Chapter XII: Part 12

The third controversy in which Augustine engaged was the most important, and the most intimately associated with his distinctive greatness as a theologian. As may be supposed, owing to the conflicts through which he had passed, the bishop of Hippo was intensely interested in what may be called the anthropological aspect of the great Christian idea of redemption. He had himself been brought out of darkness into "marvellous light," only by entering into the depths of his own soul, and finding, after many struggles, that there was no power but divine grace, as revealed in the life and death of the Son of God, which could bring rest to human weariness, or pardon and peace for human guilt. He had found human nature in his own case too weak and sinful to find any good for itself. In God alone he had found good. This deep sense of human sinfulness coloured all his theology, and gave to it at once its depth--its profound and sympathetic adaptation to all who feel the reality of sin--and that tinge of darkness and exaggeration which has as surely repelled others. When the expression "Augustinism" is used, it points especially to those opinions of the great teacher which were evoked in the Pelagian controversy, to which he devoted the most mature and powerful period of his life. His opponents in this controversy were Pelagius, from whom it derives its name, and Coelestius and Julianus, pupils of the former. Nothing is certainly known as to the home of Pelagius. Augustine calls him Brito, and so do Marius Mercator and Orosius. Jerome points to his Scottish descent, in such terms, however, as to leave it uncertain whether he was a native of Scotland or of Ireland. He was a man of blameless character, devoted to the reformation of society, full of that confidence in the natural impulses of humanity which often accompanies philanthropic enthusiasm. About the year 400 he came, no longer a young man, to Rome, where he lived for more than a decade, and soon made himself conspicuous by his activity and by his opinions. His pupil Coelestius, a lawyer of unknown origin, developed the views of his master with a more outspoken logic, and, while travelling with Pelagius in Africa, in the year 411, was at length arraigned before the bishop of Carthage for the following, amongst other heretical opinions:--(1) that Adam's sin was purely personal, and affected none but himself; (2) that each man, consequently, is born with powers as incorrupt as those of Adam, and only falls into sin under the force of temptation and evil example; (3) that children who die in infancy, being untainted by sin, are saved without baptism. Views such as these were obviously in conflict with the whole course of Augustine's experience, as well as with his interpretation of the catholic doctrine of the Church. And when his attention was drawn to them by the trial and excommunication of Coelestius, he undertook their refutation, first of all in three books on the punishment and forgiveness of sins and the baptism of infants (_De peccatorum meritis et remissione et de baptismo parvulorum_), addressed to his friend Marcellinus, in which he vindicated the necessity of baptism of infants because of original sin and the grace of God by which we are justified (_Retract._ ii. 23). This was in 412. In the same year he addressed a further treatise to the same Marcellinus on _The Spirit and the Letter_ (_De spiritu et littera_). Three years later he composed the treatises on _Nature and Grace_ (_De natura et gratia_) and the relation of the human to the divine righteousness (_De perfectione iustitiae hominis_). The controversy was continued during many years in no fewer than fifteen treatises. Upon no subject did Augustine bestow more of his intellectual strength, and in relation to no other have his views so deeply and permanently affected the course of Christian thought. Even those who most usually agree with his theological standpoint will hardly deny that, while he did much in these writings to vindicate divine truth and to expound the true relations of the divine and human, he also, here as elsewhere, was hurried into extreme expressions as to the absoluteness of divine grace and the extent of human corruption. Like his great disciple in a later age--Luther--Augustine was prone to emphasize the side of truth which he had most realized in his own experience, and, in contradistinction to the Pelagian exaltation of human nature, to depreciate its capabilities beyond measure.

In addition to these controversial writings, which mark the great epochs of Augustine's life and ecclesiastical activity after his settlement as a bishop at Hippo, he was the author of other works, some of them better known and even more important. His great work, the most elaborate, and in some respects the most significant, that came from his pen, is _The City of God_ (_De civitate Dei_). It is designed as a great apologetic treatise in vindication of Christianity and the Christian Church,--the latter conceived as rising in the form of a new civic order on the crumbling ruins of the Roman empire,--but it is also, perhaps, the earliest contribution to the philosophy of history, as it is a repertory throughout of his cherished theological opinions. This work and his _Confessions_ are, probably, those by which he is best known, the one as the highest expression of his thought, and the other as the best monument of his living piety and Christian experience. _The City of God_ was begun in 413, and continued to be issued in its several portions for a period of thirteen years, or till 426. The _Confessions_ were written shortly after he became a bishop, about 397, and give a vivid sketch of his early career. To the devout utterances and aspirations of a great soul they add the charm of personal disclosure, and have never ceased to excite admiration in all spirits of kindred piety. Something of this charm also belongs to the _Retractations_, that remarkable work in which Augustine, in 427, towards the end of his life, held as it were a review of his literary activity, in order to improve what was erroneous and to make clear what was doubtful in it. His systematic treatise on _The Trinity_ (_De Trinitate_) which extends to fifteen books and occupied him for nearly thirty years, must not be passed over. This important work, unlike most of his dogmatic writings, was not provoked by any special controversial emergency, but grew up silently during this long period in the author's mind. This has given it something more of completeness and organic arrangement than is usual with Augustine, if it has also led him into the prolonged discussion of various analogies, more curious than apt in their bearing on the doctrine which he expounds. Brief and concise is the presentation of the Catholic doctrine in the compendium, which, about 421, he wrote at the request of a Roman layman named Laurentius (_Encheiridion, sive de fide spe et caritate_). In spite of its title, the compendious work on Christian doctrine (_De doctrina Christiana_), begun as early as 393, but only finished in 426, does not belong to the dogmatic writings. It is a sort of Biblical hermeneutic, in which homiletic questions are also dealt with. His catechetical principles Augustine developed in the charming writing _De catechizandis rudibus_ (c. 400). A large number of tractates are devoted to moral and theological problems (_Contra mendacium_, c. 420; _De bono conjugali_, 401, &c.). A widespread influence was exercised by the treatise _De opere monachorum_ (c. 400), in which, on the ground of Holy Scripture, manual work was demanded of monks. Of less importance than the remaining works are the numerous exegetical writings, among which the commentary on the Gospel of St John deserves a special mention. These have a value owing to Augustine's appreciation of the deeper spiritual meaning of scripture, but hardly for their exegetical qualities. His _Letters_ are full of interest owing to the light they throw on many questions in the ecclesiastical history of the time, and owing to his relations with such contemporary theologians as Jerome. They have, however, neither the liveliness nor the varied interest of the letters of Jerome himself. As a preacher Augustine was of great importance. We still possess almost four hundred sermons which may be ascribed to him with certainty. Many others only pass under his celebrated name.

