Chapter I: Sociology and the Social Sciences2 (3)

b) Problems of policy, in the sense in which that term is used here, are political and legislative. Most social investigations in recent years have been made in the interest of some legislative program or for the purpose of creating a more intelligent public opinion in regard to certain local problems. The social surveys conducted by the Sage Foundation, as distinguished from those carried out by the New York Bureau of Municipal Research, have been concerned with problems of policy, i.e., with changing the character and policy of social institutions rather than improving their efficiency. This distinction between administration and policy is not always clear, but it is always important. Attempts at reform usually begin with an effort to correct administrative abuses, but eventually it turns out that reforms must go deeper and change the character of the institutions themselves.

c) Problems of human nature are naturally fundamental to all other social problems. Human nature, as we have begun to conceive it in recent years, is largely a product of social intercourse; it is, therefore, quite as much as society itself, a subject for sociological investigation. Until recent years, what we are now calling the human factor has been notoriously neglected in most social experiments. We have been seeking to reform human nature while at the same time we refused to reckon with it. It has been assumed that we could bring about social changes by merely formulating our wishes, that is, by "arousing" public opinion and formulating legislation. This is the "democratic" method of effecting reforms. The older "autocratic" method merely decreed social changes upon the authority of the monarch or the ruling class. What reconciled men to it was that, like Christian Science, it frequently worked.

The oldest but most persistent form of social technique is that
of "ordering-and-forbidding"--that is, meeting a crisis by an
arbitrary act of will decreeing the disappearance of the
undesirable or the appearance of the desirable phenomena, and
the using arbitrary physical action to enforce the decree. This
method corresponds exactly to the magical phase of natural
technique. In both, the essential means of bringing a
determined effect is more or less consciously thought to reside
in the act of will itself by which the effect is decreed as
desirable and of which the action is merely an indispensable
vehicle or instrument; in both, the process by which the cause
(act of will and physical action) is supposed to bring its
effect to realization remains out of reach of investigation; in
both, finally, if the result is not attained, some new act of
will with new material accessories is introduced, instead of
trying to find and remove the perturbing causes. A good
instance of this in the social field is the typical legislative
procedure of today.[45]

2. _Types of social group._--The varied interests, fields of investigation, and practical programs which find at present a place within the limits of the sociological discipline are united in having one common object of reference, namely, _the concept of the social group_. All social problems turn out finally to be problems of group life, although each group and each type of group has its own distinctive problems. Illustrations may be gathered from the most widely separated fields to emphasize the truth of this assertion.[46]

Religious conversion may be interpreted from one point of view as a change from one social group to another. To use the language of religious sentiment, the convert "comes out of a life of sin and enters into a life of grace." To be sure, this change involves profound disturbances of the personality, but permanence of the change in the individual is assured by the breaking up of the old and the establishment of new associations. So the process by which the immigrant makes the transition from the old country to the new involves profound changes in thought and habit. In his case the change is likely to take place slowly, but it is not less radical on that account.

The following paragraph from a recent social survey illustrates, from a quite different point of view, the manner in which the group is involved in changes in community life.

In short, the greatest problem for the next few years in
Stillwater is the development of a _community consciousness_.
We must stop thinking in terms of city of Stillwater, and
country outside of Stillwater, and think in terms of
_Stillwater Community_. We must stop thinking in terms of small
groups and think in terms of the entire community, no matter
whether it is industry, health, education, recreation or
religion. Anything which is good will benefit the entire
community. Any weakness will be harmful to all. Community
co-operation in all lines indicated in this report will make
this, indeed, the Queen of the St. Croix.[47]

In this case the solution of the community problem was the creation of "community consciousness." In the case of the professional criminal the character of the problem is determined, if we accept the description of a writer in the _Atlantic Monthly_, by the existence among professional criminals of a primary group consciousness:

The professional criminal is peculiar in the sense that he
lives a very intense emotional life. He is isolated in the
community. He is in it, but not of it. His social life--for all
men are social--is narrow; but just because it is narrow, it is
extremely tense. He lives a life of warfare and has the
psychology of the warrior. He is at war with the whole
community. Except his very few friends in crime he trusts no
one and fears everyone. Suspicion, fear, hatred, danger,
desperation and passion are present in a more tense form in his
life than in that of the average individual. He is restless,
ill-humored, easily roused and suspicious. He lives on the
brink of a deep precipice. This helps to explain his passionate
hatred, his brutality, his fear, and gives poignant
significance to the adage that dead men tell no tales. He holds
on to his few friends with a strength and passion rare among
people who live a more normal existence. His friends stand
between him and discovery. They are his hold upon life, his
basis of security.

