugars
to be made by the Jewes, as well for the debts past, as hereafter,
and for good order in the Ingenios. Also I moved him againe for the
salt-peter, and other dispatches, which he referred to be agreed
upon by the two Alcaydes. But the Fryday, being the 20th, the
Alcaydes could not intend it, and upon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell
sick; so on Sunday wee made meanes to the King, and that afternoone
I was sent for to conferre upon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and
others; but did not agree. Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the
King for my dispatch; and the same afternoone I was called againe
to the Court, and referred all things to the King, accepting his
offer of salt-peter. That night againe the King had me into his
gallie, and the spaniels did hunt the duck. The Thursday I was
appointed to weigh the 300 quintals grosse of salt-peter,, and that
afternoone the Tabybe came unto me to my lodging, shewing me that
the King was offended with John Bampton for divers causes. The
504 Sunday night late, being the 7th July, I got the King to forgive
all to John Bampton, and the King promised me to speake againe with
me upon Monday. Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch,
and then he sent Fray Lewes to me, and said, that he had order to
write. Upon Wednesday I wrote againe; and he sent me word that I
should come and be dispatched, so that I should depart upon Fryday
without faile, being the 12th July. So the Fryday after, according
to the Kings order and appointment, I went to the Court; and
whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmac'on of the
demands which I had preferred, they were all granted, and likewise
which were on the behalfe of our English Merchants requested, were
with great favour and readinesse yeilded unto. And whereas the
Jewes there resident, were to our men in certaine round sum'es
indebted, the Emperor's pleasure and co'mandment was, that they
should without further excuse or delay pay and discharge the same.
And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall
countenance, such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other
Embassadors of the Christians. And touching the private affairs
intreated upon betwixt her Ma'tie and the Emperour, I had letters
from him to satisfie her Highnesse therein. So to conclude, having
received the like honourable conduct from his Court, as I had for
my part at my first landing, I imbarked myself with my foresaid
505 company; and arriving not long after in England, I repaired to her
Ma'ties Court, and ended my embassage to her Highnesses good
liking, with relation of my service performed."

[Footnote 293: The Tensift.]

[Footnote 294: Great quantities of superior saltpetre are
produced at Terodant in Suse.]

_Letter from the Author to Macvey Napier, Esq. F.R.S.L. and E._

Sir, London, 17th January, 1818.

Having read, with considerable satisfaction, your very able and
judicious dissertation respecting Africa, in the new Supplement to
the Encyclopedia Britannica, I will take the liberty to offer some
animadversions that have occurred to me in the perusal of that very
interesting article.

_Bahr Kûlla_ I conceive to be an immerged country, of considerable
extent, similar to Wangara; for the name, which is Arabic, implies
as much. The correct orthography, translated literally into English
is _Bahr Kûlha_, which signifies the sea, wholly or altogether,
implying, therefore, an alluvial country.

Respecting goat-skins dyed red or yellow, these are not brought by
caravans from central Africa to Marocco, but are manufactured at
Marocco, Fas, Mequinas, and Terodant the metropolis of Suse, from
which manufactories they are conveyed to the interior regions for
sale. Goat-skins, with the hair, in the raw state only, are
exported from Mogodor to England.
506
When Moore asserted that there was no such river as the Niger, he
evidently meant that the _natives of Africa_ knew it not by that
name; which is undoubtedly correct; for the word being an European
word, it would not be known in Africa: but its translation into
Arabic is _Bahar El Abeed_, i. e. the river of Negroes. Edrissi
called it Niger, from the same motive, viz. because it was so named
by _Europeans_, and by them only.

I conceive that the hypothesis which has been credited by some,
viz. that there is no receptacle for the two Niles, between Cashna
and Timbuctoo, must now necessarily fall to the ground; since the
sea of Sudan, first declared by me to be between Cashna and
Timbuctoo, and since confirmed by Ali Bey, and by Park, in his
second journey, can (as I apprehend) no longer be doubted: and it
is not improbable that this is the common receptacle of the Nile of
the West and the Nile of the East. This hypothesis is strengthened
by the testimony of the Shereef Imhammed, who has said, that he
himself saw the Nile, at Cashna, flowing so rapidly westward, that
vessels could not stem the current. If this be true, the [295]_Ba
Sea Feena_ of Park, which is only another name for the _Sea of
Sudan_, must lie west of Cashna, and, probably, about the same
507 point that it is stated by me to be situated, viz. fifteen journeys
of horse-travelling, or from 400 to 450 British miles east of
Timbuctoo.

[Footnote 295: The Arabic orthography is _Bahar S'feena_ which
being literally translated into English, signifies the Sea of
Ships.]