The closing years of the great bishop were full of sorrow. The Vandals, who had been gradually enclosing the Roman empire, appeared before the gates of Hippo, and laid siege to it. Augustine was ill with his last illness, and could only pray for his fellow-citizens. He passed away during the siege, on the 28th of August 430, at the age of seventy-five, and thus was spared the indignity of seeing the city in the hands of the enemy.

The character of Augustine, both as a man and as a theologian, has been briefly indicated in the course of our sketch. None can deny the greatness of Augustine's soul--his enthusiasm, his unceasing search after truth, his affectionate disposition, his ardour, his self-devotion. And even those who may doubt the soundness of his dogmatic conclusions, cannot but acknowledge the depth of his spiritual convictions, and the logical force and penetration with which he handled the most difficult questions, thus weaving all the elements of his experience and of his profound scriptural knowledge into a great system of Christian thought. Of the four great Fathers of the Church he was admittedly the greatest--more profound than Ambrose, his spiritual father, more original and systematic than Jerome, his correspondent, and intellectually far more distinguished than Gregory the Great, his pupil on the papal throne. The theological position and influence of Augustine may be said to be unrivalled. No single name has ever exercised such power over the Christian Church, and no one mind ever made so deep an impression upon Christian thought. In him scholastics and mystics, popes and the opponents of the papal supremacy, have seen their champion. He was the fulcrum on which Luther rested the thoughts by which he sought to lift the past of the Church out of the rut; yet the judgment of Catholics still proclaims the ideas of Augustine as the only sound basis of philosophy.

The best complete edition of Augustine's works is that of the
Maurines, in 11 vols. fol. published at Paris, 1679-1700, and
reprinted in Migne's _Patrologie_ (Paris, 1841-1842). Of the new
critical edition in the _Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum
Latinorum_, issued by the Vienna Academy, thirteen volumes had been
published in 1908, including the _Confessions_, the _Retractations_,
_De civitate Dei_, and a number of exegetical and of dogmatic
polemical works, together with a portion of the _Letters_. An English
translation of nearly the whole of Augustine's writings will be found
in the _Select Library of the Nicene and post-Nicene Fathers of the
Christian Church_ (series 1, Buffalo, 1886, &c.). Tillemont, in his
_Memoires pour servir a l'histoire ecclesiastique des VI premiers
siecles_, has devoted a quarto volume (vol. xiii.) to Augustine's life
and writings. The most complete monographs are those on the Catholic
side by Kloth (Aix-la-Chapelle, 1839-1840, 3 vols.) and J.J.F.
Poujoulat (7th ed., Paris, 1886, 2 vols.), and on the Protestant side
by Bindemann (Berlin, Leipzig, Greifswald, 1844-1869, 3 vols,). There
are interesting sketches, from quite different points of view, by von
Hertling, _Augustinus_ (2nd ed., Mainz, 1904), and Joseph McCabe, _St
Augustine and His Age_ (London, 1902). See also Nourrisson, _La
Philosophie de St Augustin_ (2nd ed., Paris, 1866, 2 vols.); H.A.
Naville, _St Augustin, etude sur la developpement de sa pensee jusqu'a
l'epoque de son ordination_ (Geneva, 1872); Dorner, _Augustinus_
(Berlin, 1873); Reuter, _Augustinische Studien_ (Gotha, 1886); F.
Scheel, _Die Anschauung Augustins uber Christi Person und Werk_
(Tubingen, 1901); A. Hatzfeld, _Saint Augustin_ (6th ed., Paris,
1902); G. von Hertling, _Augustin_ (Mainz, 1902); A. Egger, _Der
heilige Augustinus_ (Kempten, 1904); J.N. Espenberger, _Die Elemente
der Erbsunde nach Augustin und der Fruhscholastik_ (Mainz, 1905); S.
Angus, _The Sources of the First Ten Books of Augustine's De Civitate
Dei_ (Princeton, 1906); and the more modern text-books of the history
of dogma, especially Harnack. (G. K.)

FOOTNOTE:

[1] The reference is to the vision described above.

AUGUSTINE, SAINT (d. c. 613), first archbishop of Canterbury, occupied a position of authority in the monastery of St Andrew at Rome, when Gregory I. summoned him to lead a mission to England in A.D. 596. The apprehensions of Augustine's followers caused him to return to Rome, but the pope furnished him with letters of commendation and encouraged him to proceed. He landed in Thanet in A.D. 597, and was favourably received by Aethelberht, king of Kent, who granted a dwelling-place for the monks in Canterbury, and allowed them liberty to preach. Augustine first made use of the ancient church of St Martin at Canterbury, which before his arrival had been the oratory of the Queen Berhta and her confessor Liudhard. Aethelberht upon his conversion employed all his influence in support of the mission. In 601 Augustine received the pallium from Gregory and was given authority over the Celtic churches in Britain, as well as all future bishops consecrated in English territory, including York. Authority over the see of York was not, however, to descend to Augustine's successors. In 603 he consecrated Christ Church, Canterbury, and built the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul, afterwards known as St Augustine's. At the conference of Augustine's Oak he endeavoured in vain to bring over the Celtic church to the observance of the Roman Easter. He afterwards consecrated Mellitus and Justus to the sees of London and Rochester respectively. The date of his death is not recorded by Bede, but MS. F of the Saxon Chronicle puts it in 614, and the _Annales Monasterienses_ in 612.