Loyalty to one's group is the basic law in the underworld.
Disloyalty is treason and punishable by death; for disloyalty
may mean the destruction of one's friends; it may mean the
hurling of the criminal over the precipice on which his whole
life is built.

To the community the criminal is aggressive. To the criminal
his life is one of defense primarily. The greater part of his
energy, of his hopes, and of his successes, centres around
escapes, around successful flight, around proper covering-up of
his tracks, and around having good, loyal, and trustworthy
friends to participate in his activities, who will tell no
tales and keep the rest of the community outside. The criminal
is thus, from his own point of view--and I am speaking of
professional criminals--living a life of defensive warfare with
the community; and the odds are heavy against him. He therefore
builds up a defensive psychology against it--a psychology of
boldness, bravado, and self-justification. The good
criminal--which means the successful one, he who has most
successfully carried through a series of depradations against
the enemy, the common enemy, the public--is a hero. He is
recognized as such, toasted and feasted, trusted and obeyed.
But always by a little group. They live in a world of their
own, a life of their own, with ideals, habits, outlook,
beliefs, and associations which are peculiarly fitted to
maintain the morale of the group. Loyalty, fearlessness,
generosity, willingness to sacrifice one's self, perseverance
in the face of prosecution, hatred of the common enemy--these
are the elements that maintain the morale, but all of them are
pointed against the community as a whole.[48]

The manner in which the principle of the primary group was applied at Sing Sing in dealing with the criminal within the prison walls is a still more interesting illustration of the fact that social problems are group problems.[49]

Assuming, then, that every social group may be presumed to have its own (a) administrative, (b) legislative, and (c) human-nature problems, these problems may be still further classified with reference to the type of social group. Most social groups fall naturally into one or the other of the following classes:

a) The family.

b) Language (racial) groups.

c) Local and territorial communities: (i) neighborhoods, (ii) rural communities, (iii) urban communities.

d) Conflict groups: (i) nationalities, (ii) parties, (iii) sects, (iv) labor organizations, (v) gangs, etc.

e) Accommodation groups: (i) classes, (ii) castes, (iii) vocational, (iv) denominational groups.

The foregoing classification is not quite adequate nor wholly logical. The first three classes are more closely related to one another than they are to the last two, i.e., the so-called "accommodation" and "conflict" groups. The distinction is far-reaching, but its general character is indicated by the fact that the family, language, and local groups are, or were originally, what are known as primary groups, that is, groups organized on intimate, face-to-face relations. The conflict and accommodation groups represent divisions which may, to be sure, have arisen within the primary group, but which have usually arisen historically by the imposition of one primary group upon another.

Every state in history was or is a _state of classes_, a polity
of superior and inferior social groups, based upon distinctions
either of rank or of property. This phenomenon must, then, be
called the "State."[50]

It is the existence at any rate of conflict and accommodation within the limits of a larger group which distinguishes it from groups based on primary relations, and gives it eventually the character described as "secondary."

When a language group becomes militant and self-conscious, it assumes the character of a nationality. It is perhaps true, also, that the family which is large enough and independent enough to be self-conscious, by that fact assumes the character of a clan. Important in this connection is the fact that a group in becoming group-conscious changes its character. External conflict has invariably reacted powerfully upon the internal organization of social groups.

Group self-consciousness seems to be a common characteristic of conflict and accommodation groups and distinguishes them from the more elementary forms of society represented by the family and the local community.

3. _Organization and structure of social groups._--Having a general scheme for the classification of social groups, it is in order to discover methods of analysis that are applicable to the study of all types of groups, from the family to the sect. Such a scheme of analysis should reveal not only the organization and structure of typical groups, but it should indicate the relation of this organization and structure to those social problems that are actual and generally recognized. The sort of facts which are now generally recognized as important in the study, not merely of society, but the problems of society are:

a) Statistics: numbers, local distribution, mobility, incidence of births, deaths, disease, and crime.

b) Institutions: local distribution, classification (i.e., (i) industrial, (ii) religious, (iii) political, (iv) educational, (v) welfare and mutual aid), communal organization.

c) Heritages: the customs and traditions transmitted by the group, particularly in relation to religion, recreation and leisure time, and social control (politics).

d) Organization of public opinion: parties, sects, cliques, and the press.

