Chapter XI: Part 11

AUGSBURG, WAR OF THE LEAGUE OF, the name applied to the European war of 1688-1697. The league of Augsburg was concluded on the 9th of July 1686 by the emperor, the elector of Brandenburg and other princes, against the French. Spain, Sweden, England and other non-German states joined the league, and formed the Grand Alliance by the treaty of Vienna (July 12, 1689). (See GRAND ALLIANCE, WAR OF THE.)

AUGURS, in ancient Rome, members of a religious college whose duty it was to observe and interpret the signs (auspices) of approval or disapproval sent by the gods in reference to any proposed undertaking. The _augures_ were originally called _auspices_, but, while _auspex_[1] fell into disuse and was replaced by _augur_, _auspicium_ was retained as the scientific term for the observation of signs.

The early history of the college is obscure. Its institution has been attributed to Romulus or Numa. It probably consisted originally of three members, of whom the king himself was one. This number was doubled by Tarquinius Priscus, but in 300 B.C. it was only four, two places, according to Livy (x. 6), being vacant. The Ogulnian law in the same year increased the number to nine, five plebeian being added to the four patrician members. In the time of Sulla the number was fifteen, which was increased to sixteen by Julius Caesar. This number continued in imperial times; the college itself was certainly in existence as late as the 4th century. The office of augur, which was bestowed only upon persons of distinguished merit and was much sought after by reason of its political importance, was held for life. Vacancies were originally filled by co-optation, but by the Domitian law (104) the selection was made, by seventeen out of the thirty-five tribes chosen by lot, from candidates previously nominated by the college. The insignia of office were the _lituus_, a staff free from knots and bent at the top, and the _trabea_, a kind of toga with bright scarlet stripes and a purple border. The science of augury was contained in various written works, which were consulted as occasion arose: such were the _libri augurum_, a manual of augural ritual, and the _commentarii augurum_, a collection of decrees or answers given by the college to the senate in certain definite cases.

The natural region to look to for signs of the will of Jupiter was the sky, where lightning and the flight of birds seemed directed by him as counsel to men. The latter, however, was the more difficult of interpretation, and upon it, therefore, mainly hinged the system of divination with which the augurs were occupied. It was the duty of the augur, before the auspices properly so called (those from the sky and from birds) were taken, to mark out with his staff the templum or consecrated space within which his observations were intended to be made. The method of procedure was as follows. At midnight, when the sky was clear and there was an absence of wind, the augur, in the presence of a magistrate, took up his position on a hill which afforded a wide view. After prayer and sacrifice, he marked out the templum both in the sky and on the ground and dedicated it. Within its limits he then pitched a tent, in which he sat down with covered head, asked the gods for a sign, and waited for an answer. As the augur looked south he had the east, the lucky quarter, on his left, and therefore signs on the left side were considered favourable, those on the right unfavourable. The practice was the reverse in Greece; the observers of signs looked towards the north, so that signs on the right were regarded as the favourable ones, and this is frequently adopted in the Roman poets. The augur afterwards announced the result of his observations in a set form of words, by which the magistrate was bound. Signs of the will of the gods were of two kinds, either in answer to a request (_auspicia impetrativa_), or incidental (_auspicia oblativa_). Of such signs there were five classes: (1) Signs in the sky (_caelestia auspicia_), consisting chiefly of thunder and lightning, but not excluding falling stars and other phenomena. Lightning from left to right was favourable, from right to left unfavourable; but on its mere appearance, in either direction, all business in the public assemblies was suspended for the day. Since the person charged to take the auspices for a certain day was constitutionally subject to no other authority who could test the truth or falsehood of his statement that he had observed lightning, this became a favourite device for putting off meetings of the public assembly. Restrictions were, however, imposed in later republican times. When a new consul, praetor or quaestor entered on his first day of office and prayed the gods for good omens, it was a matter of custom to report to him that lightning from the left had been seen. (2) Signs from birds (_signa ex avibus_), with reference to the direction of their flight, and also to their singing, or uttering other sounds. To the first class, called _alites_, belonged the eagle and the vulture; to the second, called _oscines_, the owl, the crow and the raven. The mere appearance of certain birds indicated good or ill luck, while others had a reference only to definite persons or events. In matters of ordinary life on which divine counsel was prayed for, it was usual to have recourse to this form of divination. For public affairs it was, by the time of Cicero, superseded by the fictitious observation of lightning. (3) Feeding of birds (_auspicia ex tripudiis_), which consisted in observing whether a bird--usually a fowl--on grain being thrown before it, let fall a particle from its mouth (_tripudium sollistimum_). If it did so, the will of the gods was in favour of the enterprise in question. The simplicity of this ceremony recommended it for very general use, particularly in the army when on service. The fowls were kept in cages by a servant, styled _pullarius_. In imperial times _decuriales pullarii_ are mentioned. (4) Signs from animals (_pedestria auspicia_, or _ex quadrupedibus_), i.e. observation of the course of, or sounds uttered by, quadrupeds and reptiles within a fixed space, corresponding to the observations of the flight of birds, but much less frequently employed. It had gone out of use by the time of Cicero. (5) Warnings (_signa ex diris_), consisting of all unusual phenomena, but chiefly such as boded ill. Being accidental in their occurrence, they belonged to the _auguria oblativa_, and their interpretation was not a matter for the augurs, unless occurring in the course of some public transaction, in which case they formed a divine veto against it. Otherwise, reference was made for an interpretation to the pontifices in olden times, afterwards frequently to the Sibylline books, or the Etruscan haruspices, when the incident was not already provided for by a rule, as, for example, that it was unlucky for a person leaving his house to meet a raven, that the sudden death of a person from epilepsy at a public meeting was a sign to break up the assembly.