The word _Djinawa_ is the African word that denominates Guinea, but
I cannot imagine that it was ever intended to signify Gana. (See
Supplement to Encyclopædia Britannica, p. 104.)

You say there are, in Africa, two rivers to which the name of
_Niger_ has been given: this is evidently an error, but possibly of
the press only. There are, however, two rivers in Africa to which
the name of _Neel_ has been given.

The Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. p. 540, declare
that the Nile is a name applied in Africa to any great river; but
as this assertion is calculated to produce confusion in the
geographical elucidation of the interior of that continent, and as
it certainly is not the fact, I must here beg leave to contradict
it, and declare that there are absolutely but two rivers in Africa,
that bear the name Neel or Nile, viz. the Neel El Kabeer, Neele
Sudan, or Neel El Abeed, i.e. the great Nile, the Nile of Sudan or
the Nile of the Negroes; and Neele Masser, i.e. the Nile of
Egypt.[296]

[Footnote 296: _Nile_ is a French term, and loses its proper
pronunciation and is unintelligible when pronounced by an
Englishman to an African; but if written _Neel_, and pronounced
by an Englishman, it is intelligible.]

If my knowledge of the African Arabic can be of any service in
508 giving you the signification or correct orthography of African
words, in the event of your favouring the public with a future
edition of your New Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica, any
information that I can communicate to you will be very much at your
service; and you may in this and in any other respect that regards
Africa freely command my services.

_Observations on an Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels
in Africa, by the late John Leyden, M.D., by Hugh Murray, Esq.
F.R.S.E._

TO HUGH MURRAY ESQ. F.R.S.E.

Sir,

London, Feb. 1818.

You have certainly rendered to your country a service, in the
publication of "The Travels and Discoveries in Africa, of the late
John Leyden," the perusal of which has been to me a fund of
instruction and entertainment; it is a most valuable work, and such
a one as was wanted by the literary world, inasmuch as the
judicious collection of the matter forms a most valuable epitome of
African knowledge, collecting what was before distributed into many
folios.

I anticipate that the information in this work, communicated to the
public, will soon be circulated, and you will be called upon to
supply a second edition. In the mean time, I take the liberty of
submitting to your perusal a few cursory observations which I have
509 made during the perusal of it, on the accuracy of which you may
assuredly rely. These apply for the most part to Arabian words,
which have been by the moderns, as well as the ancients variously
corrupted and mutilated. Desirous (for the information of those who
really seek after African knowledge) that this book will pass
through many editions. I am, &c.

JAMES GREY JACKSON.

_Cursory Observations_.

"The _Ludaia_, are not inhabitants of _Ludama_, they are a very
numerous and warlike tribe of Arabs, inhabiting the Sahara, of
which there are two or three emigrations or encampments in
different and distant parts of Sahara; the Emperor of Marocco has
some thousands of them in his army, and they are esteemed (next to
the negroes, called Abeed Seedy Bukaree) his best troops. See the
Map of the tracts from Fas and Arguin to Timbuctoo, facing page 1.
Lat. N. 24°. long. W. 3°.

"This serpent is the _Bûska_, described in Jackson's enlarged
Account of Marocco, &c. p. 109. Providence has afforded to man an
opportunity of evading the attack of this deadly animal; for when
it coils itself up, and by the strength of its tail darts forward
fifteen or twenty yards at once, the person attacked, by watching
vigilantly its motions, evades the attack, by moving only a short
distance from the right line, in which it is prepared to dart
510 forwards; neither can the _Bûska_ govern itself in the extent of
its movement, but necessarily goes as far as its strength will
permit, and then coils itself up again in a circular form, again
erects its head, and darts a second time to its object. I have
conversed with Arabs, who have been attacked by this monster, and
they have assured me, that, by vigilantly watching its motion, and
the direction of its head, when preparing to dart forward, they may
escape its attack.[297]

"It is not correct to assert that _Nasari is a general term_,
applied to infidels in Muhamed; it is applied to Christians only.
_Kaffer is the general term_ applied to all who have not faith in
the Arabian Prophet.[298]

"That which you call the Talk Tree, is the tree which produces the
Barbary gum; the name is _talh_.[299]"

[Footnote 297: Vide Leyden's Africa, p. 306.]

[Footnote 298: Ibid, p. 429.]

[Footnote 299: Ibid. 204.]

"The _Keydenah_.--This is the Sudanic name for the tree which
produces the Argan nut, or olive, the _kernel_ of which resembles a
bitter almond, and from _it_, not from the shell, they extract the
oil, so celebrated for frying fish, and for burning; a pint of
which will afford light as long as two pints of olive oil.