4. _Social process and social progress._--Social process is the name for all changes which can be regarded as changes in the life of the group. A group may be said to have a life when it has a history. Among social processes we may distinguish (a) the historical, (b) the cultural, (c) the political, and (d) the economic.

a) We describe as historical the processes by which the fund of social tradition, which is the heritage of every permanent social group, is accumulated and transmitted from one generation to another.

History plays the rôle in the group of memory in the individual. Without history social groups would, no doubt, rise and decline, but they would neither grow old nor make progress.

Immigrants, crossing the ocean, leave behind them much of their local traditions. The result is that they lose, particularly in the second generation, that control which the family and group tradition formerly exercised over them; but they are, for that very reason, all the more open to the influence of the traditions and customs of their adopted country.

b) If it is the function of the historical process to accumulate and conserve the common fund of social experience, it is the function of the cultural process to shape and define the social forms and the social patterns which each preceding generation imposes upon its successors.

The individual living in society has to fit into a pre-existing
social world, to take part in the hedonistic, economic,
political, religious, moral, aesthetic, intellectual activities
of the group. For these activities the group has objective
_systems_, more or less complex sets of schemes, organized
either by traditional association or with a conscious regard to
the greatest possible efficiency of the result, but with only a
secondary, or even with no interest in the particular desires,
abilities and experiences of the individuals who have to
perform these activities.

There is no pre-existing harmony whatever between the
individual and the social factors of personal evolution, and
the fundamental tendencies of the individual are always in some
disaccordance with the fundamental tendencies of social
control. Personal evolution is always a struggle between the
individual and society--a struggle for self-expression on the
part of the individual, for his subjection on the part of
society--and it is in the total course of this struggle that
the personality--not as a static "essence" but as a dynamic,
continually evolving set of activities--manifests and
constructs itself.[51]

c) In general, standards of behavior that are in the mores are not the subject of discussion, except so far as discussion is necessary to determine whether this or that act falls under one or the other of the accepted social sanctions. The political as distinguished from the cultural process is concerned with just those matters in regard to which there is division and difference. Politics is concerned with issues.

The Negro, particularly in the southern states, is a constant theme of popular discussion. Every time a Negro finds himself in a new situation, or one in which the white population is unaccustomed to see him, the thing provokes comment in both races. On the other hand, when a southerner asks the question: "Would you want your daughter to marry a Negro?" it is time for discussion to cease. Any questions of relations between the races can always be immediately disposed of as soon as it is seen to come, directly or indirectly, under the intolerable formula. Political questions are matters of compromise and expediency. Miscegenation, on the other hand, is contrary to the mores. As such the rule against it is absolute.

The political process, by which a society or social group formulates its wishes and enforces them, goes on within the limits of the mores and is carried on by public discussion, legislation, and the adjudication of the courts.

d) The economic process, so far as it can be distinguished from the production and distribution of goods, is the process by which prices are made and an exchange of values is effected. Most values, i.e., my present social status, my hopes of the future, and memory of the past, are personal and not values that can be exchanged. The economic process is concerned with values that can be treated as commodities.

All these processes may, and do, arise within most but not every society or social group. Commerce presupposes the freedom of the individual to pursue his own profit, and commerce can take place only to the extent and degree that this freedom is permitted. Freedom of commerce is, however, limited on the one hand by the mores and on the other by formal law, so that the economic process takes place ordinarily within limitations that are defined by the cultural and the political processes. It is only where there is neither a cultural nor a political order that commerce is absolutely free.

The areas of (1) the cultural, (2) the political, (3) the economic processes and their relations to one another may be represented by concentric circles.

In this representation the area of widest cultural influences is coterminous with the area of commerce, because commerce in its widest extension is invariably carried on under some restraints of custom and customary law. Otherwise it is not commerce at all, but something predacious outside the law. But if the area of the economic process is almost invariably coterminous with the widest areas of cultural influence, it does not extend to the smaller social groups. As a rule trade does not invade the family. Family interests are always personal even when they are carried on under the forms of commerce. Primitive society, within the limits of the village, is usually communistic. All values are personal, and the relations of individuals to one another, economic or otherwise, are preordained by custom and law.