Among the other means of discovering the will of the gods were the casting of lots, oracles of Apollo (in the hands of the college _sacris faciundis_), but chiefly the examination of the entrails of animals slain for sacrifice (see OMEN). Anything abnormal found there was brought under the notice of the augurs, but usually the Etruscan haruspices were employed for this. The persons entitled to ask for an expression of the divine will on a public affair were the magistrates. To the highest offices, including all persons of consular and praetorian rank, belonged the right of taking _auspicia maxima_; to the inferior offices of aedile and quaestor, the _auspicia minora_; the differences between these, however, must have been small. The subjects for which _auspicia publica_ were always taken were the election of magistrates, their entering on office, the holding of a public assembly to pass decrees, the setting out of an army for war. They could only be taken in Rome itself; and in case of a commander having to renew his _auspicia_, he must either return to Rome or select a spot in the foreign country to represent the hearth of that city. The time for observing auspices was, as a rule, between midnight and dawn of the day fixed for any proposed undertaking. In military affairs this course was not always possible, as in the case of taking auspices before crossing a river. The founding of colonies, the beginning of a battle, the calling together an army, the sittings of the senate, decisions of peace or war, were occasions, not always but frequently, for taking auspices. The place where the ceremony was performed was not fixed, but selected with a view to the matter in hand. A spot being selected, the official charged to make the observation pitched his tent there some days before. A matter postponed through adverse signs from the gods could on the following or some future day be again brought forward for the auspices. If an error (_vitium_) occurred in the auspices, the augurs could, of their own accord or at the request of the senate, inform themselves of the circumstances, and decree upon it. A consul could refuse to accept their decree while he remained in office, but on retiring he could be prosecuted. _Auspicia oblativa_ referred mostly to the comitia. A magistrate was not bound to take notice of signs reported merely by a private person, but he could not overlook such a report from a brother magistrate. For example, if a quaestor on his entry to office observed lightning and announced it to the consul, the latter must delay the public assembly for the day.

On the subject generally, see A. Bouche-Leclercq, _Histoire de la
divination dans l'antiquite_ (1879), and his articles, with
bibliography, in Daremberg and Saglio's _Dictionnaire des antiquites_,
also articles "Augures," "Auspicium," by Wissowa in Pauly's
_Realencyclopadie_ (II. pt. ii., 1896), and by L.C. Purser (and
others) in Smith's _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_ (3rd
ed., 1890). (See also DIVINATION, OMEN, ASTROLOGY, &c.)

FOOTNOTE:

[1] There is no doubt that _auspex_ = _avi-spex_ ("observer of
birds"), but the derivation of _augur_ is still unsettled. The
following have been suggested: (1) _augur_ (or _augus_) is a
substantive originally meaning "increase" (related to _augustus_ as
_robur_ to _robustus_), then transferred to the priest as the giver
of increase or blessing; (2) = _avi-gur_, the second part of the word
pointing to (a) _garrire_, "chatter," or (b) _gerere_, the augur
being conceived as "carrying" or guiding the flight of the birds; (3)
from a lost verb _augo_ = "tell," "declare." It is now generally
agreed that the science of augury is of Italian, not Etruscan,
origin.

AUGUST (originally _Sextilis_), the sixth month in the pre-Julian Roman year, which received its present name from the emperor Augustus. The preceding month, _Quintilis_, had been called "July" after Julius Caesar, and the emperor chose August to be rechristened in his own honour because his greatest good fortune had then happened. In that month he had been admitted to the consulate, had thrice celebrated a triumph, had received the allegiance of the soldiers stationed on the Janiculum, had concluded the civil wars, and had subdued Egypt. As July contained thirty-one days, and August only thirty, it was thought necessary to add another day to the latter month, in order that the month of Augustus might not be in any respect inferior to that of Julius.

AUGUSTA, a city and the county-seat of Richmond county, Georgia, U.S.A., at the head of steamboat navigation on the Savannah river, 132 m. N.W. of Savannah by rail and 240 m. by river course. Pop. (1890) 33,300; (1900) 39,441, of whom 18,487 were negroes and only 995 were foreign-born; (1910 census) 41,040. Augusta is served by the Southern, the Augusta Southern (controlled by the Southern), the Atlantic Coast Line, the Charleston & Western Carolina (controlled by the Atlantic Coast Line), the Georgia and the Central of Georgia railways, by an electric line to Aiken, South Carolina, and by a line of steamers to Savannah. The city extends along the river bank for a distance of more than 3 m., and is connected by a bridge with Hamburg, and with North Augusta, South Carolina, two residential suburbs. Augusta is well known as a winter resort (mean winter temperature, 47 deg. F.), and there are many fine winter homes here of wealthy Northerners. There are good roads, stretching from Augusta for miles in almost every direction. In North Augusta there is a large hotel, and there is another in Summerville (pop. in 1910, 4361), 2-1/2 m. N.W., an attractive residential suburb and winter resort, in which there are a country club and a large United States arsenal, established in 1831. Broad Street is the principal thoroughfare of Augusta, and Greene Street, with a park in the centre and flanking rows of oaks and elms, is the finest residential street. Of historical interest is St Paul's church (Protestant Episcopal); the present building was erected in 1819 and is the third St Paul's church on the same site. The first church was "built by the gentlemen of Augusta" in 1750. In the crypt of the church General Leonidas Polk is buried; and in the churchyard are the graves of George Steptoe Washington, a nephew of George Washington, and of William Longstreet, the inventor. Among the city's principal buildings are the Federal building, the Richmond county court house, the Augusta orphan asylum, the city hospital, the Lamar hospital for negroes, and the buildings of Richmond Academy (incorporated in 1783), of the Academy of the Sacred Heart (for girls), of Paine's Institute (for negroes), of Houghton Institute, endowed in 1852 to be "free to all the children of Augusta," and of the medical school of the university of Georgia, founded in 1829, and a part of the university since 1873. A granite obelisk 50 ft. high was erected in 1861 as a memorial to the signers for Georgia of the Declaration of Independence; beneath it are buried Lyman Hall (1726-1790) and George Walton (1740-1804). There are two Italian marble monuments in honour of Confederate soldiers, and monuments to the Southern poets, Paul Hamilton Hayne and Richard Henry Wilde (1789-1847).