See Bede, _Eccl. Hist._ (ed. by Plummer), i. 23-ii. 3.

AUGUSTINIAN CANONS, a religious order in the Roman Catholic Church, called also Austin Canons, Canons Regular, and in England Black Canons, because their cassock and mantle were black, though they wore a white surplice: elsewhere the colour of the habit varied considerably.

The canons regular (see CANON) grew out of the earlier institute of canonical life, in consequence of the urgent exhortations of the Lateran Synod of 1059. The clergy of some cathedrals (in England, Carlisle), and of a great number of collegiate churches all over western Europe, responded to the appeal; and the need of a rule of life suited to the new regime produced, towards the end of the 11th century, the so-called Rule of St Augustine (see AUGUSTINIANS). This Rule was widely adopted by the canons regular, who also began to bind themselves by the vows of poverty, obedience and chastity. In the 12th century this discipline became universal among them; and so arose the order of Augustinian canons as a religious order in the strict sense of the word. They resembled the monks in so far as they lived in community and took religious vows; but their state of life remained essentially clerical, and as clerics their duty was to undertake the pastoral care and serve the parish churches in their patronage. They were bound to the choral celebration of the divine office, and in its general tenor their manner of life differed little from that of monks.

Their houses, at first without bonds between them, soon tended to draw together and coalesce into congregations with corporate organization and codes of constitutions supplementary to the Rule. The popes encouraged these centralizing tendencies; and in 1339 Benedict XII. organized the Augustinian canons on the same general lines as those laid down for the Benedictines, by a system of provincial chapters and visitations.

Some thirty congregations of canons regular of St Augustine are numbered. The most important were: (1) the Lateran canons, formed soon after the synod of 1059, by the clergy of the Lateran Basilica; (2) Congregation of St Victor in Paris, c. 1100, remarkable for the theological and mystical school of Hugh, Richard and Adam of St Victor; (3) Gilbertines (see GILBERT OF SEMPRINGHAM, ST); (4) Windesheim Congregation, c. 1400, in the Netherlands and over north and central Germany (see GROOT, GERHARD), to which belonged Thomas a Kempis; (5) Congregation of Ste Genevieve in Paris, a reform c. 1630. During the later middle ages the houses of these various congregations of canons regular spread all over Europe and became extraordinarily numerous. They underwent the natural and inevitable vicissitudes of all orders, having their periods of depression and degeneracy, and again of revival and reform. The book of Johann Busch, himself a canon of Windesheim, _De Reformatione monasteriorum_, shows that in the 15th century grave relaxation had crept into many monasteries of Augustinian canons in north Germany, and the efforts at reform were only partially successful. The Reformation, the religious wars and the Revolution have swept away nearly all the canons regular, but some of their houses in Austria still exist in their medieval splendour. In England there were as many as 200 houses of Augustinian canons, and 60 of them were among the "greater monasteries" suppressed in 1538-1540 (for list see Tables in F.A. Gasquet's _English Monastic Life_). The first foundation was Holy Trinity, Aldgate, by Queen Maud, in 1108; Carlisle was an English cathedral of Augustinian canons. In Ireland the order was even more numerous, Christ Church, Dublin, being one of their houses. Three houses of the Lateran canons were established in England towards the close of the 19th century. Most of the congregations of Augustinian canons had convents of nuns, called canonesses; many such exist to this day.

See the works of Amort and Du Molinet, mentioned under CANON. Vol. ii.
of Helyot's _Hist. des ordres religieux_ (1792) is devoted to canons
regular of all kinds. The information is epitomized by Max Heimbucher,
_Orden und Kongregationen_, i. (1896), SS 54-60, where copious
references to the literature of the subject are supplied. See also
Otto Zockler, _Askese und Monchtum_, ii. (1897), p. 422; and Wetzer
und Welte, _Kirchenlexicon_ (2nd ed.), art. "Canonici Regulares" and
"Canonissae." For England see J.W. Clark, _Observances in use at the
Augustinian Priory at Barnwell_ (1897); and an article in _Journal of
Theological Studies_ (v.) by Scott Holmes. (E. C. B.)

AUGUSTINIAN HERMITS, or FRIARS, a religious order in the Roman Catholic Church, sometimes called (but improperly) Black Friars (see FRIARS). In the first half of the 13th century there were in central Italy various small congregations of hermits living according to different rules. The need of co-ordinating and organizing these hermits induced the popes towards 1250 to unite into one body a number of these congregations, so as to form a single religious order, living according to the Rule of St Augustine, and called the Order of Augustinian Hermits, or simply the Augustinian Order. Special constitutions were drawn up for its government, on the same lines as the Dominicans and other mendicants--a general elected by chapter, provincials to rule in the different countries, with assistants, definitors and visitors. For this reason, and because almost from the beginning the term "hermits" became a misnomer (for they abandoned the deserts and lived conventually in towns), they ranked among the friars, and became the fourth of the mendicant orders. The observance and manner of life was, relatively to those times, mild, meat being allowed four days in the week. The habit is black. The institute spread rapidly all over western Europe, so that it eventually came to have forty provinces and 2000 friaries with some 30,000 members. In England there were not more than about 30 houses (see Tables in F.A. Gasquet's _English Monastic Life_). The reaction against the inevitable tendencies towards mitigation and relaxation led to a number of reforms that produced upwards of twenty different congregations within the order, each governed by a vicar-general, who was subject to the general of the order. Some of these congregations went in the matter of austerity beyond the original idea of the institute; and so in the 16th century there arose in Spain, Italy and France, Discalced or Barefooted Hermits of St Augustine, who provided in each province one house wherein a strictly eremitical life might be led by such as desired it.