The impersonal values, values for exchange, seem to be in any given society or social group in inverse relation to the personal values.

The attempt to describe in this large way the historical, cultural, political, and economic processes, is justified in so far as it enables us to recognize that the aspects of social life, which are the subject-matter of the special social sciences, i.e., history, political science, and economics, are involved in specific forms of change that can be viewed abstractly, formulated, compared, and related. The attempt to view them in their interrelations is at the same time an effort to distinguish and to see them as parts of one whole.

a = area of most extended cultural influences and of commerce; b = area of formal political control; c = area of purely personal relationships, communism.]

In contrast with the types of social change referred to there are other changes which are unilateral and progressive; changes which are described popularly as "movements," mass movements. These are changes which eventuate in new social organizations and institutions.

All more marked forms of social change are associated with certain social manifestations that we call social unrest. Social unrest issues, under ordinary conditions, as an incident of new social contacts, and is an indication of a more lively tempo in the process of communication and interaction.

All social changes are preceded by a certain degree of social and individual disorganization. This will be followed ordinarily under normal conditions by a movement of reorganization. All progress implies a certain amount of disorganization. In studying social changes, therefore, that, if not progressive, are at least unilateral, we are interested in:

(1) Disorganization: accelerated mobility, unrest, disease, and crime as manifestations and measures of social disorganization.

(2) Social movements (reorganization) include: (a) crowd movements (i.e., mobs, strikes, etc.); (b) cultural revivals, religious and linguistic; (c) fashion (changes in dress, convention, and social ritual); (d) reform (changes in social policy and administration); (e) revolutions (changes in institutions and the mores).

5. _The individual and the person._--The person is an individual who has status. We come into the world as individuals. We acquire status, and become persons. Status means position in society. The individual inevitably has some status in every social group of which he is a member. In a given group the status of every member is determined by his relation to every other member of that group. Every smaller group, likewise, has a status in some larger group of which it is a part and this is determined by its relation to all the other members of the larger group.

The individual's self-consciousness--his conception of his rôle in society, his "self," in short--while not identical with his personality is an essential element in it. The individual's conception of himself, however, is based on his status in the social group or groups of which he is a member. The individual whose conception of himself does not conform to his status is an isolated individual. The completely isolated individual, whose conception of himself is in no sense an adequate reflection of his status, is probably insane.

It follows from what is said that an individual may have many "selves" according to the groups to which he belongs and the extent to which each of these groups is isolated from the others. It is true, also, that the individual is influenced in differing degrees and in a specific manner, by the different types of group of which he is a member. This indicates the manner in which the personality of the individual may be studied sociologically.

Every individual comes into the world in possession of certain characteristic and relatively fixed behavior patterns which we call instincts. This is his racial inheritance which he shares with all members of the species. He comes into the world, also, endowed with certain undefined capacities for learning other forms of behavior, capacities which vary greatly in different individuals. These individual differences and the instincts are what is called original nature.[52]

Sociology is interested in "original nature" in so far as it supplies the raw materials out of which individual personalities and the social order are created. Both society and the persons who compose society are the products of social processes working in and through the materials which each new generation of men contributes to it.

Charles Cooley, who was the first to make the important distinction between primary and secondary groups, has pointed out that the intimate, face-to-face associations of primary groups, i.e., the family, the neighborhood, and the village community, are fundamental in forming the social nature and ideals of the individual.[53]

There is, however, an area of life in which the associations are more intimate than those of the primary group as that group is ordinarily conceived. Such are the relations between mother and child, particularly in the period of infancy, and the relations between men and women under the influence of the sexual instinct. These are the associations in which the most lasting affections and the most violent antipathies are formed. We may describe it as the area of touch relationships.

Finally, there is the area of secondary contacts, in which relationships are relatively impersonal, formal, and conventional. It is in this region of social life that the individual gains, at the same time, a personal freedom and an opportunity for distinction that is denied him in the primary group.

As a matter of fact, many, if not most, of our present social problems have their source and origin in the transition of great masses of the population--the immigrants, for example--out of a society based on primary group relationships into the looser, freer, and less controlled existence of life in great cities.