In commerce and manufacturing, Augusta ranks second among the cities of Georgia. As a centre of trade for the "Cotton Belt," it has a large wholesale and retail business; and it is an important cotton market. The principal manufacture is cotton goods; among the other products are lumber, flour, cotton waste, cotton-seed oil and cake, ice, silk, boilers and engines, and general merchandise staples. Water-power for factories is secured by a system of "water-power canals" from a large dam across the Savannah, built in 1847 and enlarged in 1871; the principal canal, owned by the city, is so valuable as nearly to pay the interest on the municipal debt. In 1905 the value of the city's total factory product was $8,829,305, of which $3,832,009, or 43.4%, was the value of the cotton goods. The principal newspaper is the _Augusta Chronicle_, founded in 1785.

Augusta was established in 1735-1736 by James Edward Oglethorpe, the founder of Georgia, and was named in honour of the princess of Wales. The Carolina colonists had a trading post in its vicinity before the settlement by Oglethorpe. The fort, built in 1736, was first named Fort Augusta, and in 1780, at the time of the British occupation, was enlarged and renamed Fort Cornwallis; its site is now marked by a Memorial Cross, erected by the Colonial Dames of Georgia in the churchyard of St Paul's. Tobacco was the principal agricultural product during the 18th century, and for its culture negro slaves were introduced from Carolina, before the restrictions of the Georgia Trustees on slavery were removed. During the colonial period several treaties with Indians were made at Augusta; by the most important, that of 1763, the Choctaws, Creeks, Chickasaws, Cherokees and Catawbas agreed (in a meeting with the governors of North and South Carolina, Virginia and Georgia) to the terms of the treaty of Paris. At the opening of the American War of Independence, the majority of the people of Augusta were Loyalists. The town was taken by the British under Lieut.-Col. Archibald Campbell (1739-1791) in January 1779, but was evacuated a month later; it was the seat of government of Georgia for almost the entire period from the capture of Savannah in December 1778 until May 1780, and was then abandoned by the Patriots and was occupied chiefly by Loyalists under Lieut.-Col. Thomas Brown. In September 1780 a force of less than 500 patriots under Col. Elijah Clarke marched against the town in three divisions, and while one division, attacking a neighbouring Indian camp, drew off most of the garrison, the other two divisions entered the town; but British reinforcements arrived before Brown could be dislodged from a building in which he had taken refuge, and Clarke was forced to withdraw. A stronger American force, under Lieut.-Col. Henry Lee, renewed the siege in May 1781 and gained possession on the 5th of June. From 1783 until 1795 Augusta was again the seat of the state government. It was the meeting-place of the Land Court which confiscated the property of the Loyalists of Georgia, and of the convention which ratified for Georgia the Constitution of the United States. In 1798 it was incorporated as a town, and in 1817 it was chartered as a city. Augusta was the home of the inventor, William Longstreet (1759-1814), who as early as 1788 received a patent from the state of Georgia for a steamboat, but met with no practical success until 1808; as early as 1801 he had made experiments in the application of steam to cotton gins and saw-mills at Augusta. Near Augusta, on the site now occupied by the Eli Whitney Country Club, Eli Whitney is said to have first set up and operated his cotton gin; he is commemorated by a mural tablet in the court house. The establishment of a steamboat line to Savannah in 1817 aided Augusta's rapid commercial development. There was a disastrous fire in 1829, an epidemic of yellow fever in 1839, and a flood in 1840, but the growth of the city was not seriously checked; the cotton receipts of 1846 were 212,019 bales, and in 1847 a cotton factory was built. During the Civil War Augusta was the seat of extensive military factories, the tall chimney of the Confederate powder mills still standing as a memorial. The economic development has, since the Civil War, been steady and continuous. An exposition was held in Augusta in 1888, and another in 1893.

AUGUSTA, the capital of Maine, U.S.A., and the county-seat of Kennebec county, on the Kennebec river[1] (at the head of navigation), 44 m. from its mouth, 62 m. by rail N.E. of Portland, and 74 m. S.W. of Bangor. Pop. (1890) 10,527; (1900) 11,683, of whom 2131 were foreign-born; (1910, census) 13,211. It is served by the Maine Central railway, by several electric lines, and by steamboat lines to Portland, Boston and several other ports. It is built on a series of terraces, mostly on the west bank of the river, which is spanned here by a bridge 1100 ft. long. The state house, built of granite quarried in the vicinity, occupies a commanding site along the south border of the city, and in it is the state library. The Lithgow library is a city public library. Near the state house is the former residence of James G. Blaine. On the other side of the river, nearly opposite, is the Maine insane hospital. Among other prominent buildings are the court house, the post office and the city hall. In one of the parks is a soldiers' and sailors' monument. By means of a dam across the river, 17 ft. high and nearly 600 ft. long, good water-power is provided, and the city manufactures cotton goods, boots and shoes, paper, pulp and lumber. A leading industry is the printing and publishing of newspapers and periodicals, several of the periodicals published here having an enormous circulation. The total value of the factory products in 1905 was $3,886,833. Augusta occupies the site of the Indian village, Koussinoc, at which the Plymouth Colony established a trading post about 1628. In 1661 Plymouth sold its interests, and soon afterward the four purchasers abandoned the post. In 1754, however, their heirs brought about the erection here of Fort Western, the main building of which is still standing at the east end of the bridge, opposite the city hall. Augusta was originally a part of the township of Hallowell (incorporated in 1771); in 1797 the north part of Hallowell was incorporated as a separate town and named Harrington; and later in the same year the name was changed to Augusta. It became the county-seat in 1799; was chosen by the Maine legislature as the capital of the state in 1827, but was not occupied as such until the completion of the state house in 1831; and was chartered as a city in 1849.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] The Kennebec was first explored to this point in 1607.