About 1500 a great attempt at a reform of this kind was set on foot among the Augustinian Hermits of northern Germany, and they were formed into a separate congregation independent of the general. It was from this congregation that Luther went forth, and great numbers of the German Augustinian Hermits, among them Wenceslaus Link the provincial, followed him and embraced the Reformation, so that the congregation was dissolved in 1526.

The Reformation and later revolutions have destroyed most of the houses of Augustinian Hermits, so that now only about a hundred exist in various parts of Europe and America; in Ireland they are relatively numerous, having survived the penal times. The Augustinian school of theology (Noris, Berti) was formed among the Hermits. There have been many convents of Augustinian Hermitesses, chiefly in the Barefooted congregations; such convents exist still in Europe and North America, devoted to education and hospital work. There have also been numerous congregations of Augustinian Tertiaries, both men and women, connected with the order and engaged on charitable works of every kind (see TERTIARIES).

See Helyot, _Hist. des ordres religieux_ (1792), iii.; Max Heimbucher,
_Orden und Kongregationen_, i. (1896), S 61-65; Wetzer und Welte,
_Kirchenlexicon_ (2nd ed.), art. "Augustiner"; Herzog,
_Realencyklopadie_ (3rd ed.), art. "Augustiner." The chief book on the
subject is Th. Kolde, _Die deutschen Augustiner-Kongregationen_
(1879). (E. C. B.)

AUGUSTINIANS, in the Roman Catholic Church, a generic name for religious orders that follow the so-called "Rule of St Augustine." The chief of these orders are:--Augustinian Canons (q.v.), Augustinian Hermits (q.v.) or Friars, Premonstratensians (q.v.), Trinitarians (q.v.), Gilbertines (see GILBERT OF SEMPRINGHAM, ST). The following orders, though not called Augustinians, also have St Augustine's Rule as the basis of their life: Dominicans, Servites, Our Lady of Ransom, Hieronymites, Assumptionsts and many others; also orders of women: Brigittines, Ursulines, Visitation nuns and a vast number of congregations of women, spread over the Old and New Worlds, devoted to education and charitable works of all kinds.

See Helyot, _Ordres religieux_ (1792), vols. ii., iii., iv.; Max
Heimbucher, _Orden und Kongregationen_, i. (1896), S 66-85; Wetzer und
Welte, _Kirchenlexicon_, i., 1665-1667.

St Augustine never wrote a Rule, properly so called; but _Ep._ 211 (_al._ 109) is a long letter of practical advice to a community of nuns, on their daily life; and _Serm._ 355, 356 describe the common life he led along with his clerics in Hippo. When in the second half of the 11th century the clergy of a great number of collegiate churches were undertaking to live a substantially monastic form of life (see CANON), it was natural that they should look back to this classical model for clerics living in community. And so attention was directed to St Augustine's writings on community life; and out of them, and spurious writings attributed to him, were compiled towards the close of the 11th century three Rules, the "First" and "Second" being mere fragments, but the "Third" a substantive rule of life in 45 sections, often grouped in twelve chapters. This Third Rule is the one known as "the Rule of St Augustine." Being confined to fundamental principles without entering into details, it has proved itself admirably suited to form the foundation of the religious life of the most varied orders and congregations, and since the 12th century it has proved more prolific than the Benedictine Rule. In an uncritical age it was attributed to St Augustine himself, and Augustinians, especially the canons, put forward fantastic claims to antiquity, asserting unbroken continuity, not merely from St Augustine, but from Christ and the Apostles.

The three Rules are printed in Dugdale, _Monasticon_ (ed. 1846), vi.
42; and in Holsten-Brockie, _Codex Regularum_, ii. 121. For the
literature see Otto Zockler, _Askese und Monchtum_ (1897), pp. 347,
354. (E. C. B.)

AUGUSTOWO, a city of Russian Poland, in the government of Suwalki, 20 m. S. of the town of that name, on a canal (65 m.) connecting the Vistula with the Niemen. It was founded in 1557 by Sigismund II. (Augustus), and is laid out in a very regular manner, with a spacious market-place. It carries on a large trade in cattle and horses, and manufactures linen and huckaback. Pop. (1897) 12,746.

AUGUSTUS (a name[1] derived from Lat. _augeo_, increase, i.e. venerable, majestic, Gr. [Greek: Sebastos]), the title given by the Roman senate, on the 17th of January 27 B.C., to Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus (63 B.C.-A.D. 14), or as he was originally designated, Gaius Octavius, in recognition of his eminent services to the state (_Mon. Anc._ 34), and borne by him as the first of the Roman emperors. The title was adopted by all the succeeding Caesars or emperors of Rome long after they had ceased to be connected by blood with the first Augustus.