The "moral unrest" so deeply penetrating all western societies,
the growing vagueness and indecision of personalities, the
almost complete disappearance of the "strong and steady
character" of old times, in short, the rapid and general
increase of Bohemianism and Bolshevism in all societies, is an
effect of the fact that not only the early primary group
controlling all interests of its members on the general social
basis, not only the occupational group of the mediaeval type
controlling most of the interests of its members on a
professional basis, but even the special modern group dividing
with many others the task of organizing permanently the
attitudes of each of its members, is more and more losing
ground. The pace of social evolution has become so rapid that
special groups are ceasing to be permanent and stable enough to
organize and maintain organized complexes of attitudes of their
members which correspond to their common pursuits. In other
words, society is gradually losing all its old machinery for
the determination and stabilization of individual
characters.[54]

Every social group tends to create, from the individuals that compose it, its own type of character, and the characters thus formed become component parts of the social structure in which they are incorporated. All the problems of social life are thus problems of the individual; and all problems of the individual are at the same time problems of the group. This point of view is already recognized in preventive medicine, and to some extent in psychiatry. It is not yet adequately recognized in the technique of social case work.

Further advance in the application of social principles to social practice awaits a more thoroughgoing study of the problems, systematic social research, and an experimental social science.

REPRESENTATIVE WORKS IN SYSTEMATIC SOCIOLOGY AND METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH

I. THE SCIENCE OF PROGRESS

(1) Comte, Auguste. _Cours de philosophie positive_, 5th ed. 6 vols. Paris, 1892.

(2) ----. _Positive Philosophy._ Translated by Harriet Martineau, 3d ed. London, 1893.

(3) Spencer, Herbert. _Principles of Sociology._ 3d ed. 3 vols. New York, 1906.

(4) Schaeffle, Albert. _Bau und Leben des socialen Körpers._ 2d ed., 2 vols. Tuebingen, 1896.

(5) Lilienfeld, Paul von. _Gedanken über die Socialwissenschaft der Zukunft._ 5 vols. Mitau, 1873-81.

(6) Ward, Lester F. _Dynamic Sociology._ 2 vols. New York, 1883.

(7) De Greef, Guillaume. _Introduction à la sociologie._ 3 vols. Paris, 1886.

(8) Worms, René. _Organisme et société._ Paris, 1896.

II. THE SCHOOLS

A. _Realists_

(1) Ratzenhofer, Gustav. _Die sociologische Erkenntnis._ Leipzig, 1898.

(2) Small, Albion W. _General Sociology._ Chicago, 1905.

(3) Durkheim, Émile. _De la Division du travail social._ Paris, 1893.

(4) Simmel, Georg. _Soziologie._ Untersuchungen über die Formen der Vergesellschaftung. Leipzig, 1908.

(5) Cooley, Charles Horton. _Social Organization._ A study of the larger mind. New York, 1909.

(6) Ellwood, Charles A. _Sociology and Its Psychological Aspects._ New York and London, 1912.

B. _Nominalists_

(1) Tarde, Gabriel. _Les Lois de l'imitation._ Paris, 1895.

(2) Giddings, Franklin H. _The Principles of Sociology._ New York, 1896.

(3) Ross, Edward Alsworth. _The Principles of Sociology._ New York, 1920.

C. _Collective Behavior_

(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. New York, 1903.

(2) Sighele, Scipio. _Psychologie des sectes._ Paris, 1898.

(3) Tarde, Gabriel. _L'Opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901.

(4) McDougall, William. _The Group Mind._ Cambridge, 1920.

(5) Vincent, George E. _The Social Mind and Education._ New York, 1897.

III. METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION

A. _Critical Observation on Methods of Research_

(1) Small, Albion W. _The Meaning of Social Science._ Chicago, 1910.

(2) Durkheim, Émile. _Les Règles de la méthode sociologique._ Paris, 1904.

(3) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America._ "Methodological Note," I, 1-86. 5 vols. Boston, 1918-20.

B. _Studies of Communities_

(1) Booth, Charles. _Labour and Life of the People: London._ 2 vols. London, 1891.

(2) ----. _Life and Labour of the People in London._ 9 vols. London, 1892-97. 8 additional vols. London, 1902.

(3) _The Pittsburgh Survey._ Edited by Paul U. Kellogg. 6 vols. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1909-14.

(4) _The Springfield Survey._ Edited by Shelby M. Harrison. 3 vols. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1918-20.

(5) _Americanization Studies of the Carnegie Corporation of New York._ Edited by Allen T. Burns. 10 vols. New York, 1920-21.