AUGUSTA, a seaport of the province of Syracuse, Sicily, 19 m. N. of it by rail. Pop. (1901) 16,402. It occupies a part of the former peninsula of Xiphonia, now a small island, connected with the mainland by a bridge. It was founded by the emperor Frederick II. in 1232, and almost entirely destroyed by an earthquake in 1693, after which it was rebuilt. The castle is now a large prison. The fortified port, though unfrequented except as a naval harbour of refuge, is a very fine one. There are considerable saltworks at Augusta. To the south, on the left bank of the Molinello. 1-1/2 m. from its mouth, Sicel tombs and Christian catacombs, and farther up the river a cave village of the early middle ages, have been explored (_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1902, 411, 631; _Romische Quartalschrift_, 1902, 205). Whether there was ever a town bearing the name Xiphonia is doubted by E.A. Freeman (_Hist. of Sic._ i. 583); cf., however, E. Pais, _Atakta_ (Pisa, 1891), 55, who attributes its foundation, under the name of Tauromenion (which it soon lost), to the Zancleans of Hybla (afterwards Megara Hyblaea). (T. As.)

AUGUSTA BAGIENNORUM, the chief town of the Ligurian tribe of the Bagienni, probably identical with the modern Bene Vagienna, on the upper course of the Tanaro, about 35 m. due south of Turin. The town retained its position as a tribal centre in the reorganization of Augustus, whose name it bears, and was erected on a systematic plan. Considerable remains of public buildings, constructed in concrete faced with small stones with bands of brick at intervals, an amphitheatre with a major axis of 390 ft. and a minor axis of 305 ft., a theatre with a stage 133 ft. in length, and near it the foundations of what was probably a basilica, an open space (no doubt the forum), an aqueduct, baths, &c., have been discovered by recent excavations, and also one of the city gates, flanked by two towers 22 ft. sq.

See G. Assandria and G. Vacchetta in _Notizie degli Scavi_ (1894),
155; (1896), 215; (1897), 441; (1898), 299; (1900), 389; (1901), 413.
(T. As.)

AUGUSTAN HISTORY, the name given to a collection of the biographies of the Roman emperors from Hadrian to Carinus (A.D. 117-284). The work professes to have been written during the reigns of Diocletian and Constantine, and is to be regarded as the composition of six authors,--Aelius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Aelius Lampridius, Vulcacius Gallicanus, Trebellius Pollio and Flavius Vopiscus--known as Scriptores Historiae Augustae, writers of Augustan history. It is generally agreed, however, that there is a large number of interpolations in the work, which are referred to the reign of Theodosius; and that the documents inserted in the lives are almost all forgeries. The more advanced school of critics holds that the names of the supposed authors are purely fictitious, as those of some of the authorities which they profess to quote certainly are. The lives, which (with few exceptions) are arranged in chronological order, are distributed as follows:--To Spartianus: the biographies of Hadrian, Aelius Verus, Didius Julianus, Septimius Severus, Pescennius Niger, Caracallus, Geta (?); to Vulcacius Gallicanus: Avidius Cassius; to Capitolinus: Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, Verus, Pertinax, Clodius Albinus, the two Maximins, the three Gordians, Maximus and Balbinus, Opilius Macrinus (?); to Lampridius: Commodus, Diadumenus, Elagabalus, Alexander Severus; to Pollio: the two Valerians, the Gallieni, the so-called Thirty Tyrants or Usurpers, Claudius (his lives of Philip, Decius, and Gallus being lost); to Vopiscus: Aurelian, Tacitus, Florian, Probus, the four tyrants (Firmus, Saturninus, Proculus, Bonosus), Carus, Numerian, Carinus.