Gaius Octavius was born in Rome on the 23rd of September 63 B.C., the year of Cicero's consulship and of Catiline's conspiracy. He came of a family of good standing, long settled at Velitrae (Velletri), but his father was the first of the family to obtain a curule magistracy at Rome and senatorial dignity. His mother, however, was Atia, daughter of Julia, the wife of M. Atius Balbus, and sister of Julius Caesar, and it was this connexion with the great dictator which determined his career. In his fifth year (58 B.C.) his father died; about a year later his mother remarried, and the young Octavius passed under her care to that of his stepfather, L. Marcius Philippus. At the age of twelve (51 B.C.) he delivered the customary funeral panegyric on his grandmother Julia, his first public appearance. On the 18th of October 48 (or ? 47) B.C. he assumed the "toga virilis" and was elected into the pontifical college, an exceptional honour which he no doubt owed to his great-uncle, now dictator and master of Rome. In 46 B.C. he shared in the glory of Caesar's African triumph, and in 45 he was made a patrician by the senate, and designated as one of Caesar's "masters of the horse" for the next year. In the autumn of 45, Caesar, who was planning his Parthian campaign, sent his nephew to study quietly at the Greek colony of Apollonia, in Illyria. Here the news of Caesar's murder reached him and he crossed to Italy. On landing he learnt that Caesar had made him his heir and adopted him into the Julian gens, whereby he acquired the designation of Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus. The inheritance was a perilous one; his mother and others would have dissuaded him from accepting it, but he, confident in his abilities, declared at once that he would undertake its obligations, and discharge the sums bequeathed by the dictator to the Roman people. Mark Antony had possessed himself of Caesar's papers and effects, and made light of his young nephew's pretensions. Brutus and Cassius paid him little regard, and dispersed to their respective provinces. Cicero, much charmed at the attitude of Antonius, hoped to make use of him, and flattered him to the utmost, with the expectation, however, of getting rid of him as soon as he had served his purpose. Octavianus conducted himself with consummate adroitness, making use of all competitors for power, but assisting none. Considerable forces attached themselves to him. The senate, when it armed the consuls against Antonius, called upon him for assistance; and he took part in the campaign in which Antonius was defeated at Mutina (43 B.C.). The soldiers of Octavianus demanded the consulship for him, and the senate, though now much alarmed, could not prevent his election. He now effected a coalition with Antonius and Lepidus, and on the 27th of November 43 B.C. the three were formally appointed a triumvirate for the reconstitution of the commonwealth for five years. They divided the western provinces among them, the east being held for the republic by Brutus and Cassius. They drew up a list of proscribed citizens, and caused the assassination of three hundred senators and two thousand knights. They further confiscated the territories of many cities throughout Italy, and divided them among their soldiers. Cicero was murdered at the demand of Antonius. The remnant of the republican party took refuge either with Brutus and Cassius in the East, or with Sextus Pompeius, who had made himself master of the seas.

Octavianus and Antonius crossed the Adriatic in 42 B.C. to reduce the last defenders of the republic. Brutus and Cassius were defeated, and fell at the battle of Philippi. War soon broke out between the victors, the chief incident of which was the siege and capture by famine of Perusia, and the alleged sacrifice of three hundred of its defenders by the young Caesar at the altar of his uncle. But peace was again made between them (40 B.C.). Antonius married Octavia, his rival's sister, and took for himself the eastern half of the empire, leaving the west to Caesar. Lepidus was reduced to the single province of Africa. Meanwhile Sextus Pompeius made himself formidable by cutting off the supplies of grain from Rome. The triumvirs were obliged to concede to him the islands in the western Mediterranean. But Octavianus could not allow the capital to be kept in alarm for its daily sustenance. He picked a quarrel with Sextus, and when his colleagues failed to support him, undertook to attack him alone. Antonius, indeed, came at last to his aid, in return for military assistance in the campaign he meditated in the East. But Octavianus was well served by the commander of his fleet, M. Vipsanius Agrippa. Sextus was completely routed, and driven into Asia, where he perished soon afterwards (36 B.C.). Lepidus was an object of contempt to all parties, and Octavianus and Antonius remained to fight for supreme power.

The five years (36-31 B.C.) which preceded the decisive encounter between the two rivals were wasted by Antony in fruitless campaigns, and in a dalliance with Cleopatra which shocked Roman sentiment. By Octavian they were employed in strengthening his hold on the West, and his claim to be regarded as the one possible saviour of Rome and Roman civilization. His marriage with Livia (38 B.C.) placed by his side a sagacious counsellor and a loyal ally, whose services were probably as great as even those of his trusted friend Marcus Agrippa. With their help he set himself to win the confidence of a public still inclined to distrust the author of the proscriptions of 43 B.C. Brigandage was suppressed in Italy, and the safety of the Italian frontiers secured against the raids of Alpine tribes on the north-west and of Illyrians on the east, while Rome was purified and beautified, largely with the help of Agrippa (aedile in 33 B.C.). Meanwhile, indignation at Antony's un-Roman excesses, and alarm at Cleopatra's rumoured schemes of founding a Greco-Oriental empire, were rapidly increasing. In 32 B.C. Antony's repudiation of his wife Octavia, sister of Octavian, and the discovery of his will, with its clear proofs of Cleopatra's dangerous ascendancy, brought matters to a climax, and war was declared, not indeed against Antony, but against Cleopatra.

The decisive battle was fought on the 2nd of September 31 B.C. at Actium on the Epirot coast, and resulted in the almost total destruction of Antony's fleet and the surrender of his land forces. Not quite a year later (Aug. 1, 30 B.C.) followed the capture of Alexandria and the deaths by their own hands of Antony and Cleopatra. On the 11th of January 29 B.C. the restoration of peace was marked by the closing of the temple of Janus for the first time for 200 years. In the summer Octavian returned to Italy, and in August celebrated a three days' triumph. He was welcomed, not as a successful combatant in a civil war, but as the man who had vindicated the sovereignty of Rome against its assailants, as the saviour of the republic and of his fellow-citizens, above all as the restorer of peace.