(6) Chapin, F. Stuart. _Field Work and Social Research._ New York, 1920.

C. _Studies of the Individual_

(1) Healy, William. _The Individual Delinquent._ Boston, 1915.

(2) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America._ "Life Record of an Immigrant," Vol. III. Boston, 1919.

(3) Richmond, Mary. _Social Diagnosis._ Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1917.

IV. PERIODICALS

(1) _American Journal of Sociology._ Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1896-.

(2) _American Sociological Society, Papers and Proceedings._ Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1907-.

(3) _Annales de l'institut international de sociologie._ Paris, M. Giard et Cie., 1895.

(4) _L'Année sociologique._ Paris, F. Alcan, 1898-1912.

(5) _The Indian Journal of Sociology._ Baroda, India, The College, 1920-.

(6) _Kölner Vierteljahrshefte für Sozialwissenschaften._ Leipzig and München, Duncker und Humblot, 1921-.

(7) _Rivista italiana di sociologia._ Roma, Fratelli Bocca, 1897-.

(8) _Revue del'institut de sociologie._ Bruxelles, l'Institut de Sociologie, 1920-. [Successor to _Bulletin del'institut de sociologie Solvay_. Bruxelles, 1910-14.]

(9) _Revue internationale de sociologie._ Paris, M. Giard et Cie., 1893-.

(10) _The Sociological Review._ Manchester, Sherratt and Hughes, 1908-. [Preceded by Sociological Papers, Sociological Society, London, 1905-7.]

(11) _Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im deutschen Reiche._ Leipzig, Duncker und Humblot, 1877-.

(12) _Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft._ Berlin, G. Reimer, 1898-.

TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES

1. Comte's Conception of Humanity

2. Herbert Spencer on the Social Organism

3. The Social Process as Defined by Small

4. Imitation and Like-mindedness as Fundamental Social Facts

5. Social Control as a Sociological Problem

6. Group Consciousness and the Group Mind

7. Investigation and Research as Illustrated by the Pittsburgh Survey and the Carnegie Americanization Studies

8. The Concept of the Group in Sociology

9. The Person, Personality, and Status

10. Sociology in Its Relation to Economics and to Politics

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. What do you understand was Comte's purpose in demanding for sociology a place among the sciences?

2. Are social phenomena susceptible to scientific prevision? Compare with physical phenomena.

3. What is Comte's order of the sciences? What is your explanation for the late appearance of sociology in the series?

4. What do you understand by the term "positive" when applied to the social sciences?

5. Can sociology become positive without becoming experimental?

6. "Natural science emphasizes the abstract, the historian is interested in the concrete." Discuss.

7. How do you distinguish between the historical method and the method of natural science in dealing with the following phenomena: (a) electricity, (b) plants, (c) cattle, (d) cities?

8. Distinguish between history, natural history, and natural science.

9. Is Westermarck's _Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_ history, natural history, or sociology? Why?

10. "History is past politics, politics is present history." Do you agree? Elaborate your position.

11. What is the value of history to the person?

12. Classify the following formulas of behavior under either (a) natural law (social law in the scientific sense), and (b) moral law (customary sanction, ethical principles), (c) civil law: "birds of a feather flock together"; "thou shalt not kill"; an ordinance against speeding; "honesty is the best policy"; monogamy; imitation tends to spread in geometric ratio; "women first"; the Golden Rule; "walk in the trodden paths"; the federal child-labor statute.

13. Give an illustration of a sociological hypothesis.

14. Of the following statements of fact, which are historical and which sociological?

Auguste Comte suffered from myopia.

"Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains."

"Science works not at all for nationality or its spirit. It makes entirely for cosmopolitanism."

15. How would you verify each of the foregoing statements? Distinguish between the sociological and historical methods of verification.

16. Is the use of the comparative method that of history or that of natural science?

17. "The social organism: humanity or Leviathan?" What is your reaction to this alternative? Why?

18. What was the difference in the conception of the social organism held by Comte and that held by Spencer?

19. "How does a mere collection of individuals succeed in acting in a corporate and consistent way?" What was the answer to this question given by Hobbes, Aristotle, Worms?

20. "Man and society are at the same time products of nature and of human artifice." Explain.

21. What are the values and limitations of the following explanations of the control of the group over the behavior of its members: (a) homogeneity, (b) like-mindedness, (c) imitation, (d) common purpose?