The importance of the Augustan history as a repertory of information is very considerable, but its literary pretensions are of the humblest order. The writers' standard was confessedly low. "My purpose," says Vopiscus, "has been to provide materials for persons more eloquent than I." Considering the perverted taste of the age, it is perhaps fortunate that the task fell into the hands of no showy declaimer who measured his success by his skill in making surface do duty for substance, but of homely, matter-of-fact scribes, whose sole concern was to record what they knew. Their narrative is unmethodical and inartificial; their style is tame and plebeian; their conception of biography is that of a collection of anecdotes; they have no notion of arrangement, no measure of proportion, and no criterion of discrimination between the important and the trivial; they are equally destitute of critical and of historical insight, unable to sift the authorities on which they rely, and unsuspicious of the stupendous social revolution comprised within the period which they undertake to describe. Their value, consequently, depends very much on that of the sources to which they happen to have recourse for any given period of history, and on the fidelity of their adherence to these when valuable. Marius Maximus and Aelius Junius Cordus, to whose qualifications they themselves bear no favourable testimony, were their chief authorities for the earlier lives of the series. Marius Maximus, who lived about 165-230, wrote biographies of the emperors, in continuation of those of Suetonius, from Nerva to Elagabalus; Junius Cordus dealt with the less-known emperors, perhaps down to Maximus and Balbinus. The earlier lives, however, contain a substratum of authentic historical fact, which recent critics have supposed to be derived from a lost work by a contemporary writer, described by one of these scholars as "the last great Roman historian." For the later lives the Scriptores were obliged to resort more largely to public records, and thus preserved matter of the highest importance, rescuing from oblivion many imperial rescripts and senatorial decrees, reports of official proceedings and speeches on public occasions, and a number of interesting and characteristic letters from various emperors. Their incidental allusions sometimes cast vivid though undesigned light on the circumstances of the age, and they have made large contributions to our knowledge of imperial jurisprudence in particular. Even their trivialities have their use; their endless anecdotes respecting the personal habits of the subjects of their biographies, if valueless to the historian, are most acceptable to the archaeologist, and not unimportant to the economist and moralist. Their errors and deficiencies may in part be ascribed to the contemporary neglect of history as a branch of instruction. Education was in the hands of rhetoricians and grammarians; historians were read for their style, not for their matter, and since the days of Tacitus, none had arisen worth a schoolmaster's notice. We thus find Vopiscus acknowledging that when he began to write the life of Aurelian, he was entirely misinformed respecting the latter's competitor Firmus, and implying that he would not have ventured on Aurelian himself if he had not had access to the MS. of the emperor's own diary in the Ulpian library. The writers' historical estimates are superficial and conventional, but report the verdict of public opinion with substantial accuracy. The only imputation on the integrity of any of them lies against Trebellius Pollio, who, addressing his work to a descendant of Claudius, the successor and probably the assassin of Gallienus, has dwelt upon the latter versatile sovereign's carelessness and extravagance without acknowledgment of the elastic though fitful energy he so frequently displayed in defence of the empire. The caution of Vopiscus's references to Diocletian cannot be made a reproach to him.

No biographical particulars are recorded respecting any of these writers. From their acquaintance with Latin and Greek literature they must have been men of letters by profession, and very probably secretaries or librarians to persons of distinction. There seems no reason to accept Gibbon's contemptuous estimate of their social position. They appear particularly versed in law. Spartianus's reference to himself as "Diocletian's own" seems to indicate that he was a domestic in the imperial household. They address their patrons with deference, acknowledging their own deficiencies, and seem painfully conscious of the profession of literature having fallen upon evil days.

Editio princeps (Milan, 1475); Casaubon (1603) showed great critical
ability in his notes, but for want of a good MS. left the restoration
of the text to Salmasius (1620), whose notes are a most remarkable
monument of erudition, combined with acuteness in verbal criticism and
general vigour of intellect. Of recent years considerable attention
has been devoted by German scholars to the _History_, especially by
Peter, whose edition of the text in the Teubner series (2nd ed., 1884)
contains (praef. xxxv.-xxxvii.) a bibliography of works on the subject
preceding the publication of his own special treatise. The edition by
Jordan-Eyssenhardt (1863) should also be mentioned. Amongst the most
recent treatises on the subject are: A. Gemoll, _Die Scriptores
Historiae Augustae_ (1886); H. Peter, _Die Scriptores Historiae
Augustae_ (1892); G. Tropea, _Studi sugli Scriptores Historiae
Augustae_ (1899-1903); J.M. Heer, _Der historische Wert der Vita
Commodi in der Sammlung der Scriptores Historiae Augustae_ (1901); C.
Lecrivain, _Etudes sur l'histoire Auguste_ (1904); E. Kornemann,
_Kaiser Hadrian und der letzte grosse Historiker von Rom_ (1905),
according to whom "the last great historian of Rome" is Lollius
Urbicus; O. Schulz, _Das Kaiserhaus der Antonine und der letzte
Historiker Roms_ (1907). On their style, see C. Paucker, _De
Latinitate Scriptorum Historiae Augustae_ (1870); special lexicon by
C. Lessing (1901-1906). An English translation is included in _The
Lives of the Roman Emperors_, by John Bernard (1698). See further
ROME: _History_ (anc. _ad fin._), section "Authorities"; M. Schanz,
_Geschichte der romischen Litteratur_, iii. p. 69 (for Marius Maximus
and Junius Cordus), iv. p. 47; Teuffel-Schwabe, _Hist. of Roman
Literature_ (Eng. tr.), S 392; H. Peter, bibliography from 1893 to
1905 in Bursian's _Jahresbericht_, cxxix. (1907).

AUGUSTA PRAETORIA SALASSORUM (mod. _Aosta_, q.v.), an ancient town of Italy in the district of the Salassi, founded by Augustus about 24 B.C. on the site of the camp of Varro Murena, who subdued this tribe in 25 B.C., and settled with 3000 praetorians. Pliny calls it the last town of Italy on the north-west, and its position at the confluence of two rivers, at the end of the Great and Little St Bernard, gave it considerable military importance, which is vouched for by considerable remains of Roman buildings. The ancient town walls, enclosing a rectangle 793 by 624 yds., are still preserved almost in their entire extent. The walls are 21 ft. high. They are built of concrete faced with small blocks of stone, and at the bottom are nearly 9 ft. thick, and at the top 6 ft. There are towers at the angles of the _enceinte_, and others at intervals, and two at each of the four gates, making a total of twenty towers altogether. They are roughly 32 ft. square, and project 14 ft. from the wall. The Torre del Pailleron on the south and the Torre del Leproso in the west are especially well preserved. The east and south gates exist (the latter, a double gate with three arches flanked by two towers, is the Porta Praetoria, and is especially fine), while the rectangular arrangement of the streets perpetuates the Roman plan, dividing the town into 16 blocks (_insulae_). The main road, 32 ft. wide, divides the city into two equal halves, running from east to west, an arrangement which makes it clear that the guarding of the road was the main _raison d'etre_ of the city. Some arcades of the amphitheatre (the diameters of which are 282 ft. and 239 ft.), and the south wall of the theatre are also preserved, the latter to a height of over 70 ft., and a market-place some 300 ft. square, surrounded by storehouses on three sides with a temple in the centre, and two on the open (south) side, and the _thermae_, have been discovered. Outside the town is a handsome triumphal arch in honour of Augustus. About 5 m. to the west is a single-arched Roman bridge, the Pondel, which has a closed passage lighted by windows for foot passengers in winter, and above it an open footpath, both being about 3-1/2 ft. in width. There are considerable remains of the ancient road from Eporedia (mod. _Ivrea_) to Augusta Praetoria, up the Valle d' Aosta, which the modern railway follows, notably the Pont St Martin, with a single arch with a span of 116 ft. and a roadway 15 ft. wide, the cutting of Donnaz, and the Roman bridges of Chatillon (Pont St Vincent) and Aosta (Pont de Pierre), &c.