"The She plant, or properly Sheh is not wild thyme, nor does it
resemble it, it is the wormseed plant, the seed of which is an
511 article of exportation, from the ports of Marocco, The sheh
resembles the absynthum. The wild thyme is called _zatar_, also an
article of exportation from the ports of the Marocco empire.[300]

"The _Alsharra_ signifies the Book of Laws of Muhamed.[301]

"_Gebel Ramlie_ should be written _Jibbel Rummelie_, i.e. the Sandy
Mountain.[302]

"The Elwah [303]Elgarbie is inhabited by the Maggrebee Arabs. My
late friend, Muley Abd Salam, elder brother to Muley Soliman, the
reigning Emperor of Marocco, had a very large estate in this Wah,
called Santariah. In the 1793d year of the Christian era, he sent
his friend and servant Alkaid Muhammed ben Abd Saddack, late
governor of Mogodor, to effect the sale of this estate. He was
absent on this embassy two years and three months.[304]

"_Sheb_ is the Arabic for alum, the correct orthography is
_Shib_.[305]

"_Marybucks_ should be _Marabet_, i.e. Priests, or Holy
Muhamedans.[306]

"The primitive plough is used in all the African countries
inhabited by the Arabs, or their descendants; the negroes, however,
use the hoe." [307]

[Footnote 300: Vide Leyden's Africa, p. 312.]

[Footnote 301: Ibid, p. 334.]

[Footnote 302: Ibid, p. 398.]

[Footnote 303: Let the African traveller be careful to
pronounce these g's guttural (Arabic.)]

[Footnote 304: Ibid, p. 399.]

[Footnote 305: Ibid. ibid.]

[Footnote 306: Ibid. p. 225.]

[Footnote 307: Ibid. p. 227.]

512
"The Mouselmines is a French corruption of the term Muselman, i.e.
Mohamedans.

"Mongearts, i.e. Moguert, the g guttural.

"Ouadelim, i.e. Wooled Deleim, or the sons of Deemy.

"Labdessebah, i.e. Woled Abbusebah, 'the sons of Abbusebah.'[308]

"Wed de Non, i.e. Wedinoon.

"The herb, with a decoction of which they dye their nails and
hands, is called by the Arabs _El Henna_: it imparts a coolness and
softness to the hands, and diminishes the excessive perspiration
incident to warm climates.[309]

"Hooled ben Soliman ought to be Woled ben Soliman, 'the sons of the
sons of Soliman;' and Benioled, should be Ben El Waled, 'the sons
of Elwaled.'[310]

"The small beautiful species of deer, is the _El Horreh:_ it is an
inhabitant of the confines of the Saharah; it is said never to lie
down. It produces the anti-poison called bezoar stone, (called in
the Arabic _Bide El Horrek_, i.e. the testicle of the Horreh.) This
is an article of commerce at Santa Cruz, and Wedinoon. The back and
sides of the skins of these animals are of a red brown, and of a
vivid white underneath." [311]

[Footnote 308: Vide Leyden's Africa, p. 262.]

[Footnote 309: Ibid. p. 291.]

[Footnote 310: Ibid. p. 299.]

[Footnote 311: Ibid. p. 303.]

513
TO JAMES GREY JACKSON, ESQ.

Sir,

Edinburgh, May 3. 1818.

I have lately been favoured with two communications from you:--the
one a letter to Mr. Napier, editor of the Encyclopædia Britannica,
on the subject of the article _Africa_, of which I was the author,
and which Mr. Napier, therefore, put into my hands; the other, a
letter direct to myself, on the subject of my edition of "Leyden's
Discoveries in Africa." I fully intended to have answered them
before now, but the pressure of other business, with the wish to
bestow upon them the leisurely consideration which they merited,
has hitherto prevented me. I feel much gratified by the favourable
opinion which you express of what I have done on this subject, and
much obliged to you for your communications, and offers of further
information. I experienced very much the disadvantage arising from
a want of knowledge of the languages of North Africa, with which
you appear to have a _very extensive acquaintance. Indeed, several
of the etymologies which you have given, are very interesting_. I
was particularly pleased to receive that of the term _Ba Sea
Feena_, though I cannot conceal that it tends to strengthen the
doubts which I have entertained of its applying to the sea on the
Gold Coast. The distance, the direction southwards, the Christians,
the motion one way and another, and even the ships, are all
514 circumstances which would agree. There are arguments, however,
against it; and it is certain that Park did not so understand it.
Do you think there is any chance that the Bahr Soudan could be the
Gulf of Guinea?

If you are acquainted with any circumstances which could tend to
confirm or refute the narrative of Sidi Hamet, as given by Riley,
or throw light upon Riley's general credibility; or if you have
ever heard any report of such a city as _Wassanah_, I should feel
particularly obliged to you for communicating such information: and
whenever I find myself at a loss, I shall gladly avail myself of
the liberality with which you show yourself disposed to impart the
knowledge of which you have become possessed.