He was now, to quote his own words, "master of all things," and the Roman world looked to him for some permanent settlement of the distracted empire. His first task was the re-establishment of a regular and constitutional government, such as had not existed since Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon twenty years before. To this task he devoted the next eighteen months (Aug. 29-Jan. 27 B.C.). In the article on ROME: _History_ (q.v.), his achievements are described in detail, and only a brief summary need be given here. The "principate," to give the new form of government its most appropriate name, was a compromise thoroughly characteristic of the combination of tenacity of purpose with cautious respect for forms and conventions which distinguished its author. The republic was restored; senate, magistrates and assembly resumed their ancient functions; and the public life of Rome began to run once more in the familiar grooves. The triumvirate with its irregularities and excesses was at an end. The controlling authority, which Octavian himself wielded, could not indeed be safely dispensed with. But henceforward he was to exercise it under constitutional forms and limitations, and with the express sanction of the senate and people. Octavian was legally invested for a period of ten years with the government of the important frontier provinces, with the sole command of the military and naval forces of the state, and the exclusive control of its foreign relations. At home it was understood that he would year by year be elected consul, and enjoy the powers and pre-eminence attached to the chief magistracy of the Roman state. Thus the republic was restored under the presidency and patronage of its "first citizen" (_princeps civitatis_).

In acknowledgment of this happy settlement and of his other services further honours were conferred upon Octavian. On the 13th of January 27 B.C., the birthday of the restored republic, he was awarded the civic crown to be placed over the door of his house, in token that he had saved his fellow-citizens and restored the Republic. Four days later (Jan. 17) the senate conferred upon him the cognomen of Augustus.

But it was not only the machinery of government in Rome that needed repair. Twenty years of civil war and confusion had disorganized the empire, and the strong hand of Augustus, as he must now be called, could alone restore confidence and order. Towards the end of 27 B.C. he left Rome for Gaul, and from that date until October 19 B.C. he was mainly occupied with the reorganization of the provinces and of the provincial administration, first of all in the West and then in the East. It was during his stay in Asia (20 B.C.) that the Parthian king Phraates voluntarily restored the Roman prisoners and standards taken at Carrhae (53 B.C.), a welcome tribute to the respect inspired by Augustus, and a happy augury for the future. In October 19 B.C. he returned to Rome, and the senate ordered that the day of his return (Oct. 12) should thenceforward be observed as a public holiday. The period of ten years for which his _imperium_ had been granted him was nearly ended, and though much remained to be done, very much had been accomplished. The pacification of northern Spain by the subjugation of the Astures and Cantabri, the settlement of the wide territories added to the empire by Julius Caesar in Gaul--the "New Gaul," or the "long-haired Gaul" (Gallia Comata) as it was called by way of distinction from the old province of Gallia Narbonensis (see GAUL)--and the re-establishment of Roman authority over the kings and princes of the Near East, were achievements which fully justified the acclamations of senate and people.

In 18 B.C. Augustus's _imperium_ was renewed for five years, and his tried friend Marcus Agrippa, now his son-in-law, was associated with him as a colleague. From October of 19 B.C. till the middle of 16 B.C. Augustus's main attention was given to Rome and to domestic reform, and to this period belong such measures as the Julian law "as to the marriage of the orders." In June of 17 B.C. the opening of the new and better age, which he had worked to bring about, was marked by the celebration in Rome of the Secular games. The chief actors in the ceremony were Augustus himself and his colleague Agrippa,--while, as the extant record tells us, the processional hymn, chanted by youths and maidens first before the new temple of Apollo on the Palatine and then before the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, was composed by Horace. The hymn, the well-known _Carmen Saeculare_, gives fervent expression to the prevalent emotions of joy and gratitude.

In the next year (16 B.C.), however, Augustus was suddenly called away from Rome to deal with a problem which engrossed much of his attention for the next twenty-five years. The defeat of Marcus Lollius, the legate commanding on the Rhine, by a horde of German invaders, seems to have determined Augustus to take in hand the whole question of the frontiers of the empire towards the north, and the effective protection of Gaul and Italy. The work was entrusted to Augustus's step-sons Tiberius and Drusus. The first step was the annexation of Noricum and Raetia (16-15 B.C.), which brought under Roman control the mountainous district through which the direct routes lay from North Italy to the upper waters of the Rhine and the Danube. East of Noricum Tiberius reduced to order for the time the restless tribes of Pannonia, and probably established a military post at Carnuntum on the Danube. To Drusus fell the more ambitious task of advancing the Roman frontier line from the Rhine to the Elbe, a work which occupied him until his death in Germany in 9 B.C. In 13 B.C. Augustus had returned to Rome; his return, and the conclusion of his second period of rule, were commemorated by the erection of one of the most beautiful monuments of the Augustan age, the Ara Pacis Augustae (see ROMAN ART, Pl. II, III). His _imperium_ was renewed, again for five years, and in 12 B.C., on the death of his former fellow-triumvir Lepidus, he was elected Pontifex Maximus. But this third period of his imperium brought with it losses which Augustus must have keenly felt. Only a few months after his reappointment as Augustus's colleague, Marcus Agrippa, his trusted friend since boyhood, died. As was fully his due, his funeral oration was pronounced by Augustus, and he was buried in the mausoleum near the Tiber built by Augustus for himself and his family. Three years later his brilliant step-son Drusus died on his way back from a campaign in Germany, in which he had reached the Elbe. Finally in 8 B.C. he lost the comrade who next to Agrippa had been the most intimate friend and counsellor of his early manhood, Gaius Cilnius Maecenas, the patron of Virgil and Horace.