See C. Promis, _Le antichita di Aosta_ (Turin, 1862); E. Berard in
_Atti della Societa di Archeologia di Torino_, iii. 119 seq.; _Notizie
degli Scavi_, passim; A. d'Andrade, _Relazione dell' Ufficio Regionale
per la consenazione dei Monumenti del Piemonte e della Liguria_
(Turin, 1899), 46 seq. (T. As.)

AUGUSTI, JOHANN CHRISTIAN WILHELM (1772-1841), German theologian, born at Eschenberga, near Gotha, was of Jewish descent, his grandfather having been a converted rabbi. He was educated at the gymnasium at Gotha and the university of Jena. At Jena he studied oriental languages, of which he became professor there in 1803. Subsequently he became ordinary professor of theology (1812), and for a time rector, at Breslau. In 1819 he was transferred to the university of Bonn, where he was made professor primarius. In 1828 he was appointed chief member of the consistorial council at Coblenz. Here he was afterwards made director of the consistory. He died at Coblenz in 1841. Augusti had little sympathy with the modern philosophical interpretations of dogma, and although he took up a position of free criticism with regard to the Biblical narratives, he held fast to the traditional faith. His works on theology (_Dogmengeschichte_, 1805; 4th ed., 1835) are simple statements of fact; they do not attempt a speculative treatment of their subjects. In 1809 he published in conjunction with W.M.L. de Wette a new translation of the Old Testament. Mention should also be made of his _Grundriss einer historischkritischen Einleitung ins Alte Testament_ (1806), his _Exegetisches Handbuch des Alten Testaments_ (1797-1800), and his edition of _Die Apokryphen des A. T._ (1804). In addition to these, his most important writings are the _Denkwurdigkeiten aus der Christlichen Archaologie_, 12 vols. (1817-1831), a partially digested mass of materials, and the _Handbuch der Christ. Archaologie_, 3 vols. (1836-1837), which gives the substance of the larger work in a more compact and systematic form.

AUGUSTINE, SAINT (354-430), one of the four great fathers of the Latin Church. Augustinus--the _praenomen_ Aurelius is used indeed by his disciples Orosius and Prosper, and is found in the oldest Augustine MSS., but is not used by himself, nor in the letters addressed to him--was born at Tagaste, a town of Numidia, now Suk Ahras in Constantine, on the 13th of November 354. His father, Patricius, was a burgess of Tagaste and still a pagan at the time of his son's birth. His mother, Monica, was not only a Christian, but a woman of the most tender and devoted piety, whose beautiful faith and enthusiasm and patient prayer for both her husband and son (at length crowned with success in both cases) have made her a type of womanly saintliness for all ages. She early instructed her son in the faith and love of Jesus Christ, and for a time he seems to have been impressed by her teaching. Falling ill, he wished to be baptized; but when the danger was past, the rite was deferred and, in spite of his mother's admonitions and prayers, Augustine grew up without any profession of Christian piety or any devotion to Christian principles.

Inheriting from his father a passionate nature, he formed while still a mere youth an irregular union with a girl, by whom he became the father of a son, whom in a fit of pious emotion he named Adeodatus ("by God given"), and to whom he was passionately attached. In his _Confessions_ he afterwards described this period of his life in the blackest colours; for in the light of his conversion he saw behind him only shadows. Yet, whatever his youthful aberrations, Augustine was from the first an earnest student. His father, noticing his early promise, destined him for the brilliant and lucrative career of a rhetorician, for which he spared no expense in training him. Augustine studied at his native town and afterwards at Madaura and Carthage, especially devoting himself to the works of the Latin poets, many traces of his love for which are to be found in his writings. His acquaintance with Greek literature was much more limited, and, indeed, it has been doubted, though without sufficient reason, whether he could use the Greek scriptures in the original. Cicero's _Hortensius_, which he read in his nineteenth year, first awakened in his mind the spirit of speculation and the impulse towards the knowledge of the truth. But he passed from one phase of thought to another, unable to find satisfaction in any. Manichaeism, that mixed product of Zoroastrian and Christian-gnostic elements, first enthralled him. He became a fervent member of the sect, and was admitted into the class of _auditors_ or "hearers." Manichaeism seemed to him to solve the mysteries of the world, and of his own experiences by which he was perplexed. His insatiable imagination drew congenial food from the fanciful religious world of the Manichaeans, decked out as this was with the luxuriant wealth of Oriental myth. His strongly developed sense of a need of salvation sought satisfaction in the contest of the two principles of Good and Evil, and found peace, at least for the moment, in the conviction that the portions of light present in him would be freed from the darkness in which they were immersed. The ideal of chastity and self-restraint, which promised a foretaste of union with God, amazed him, bound as he was in the fetters of sensuality and for ever shaking at these fetters. But while his moral force was not sufficient for the attainment of this ideal, gradually everything else which Manichaeism seemed to offer him dissolved before his criticism. Increasingly occupied with the exact sciences, he learnt the incompatibility of the Manichaean astrology with the facts. More and more absorbed in the problems of psychology, he realized the insufficiency of dualism, which did not solve the ultimate questions but merely set them back. The Manichaean propaganda seemed to him invertebrate and lacking in force, and a discussion which he had with Faustus, a distinguished Manichaean bishop and controversialist, left him greatly disappointed.