I shall communicate this letter to Mr. Napier; and it is but fair
to mention, that, from the circumstances already stated, I am
solely responsible for the too long delay which has taken place in
answering your letter to him, as well as that to myself.

HUGH MURRAY.

_On the Niger and the Nile._

London, 7th April, 1820.

In the 25th number of the Quarterly Review, (article Park's
Travels,) the hypothesis there laid down as almost indisputable, is
515 the non-continuity of the two Niles of Africa, or (according to the
European phraseology of the day) of the Niger and the Nile.

This hypothesis founded on the opinion of Major Rennel, carries
with it no evidence whatever, but the speculative theory of that
learned geographer. The identity or connection of the two Niles,
and the consequent water communication between[312] Cairo and
Timbuctoo receives (supposing the Quarterly Review to be correct),
as our intelligence respecting Africa increases, additional
confirmation: and even the Quarterly Reviewer, who denominated the
opinion recorded by me, the gossipping stories of Negroes, (_vide_
Quarterly Review, No. 25, p. 140.) now favours this opinion!

The Quarterly Reviewer appreciates Burckhardt's information on this
subject, and depreciates mine, _although both are derived from the
same sources of[313] intelligence, and confirm one another_: the
reviewer says, Mr. Burckhardt has revived a question of older date;
viz. "that the Niger of Sudan and the Nile of Egypt are one and the
same river: this general testimony to a physical fact can be shaken
only by direct proof to the contrary."

[Footnote 312: _Vide_ Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, p.
310.]

[Footnote 313: _i. e_. Intelligence from natives of Africa.]

This is all very well: I do not object to the Quarterly Reviewer
giving up an opinion which he finds no longer tenable; but when I
see in the same review (No. 44, p. 481.) the following words,--"we
516 give no credit whatever to the report received by Mr. Jackson, of a
person (several Negroes[314], it should be) having performed a
voyage by water from Timbuctoo to Cairo," I cannot but observe with
astonishment, that the Reviewer believes Burckhardt's report, that
they are the same river, when, at the same time he does not believe
mine.

[Footnote 314: _Vide_ Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, p.
312.]

Is there not an inconsistency here, somewhat incompatible with the
impartiality which _ought_ to regulate the works of criticism? I
will not for a moment suppose it to have proceeded from a spirit of
animosity, which I feel myself unconscious of deserving. But the
reviewer further says, the objection to the identity of the Niger
and the Nile, is grounded on the incongruity of their periodical
inundations, or on the rise and fall of the former river not
corresponding with that of the latter. I do not comprehend whence
the Quarterly Reviewer has derived this information; I have always
understood the direct contrary, which I have declared in the
enlarged editions of my account of Marocco, page 304, which has
been confirmed by a most intelligent African traveller, Ali Bey,
(for which see his travels, page 220.)

I may be allowed to observe, that although the Quarterly Reviewer
has changed his opinion on this matter, I have invariably
maintained mine, founded as it is on the concurrent testimony of
the best informed and most intelligent native African travellers,
517 and I still assert, on the same foundation, _the identity of the
two Niles, and their continuity of waters_.

I have further to remark what will most probably ere long prove
correct; viz. that the _Bahar Abiad_[315], that is to say, the
river that passes through the country of Negroes, between Senaar
and Donga, is an erroneous appellation, originating in the general
ignorance among European travellers of the African Arabic, and that
the proper name of this river is Bahar Abeed, which is another term
for the river called the Nile-el-Abeed, which passes south of
Timbuctoo towards the east (called by Europeans the Niger).

It therefore appears to me, and I really think it must appear to
every unbiassed investigator of African geography, that every iota
of African discovery, made successively, by Hornemann[316],
Burckhardt, and others, tends to confirm _my water communication
between Timbuctoo and Cairo_, and the theorists and speculators in
African geography, who have heaped hypothesis upon hypothesis,
error upon error, who have raised splendid fabrics upon pillars of
ice, will ere long close their book, and be compelled, by the force
of truth and experience, to admit the fact stated about twelve
years ago by me in my account of Marocco, &c. viz. _that the Nile
518 of Sudan and the Nile of Egypt are identified by a continuity of
waters, and that a water communication is provided by these two
great rivers from Timbuctoo to Cairo_; and moreover, that the
general African opinion, _that the Neel-el-Abeed_ (Niger)
_discharges itself into the_ (Bahar el Mâleh) _Salt Sea, signifies
neither more nor less than that it discharges itself at the Delta
in Egypt, into the Mediterranean Sea_!

JAMES GREY JACKSON.

[Footnote 315: Bahar Abiad signifies White River; Bahar Abeed
signifies River of Negroes.]

[Footnote 316: _Vide_ my letter in Monthly Magazine on this
subject for March, 1817, p. 124.]