For the moment Augustus turned, almost of necessity, to his surviving step-son. Tiberius was associated with him as Agrippa had been in the tribunician power, was married against his will to Julia, and sent to complete his brother Drusus's work in Germany (7-6 B.C.). But Tiberius was only his step-son, and, with all his great qualities, was never a very lovable man. On the other hand, the two sons of Agrippa and Julia, Gaius and Lucius, were of his own blood and evidently dear to him. Both had been adopted by Augustus (178. c.). In 6 B.C. Tiberius, who had just received the tribunician power, was transferred from Germany to the East, where the situation in Armenia demanded attention. His sudden withdrawal to Rhodes has been variously explained, but, in part at least, it was probably due to the plain indications which Augustus now gave of his wish that the young Caesars should be regarded as his heirs. The elder, Gaius, now fifteen years old (5 B.C.), was formally introduced to the people as consul-designate by Augustus himself, who for this purpose resumed the consulship (12th) which he had dropped since 23 B.C., and was authorized to take part in the deliberations of the senate. Three years later (2 B.C.) Augustus, now consul for the 13th and last time, paid a similar compliment to the younger brother Lucius. In 1 B.C. Gaius was given proconsular imperium, and sent to re-establish order in Armenia, and a few years afterwards (A.D. 2) Lucius was sent to Spain, apparently to take command of the legions there. But the fates were unkind; Lucius fell sick and died at Marseilles on his way out, and in the next year (A.D. 3) Gaius, wounded by an obscure hand in Armenia, started reluctantly for home, only to die in Lycia. Tiberius alone was left, and Augustus, at once accepting facts, formally and finally declared him to be his colleague and destined successor (A.D. 4) and adopted him as his son.

The interest of the last ten years of Augustus's life centres in the events occurring on the northern frontier. The difficult task of bringing the German tribes between the Rhine and the Elbe under Roman rule, commenced by Drusus in 13 B.C., had on his death been continued by Tiberius (9-6 B.C.). During Tiberius's retirement in Rhodes no decisive progress was made, but in A.D. 4 operations on a large scale were resumed. From Velleius Paterculus, who himself served in the war, we learn that in the first campaign Roman authority was restored over the tribes between the Rhine and the Weser, and that the Roman forces, instead of returning as usual to their headquarters on the Rhine, went into winter-quarters near the source of the Lippe. In the next year (A.D. 5) the Elbe was reached by the troops, while the fleet, after a hazardous voyage, arrived at the mouth of the same river and sailed some way up it. Both feats are deservedly commemorated by Augustus himself in the Ancyran monument. To complete the conquest of Germany and to connect the frontier with the line of the Danube, it seemed that only one thing remained to be done, to break the power of the Marcomanni and their king Maroboduus. In the spring of A.D. 6 preparations were made for this final achievement; the territory of the Marcomanni (now Bohemia) was to be invaded simultaneously by two columns. One, starting apparently from the headquarters of the army of Upper Germany at Mainz, was to advance by way of the Black Forest and attack Maroboduus on the west; the other, led by Tiberius himself, was to start from the new military base at Carnuntum on the Danube and operate from the south-east.

But the attack was never delivered, for at this moment, in the rear of Tiberius, the whole of Pannonia and Dalmatia burst into a blaze of insurrection. The crisis is pronounced by Suetonius to have been more serious than any which had confronted Rome since the Hannibalic war, for it was not merely the loss of a province but the invasion of Italy that was threatened, and Augustus openly declared in the senate that the insurgents might be before Rome in ten days. He himself moved to Ariminum to be nearer the seat of war, recruiting was vigorously carried on in Rome and Italy, and legions were summoned from Moesia and even from Asia. In the end, and not including the Thracian cavalry of King Rhoemetalces, a force of 15 legions with an equal number of auxiliaries was employed. Even so the task of putting down the insurrection was difficult enough, and it was not until late in the summer of A.D. 9, after three years of fighting, that Germanicus, who had been sent to assist Tiberius, ended the war by the capture of Andetrium in Dalmatia.

Five days later the news reached Rome of the disaster to Varus and his legions, in the heart of what was to have been the new province of Germany beyond the Rhine. The disaster was avowedly due entirely to Varus's incapacity and vanity, and might no doubt have been repaired by leaders of the calibre of Tiberius and Germanicus. Augustus, however, was now seventy-two, the Dalmatian outbreak had severely tried his nerve, and now for the second time in three years the fates seemed to pronounce clearly against a further prosecution of his long-cherished scheme of a Roman Germany reaching to the Elbe.

All that was immediately necessary was done. Recruiting was pressed forward in Rome, and first Tiberius and then Germanicus were despatched to the Rhine. But the German leaders were too prudent to risk defeat, and the Roman generals devoted their attention mainly to strengthening the line of the Rhine.

The defeat of Varus, and the tacit abandonment of the plans of expansion begun twenty-five years before, are almost the last events of importance in the long principate of Augustus. The last five years of his life (A.D. 10-14) were untroubled by war or disaster. Augustus was ageing fast, and was more and more disinclined to appear personally in the senate or in public. Yet in A.D. 13 he consented, reluctantly we are told, to yet one more renewal of his _imperium_ for ten years, stipulating, however, that his step-son Tiberius, himself now over fifty, should be associated with himself on equal terms in the administration of the empire. Early in the same year (January 16, A.D. 13) the last triumph of his principate was celebrated. Tiberius was now in Rome, the command on the Rhine having been given to Germanicus, who went out to it immediately after his consulship (A.D. 12), and the time had come to celebrate the Dalmatian and Pannonian triumph, which the defeat of Varus had postponed. Augustus witnessed the triumphal procession, and Tiberius, as it turned from the Forum to ascend the Capitol, halted, descended from his triumphal car, and did reverence to his adopted father.

One last public appearance Augustus made in Rome. During A.D. 13 he and Tiberius conducted a census of Roman citizens, the third taken by his orders; the first having been in 28 B.C. at the very outset of his rule. The business of the census lasted over into the next year, but on the 11th of May, A.D. 14, before a great crowd in the Campus Martius, Augustus took part in the solemn concluding ceremony of burying away out of sight the old age and inaugurating the new. The ceremony had been full of significance in 28 B.C., and now more than forty years later it was given a pathetic interest by Augustus himself. When the tablets containing the vows to be offered for the welfare of the state during the next lustrum were handed to him, he left the duty of reciting them to Tiberius, saying that he would not take vows which he was never destined to perform.