Meanwhile nine years had passed. Augustine, after finishing his studies, had returned to Tagaste, where he became a teacher of grammar. He must have been an excellent master, who knew how to influence the whole personality of his pupils. It was then that Alypius, who in the later stages of Augustine's life proved a true friend and companion, attached himself to him. He remained in his native town little more than a year, during which time he lived with his mother, who was comforted by the bishop for the estrangement of her son from the Catholic faith ("a son of so many tears cannot be lost": _Confess._ III. xii. S 21), comforted also, and above all, by the famous vision, which Augustine thus describes: "She saw herself standing on a certain wooden rule, and a shining youth coming towards her, cheerful and smiling upon her the while she grieved, and was consumed with grief: and when he had inquired of her the causes of her grief and daily tears (for the sake, as is their wont, of teaching, not of learning) and she had made answer that she was bewailing my perdition, he bade her be at ease, and advised her to look and observe, 'That where she was, there was I also.' And when she looked there, she saw me standing by her on the same rule" (_Confess._ III. xi.). Augustine now returned for a second time to Carthage, where he devoted himself zealously to work. Thence, probably in the spring of 383, he migrated to Rome. His Manichaean friends urged him to take this step, which was rendered easier by the licentious lives of the students at Carthage. His stay at Rome may have lasted about a year, no agreeable time for Augustine, since his patrons and friends belonged to just those Manichaean circles with which he had in the meantime entirely lost all intellectual touch. He, therefore, accepted an invitation from Milan, where the people were in search of a teacher of rhetoric.

At Milan the conflict within his mind in search of truth still continued. It was now that he separated himself openly from the Manichaean sect. As a thinker he came entirely under the influence of the New Academy; he professed the Sceptic philosophy, without being able to find in it the final conclusion of wisdom. He was, however, not far from the decision. Two things determined his further development. He became acquainted with the Neo-Platonic philosophy; its monism replaced the dualism, its intellectualized world of ideas the materialism of Manichaeism. Here he found the admonition to seek for truth outside the material world, and from created things he learnt to recognize the invisible God; he attained the certainty that this God is, and is eternal, always the same, subject to change neither in his parts nor in his motions. And while thus Augustine's metaphysical convictions were being slowly remodelled, he met, in Ambrose, bishop of Milan, a man in whom complete worldly culture and the nobility of a ripe Christian personality were wonderfully united. He heard him preach; but at first it was the orator and not the contents of the sermons that enchained him. He sought an opportunity of conversation with him, but this was not easily found. Ambrose had no leisure for philosophic discussion. He was accessible to all who sought him, but never for a moment free from study or the cares of duty. Augustine, as he himself tells us, used to enter without being announced, as all persons might; but after staying for a while, afraid of interrupting him, he would depart again. He continued, however, to hear Ambrose preach, and gradually the gospel of divine truth and grace was received into his heart. He was busy with his friend Alypius in studying the Pauline epistles; certain words were driven home with irresistible force to his conscience. His struggle of mind became more and more intolerable, the thought of divine purity fighting in his heart with the love of the world and the flesh. That sensuality was his worst enemy he had long known. The mother of his child had accompanied him to Milan. When he became betrothed he dismissed her; but neither the pain of this parting nor consideration for his not yet marriageable bride prevented him from forming a fresh connexion of the same kind. Meanwhile, the determination to renounce the old life with its pleasures of sense, was ever being forced upon him with more and more distinctness. He then received a visit from a Christian compatriot named Pontitian, who told him about St Anthony and the monachism in Egypt, and also of a monastery near Milan. He was shaken to the depths when he learnt from Pontitian that two young officials, like himself betrothed, had suddenly formed a determination to turn their backs upon the life of the world. He could no longer bear to be inside the house; in terrible excitement he rushed into the garden; and now followed that scene which he himself in the _Confessions_ has described to us with such graphic realism. He flung himself under a fig tree, burst into a passion of weeping, and poured out his heart to God. Suddenly he seemed to hear a voice bidding him consult the divine oracle: "Take up and read, take up and read." He left off weeping, rose up, sought the volume where Alypius was sitting, and opening it read in silence the following passage from the Epistle to the Romans (xiii. 13, 14): "Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying. But put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh to fulfil the lusts thereof." He adds: "I had neither desire nor need to read further. As I finished the sentence, as though the light of peace had been poured into the heart, all the shadows of doubt dispersed. Thus hast Thou converted me to Thee, so as no longer to seek either for wife or other hope of the world, standing fast in that rule of faith in which Thou so many years before hadst revealed me to my mother" (_in qua me ante lot annos ei revelaveras: Confess_. VIII. xii. S 30).[1]

The conversion of Augustine, as we have been accustomed to call this event, took place in the late summer of 386, a few weeks before the beginning of the vacation. The determination to give up his post was rendered easier by a chest-trouble which was not without danger, and which for months made him incapable of work. He withdrew with several companions to the country estate of Cassisiacum near Milan, which had been lent him by a friend, and announced himself to the bishop as a candidate for baptism. His religious opinions were still to some extent unformed, and even his habits by no means altogether such as his great change demanded. He mentions, for example, that during this time he broke himself of a habit of profane swearing, and in other ways sought to discipline his character and conduct for the reception of the sacred rite. He received baptism the Easter following, in his thirty-third year, and along with him his son Adeodatus and his friend Alypius were admitted to the Church. Monica, his mother, had rejoined him, and at length rejoiced in the fulfilment of her prayers. She died at Ostia, just as they were about to embark for Africa, her last hours being gladdened by his Christian sympathy. In the account of the conversation which he had with his mother before her end, in the narrative of her death and burial (_Confess_. IX. x.-xi., SS 23-28), Augustine's literary power is displayed at its highest.

The plan of returning home, remained for the present unaccomplished. Augustine stayed for a year in Rome, occupied in literary work, particularly in controversy with Manichaeism. It was not until the autumn of 388 that he returned to Tagaste, probably still accompanied by his son, who, however, must have died shortly afterwards. With some friends, who joined him in devotion, he formed a small religious community, which looked to him as its head. Their mode of life was not formally monastic according to any special rule, but the experience of this time of seclusion was, no doubt, the basis of that monastic system which Augustine afterwards sketched and which derived its name from him (see AUGUSTINIANS). As may be imagined, the fame of such a convert in such a position soon spread, and invitations to a more active ecclesiastical life came to him from many quarters. He shrank from the responsibility, but his destiny was not to be avoided. After two and a half years spent in retirement he went to Hippo, to see a Christian friend, who desired to converse with him as to his design of quitting the world and devoting himself to a religious life. The Christian community there being in want of a presbyter and Augustine being present at the meeting, the people unanimously chose him and he was ordained to the presbyterate. A few years afterwards, 395 or 396, he was made coadjutor to the bishop, and finally became bishop of the see.

Henceforth Augustine's life is filled up with his ecclesiastical labours, and is more marked by the series of his numerous writings and the great controversies in which they engaged him than by anything else. His life was spent in a perpetual strife. During the first half this had been against himself; but even when others stepped into his place, it always seems as though a part of Augustine himself were incarnate in them. Augustine had early distinguished himself as an author. He had written several philosophical treatises, and, as teacher of rhetoric at Carthage, he had composed a work _De pulchro et apto_, which is no longer extant. Whenat Cassisiacum he had combated the scepticism of the New Academy (_Contra Academicos_), had treated of the "blessed life" (_De Vita beata_), of the significance of evil in the order of the world (_De ordine_), of the means for the elucidation of spiritual truths (_Soliloquia_). Shortly before the time of his baptism, he was occupied with the question of the immortality of the soul (_De immortalitate animae_), and in Rome and at Tagaste he was still engaged with philosophical problems, as is evidenced by the writings _De quantitate animae_ and _De magistro_. In all these treatises is apparent the influence of the Neo-Platonic method of thought, which for him, as for so many others, had become the bridge to the Christian. While still in Rome, he began to come to a reckoning with the Manichaeans, and wrote two books on the morals of the Catholic Church and of the Manichaeans (_De moribus ecclesiae Catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum libri duo_). For many years he pursued this controversy in a long series of writings, of which the most conspicuous is the elaborate reply to his old associate and disputant, Faustus of Mileve (_Contra Faustum Manichaeum_, A.D. 400). It was natural that the Manichaean heresy, which had so long enslaved his own mind, should have first exercised Augustine's great powers as a theological thinker and controversialist. He was able from his own experience to give force to his arguments for the unity of creation and of the spiritual life, and to strengthen the mind of the Christian Church in its last struggle with that dualistic spirit which had animated and moulded in succession so many forms of thought at variance with Christianity.

But the time was one of almost universal ecclesiastical and intellectual excitement; and so powerful a mental activity as his was naturally drawn forth in all directions. Following his writings against the Manichaeans came those against the Donatists. The controversy was one which strongly interested him, involving as it did the whole question of the constitution of the Church and the idea of catholic order, to which the circumstances of the age gave special prominence. The Donatist controversy sprang out of the Diocletian persecution in the beginning of the century. A party in the Church of Carthage, fired with fanatic zeal on behalf of those who had courted martyrdom by resistance to the imperial mandates, resented deeply the appointment of a bishop of moderate opinions, whose consecration had been performed, they alleged, by a _traditor_, viz. a bishop who had "delivered" the holy scriptures to the magistrates. They set up, in consequence, a bishop of their own, of the name of Majorinus, succeeded in 315 by Donatus. The party made great pretensions to purity of discipline, and rapidly rose in popular favour, notwithstanding a decision given against them both by the bishop of Rome and by the emperor Cons tan tine. Augustine was strongly moved by the lawlessness of the party and launched forth a series of writings against them, the most important of which survive. Amongst these are "Seven Books on Baptism" (_De baptismo contra Donatistas_, c. A.D. 400) and a lengthy answer, in three books, to Petilian, bishop of Cirta, who was the most eminent theologian amongst the Donatist divines. At a later period, about 417, Augustine wrote a treatise concerning the correction of the Donatists (_De correctione Donatistarum_) "for the sake of those," he says in his _Retractations_, "who were not willing that the Donatists should be subjected to the correction of the imperial laws." In these writings, while vigorously maintaining the validity of the Church as it then stood in the Roman world, and the necessity for moderation in the exercise of church discipline, Augustine yet gave currency, in his zeal against the Donatists, to certain maxims as to the duty of the civil power to control schism, which were of evil omen, and have been productive of much disaster in the history of Christianity.