It was apparently at the end of June or early in July that Augustus left Rome on his last journey. Travelling by road to Astura (Torre Astura) at the southern point of the little bay of Antium, he sailed thence to Capri and to Naples. On his way at Puteoli, the passengers and crew of a ship just come from Alexandria cheered the old man by their spontaneous homage, declaring, as they poured libations, that to him they owed life, safe passage on the seas, freedom and fortune.

At Naples, in spite of increasing disease, he bravely sat out a gymnastic contest held in his honour, and then accompanied Tiberius as far as Beneventum on his way to Brundusium and Illyricum. On his return he was forced by illness to stop at Nola, his father's old home. Tiberius was hastily recalled and had a last confidential talk on affairs of state. Thenceforward, says Suetonius, he gave no more thought to such great affairs. He bade farewell to his friends, inquired after the health of Drusus's daughter who was ill, and then quietly expired in the arms of the wife who for more than fifty years had been his most intimate and trusted guide and counsellor, and to whom his last words were an exhortation to "live mindful of our wedded life." He died on the 19th of August, A.D. 14, in the same room in which his father had died before him, and on the anniversary of his entrance upon his first consulship fifty-seven years before (43 B.C.). The corpse was carried to Rome in slow procession along the Appian Way. On the day of the funeral it was borne to the Campus Martius on the shoulders of senators and there burnt. The ashes were reverently collected by Livia, and placed in the mausoleum by the Tiber which her husband had built for himself and his family. The last act was the formal decree of the senate by which Augustus, like his father Julius before him, was added to the number of the gods recognized by the Roman state.

If we except writers like Voltaire who could see in Augustus only the man who had destroyed the old republic and extinguished political liberty, the verdict of posterity on Augustus has varied just in proportion as his critics have fixed their attention, mainly, on the means by which he rose to power, or the use which he made of the power when acquired. The lines of argument followed respectively by friendly and hostile contemporaries immediately after his death (Tac. _Ann_. i. 9, 10) have been followed by later writers with little change. But of late years, our increasing mistrust of the current gossip about him, and our increased knowledge of the magnitude of what he actually accomplished, have conspicuously influenced the judgments passed upon him. We allow the faults and crimes of his early manhood, his cruelties and deceptions, his readiness to sacrifice everything that came between him and the end he had in view. On the other hand, a careful study of what he achieved between the years 38 B.C., when he married Livia, and his death in A.D. 14, is now held to give him a claim to rank, not merely as an astute and successful intriguer, or an accomplished political actor, but as one of the world's great men, a statesman who conceived and carried through a scheme of political reconstruction which kept the empire together, secured peace and tranquillity, and preserved civilization for more than two centuries.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--The most comprehensive work on Augustus and his age is
that of V. Gardthausen, _Augustus und seine Zeit_ (2 vols., Leipzig,
1891-1904), which deals with all aspects of Augustus's life, vol. ii.
consisting of elaborate critical and bibliographical notes. See also
histories of Rome generally, and among special works:--E.S.
Shuckburgh, _Augustus_ (London, 1903; reviewed by F.T. Richards in
_Class. Rev._ vol. xviii.), containing the text of the _Monumentum
Ancyranum_ (see also Gardthausen, book xiii.); J.B. Firth, _Augustus
Caesar_ (London, 1903), in "Heroes of the Nations" series; O. Seeck,
"Kaiser Augustus" (_Monographien zur Weltgeschichte_, xvii., 1902),
nine essays on special problems, e.g. the campaigns of Mutina, Perusia
and against Sextus Pompeius, "das Augustische Zeitalter"; A. Dumeril,
"Auguste et la fondation de l'empire romain," in the _Annales de la
Fac. des lett. de Bordeaux_ (1890); a suggestive monograph on the
reforms of Augustus in relation to the decrease of population is Jules
Ferlet's _L'Abaissement de la natalite a Rome_ (Paris, 1902).
(H. F. P.)

FOOTNOTE:

[1] On the name see Neumann, in Pauly-Wissowa's _Realencyclopadie f.
cl. alterth._, s.v. 2374.

AUGUSTUS I. (1526-1586), elector of Saxony, was the younger son of Henry, duke of Saxony, and consequently belonged to the Albertine branch of the Wettin family. Born at Freiberg on the 31st of July 1526, and brought up as a Lutheran, he received a good education and studied at the university of Leipzig. When Duke Henry died in 1541 he decreed that his lands should be divided equally between his two sons, but as his bequest was contrary to law, it was not carried out, and the dukedom passed almost intact to his elder son, Maurice. Augustus, however, remained on friendly terms with his brother, and to further his policy spent some time at the court of the German king, Ferdinand I., in Vienna. In 1544 Maurice secured the appointment of his brother as administrator of the bishopric of Merseburg; but Augustus was very extravagant and was soon compelled to return to the Saxon court at Dresden. Augustus supported his brother during the war of the league of Schmalkalden, and in the policy which culminated in the transfer of the Saxon electorate from John Frederick I., the head of the Ernestine branch of the Wettin family, to Maurice. On the 7th of October 1548 Augustus was married at Torgau to Anna, daughter of Christian III., king of Denmark, and took up his residence at Weissenfels. But he soon desired a more imposing establishment. The result was that Maurice made more generous provision for his brother, who acted as regent of Saxony in 1552 during the absence of the elector. Augustus was on a visit to Denmark when by Maurice's death in July 1553 he became elector of Saxony.