22. What bearing have the facts of a panic or a stampede upon the theories of like-mindedness, imitation, and common purpose as explanations of group behavior?

23. "The characteristic social phenomenon is just this control by the group as a whole of the individuals which compose it. This fact of control is the fundamental social fact." Give an illustration of the control of the group over its members.

24. What is the difference between group mind and group consciousness as indicated in current usage in the phrases "urban mind," "rural mind," "public mind," "race consciousness," "national consciousness," "class consciousness"?

25. What do you understand by "a group in being"? Compare with the nautical expression "a fleet in being." Is "a fleet in being" a social organism? Has it a "social mind" and "social consciousness" in the sense that we speak of "race consciousness", for example, or "group consciousness"?

26. In what sense is public opinion objective? Analyze a selected case where the opinion of the group as a whole is different from the opinion of its members as individuals.

27. For what reason was the fact of "social control" interpreted in terms of "the collective mind"?

28. Which is the social reality (a) that society is a collection of like-minded persons, or (b) that society is a process and a product of interaction? What is the bearing upon this point of the quotation from Dewey: "Society may fairly be said to exist in transmission"?

29. What three steps were taken in the transformation of sociology from a philosophy of history to a science of society?

30. What value do you perceive in a classification of social problems?

31. Classify the following studies under (a) administrative problems or (b) problems of policy or (c) problems of human nature: a survey to determine the feasibility of health insurance to meet the problem of sickness; an investigation of the police force; a study of attitudes toward war; a survey of the contacts of racial groups; an investigation for the purpose of improving the technique of workers in a social agency; a study of the experiments in self-government among prisoners in penal institutions.

32. Is the description of great cities as "social laboratories" metaphor or fact?

33. What do you understand by the statement: Sociology will become an experimental science as soon as it can state its problems in such a way that the results in one instance show what can be done in another?

34. What would be the effect upon political life if sociology were able to predict with some precision the effects of political action, for example, the effect of prohibition?

35. Would you favor turning over the government to control of experts as soon as sociology became a positive science? Explain.

36. How far may the politician who makes a profession of controlling elections be regarded as a practicing sociologist?

37. What is the distinction between sociology as an art and as a science?

38. Distinguish between research and investigation as the terms are used in the text.

39. What illustrations in American society occur to you of the (a) autocratic and (b) democratic methods of social change?

40. "All social problems turn out finally to be problems of group life." Are there any exceptions?

41. Select twelve groups at random and enter under the heads in the classification of social groups. What groups are difficult to classify?

42. Study the organization and structure of one of the foregoing groups in terms of (a) statistical facts about it; (b) its institutional aspect; (c) its heritages; and (d) its collective opinion.

43. "All progress implies a certain amount of disorganization." Explain.

44. What do you understand to be the differences between the various social processes: (a) historical, (b) cultural, (c) economic, (d) political?

45. What is the significance of the relative diameters of the areas of the cultural, political, and economic processes?

46. "The person is an individual who has status." Does an animal have status?

47. "In a given group the status of every member is determined by his relation to every other member of that group." Give an illustration.

48. Why are the problems of the person, problems of the group as well?

49. What does the organization of the bibliography and the sequence of the volumes referred to suggest in regard to the development of sociological science?

50. How far does it seem to you that the emphasis upon process rather than progress accounts for the changes which have taken place in the sociological theory and point of view?

FOOTNOTES:

[2] From Robert E. Park, "Sociology and the Social Sciences," _American Journal of Sociology_, XXVI (1920-21), 401-24; XXVII (1921-22), 1-21; 169-83.

[3] Harriet Martineau, _The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte_, freely translated and condensed (London, 1893), II, 61.

[4] Harriet Martineau, _op. cit._, II, 59-61.

[5] Montesquieu, Baron M. de Secondat, _The Spirit of Laws_, translated by Thomas Nugent (Cincinnati, 1873), I, xxxi.

[6] David Hume, _Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding_, Part II, sec. 7.

[7] Condorcet, _Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrès de l'esprit humain_ (1795), 292. See Paul Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie_ (Leipzig, 1897), Part I, pp. 21-23.

[8] _Oeuvres de Saint-Simon et d'Enfantin_ (Paris, 1865-78), XVII, 228. Paul Barth, _op. cit._, Part I, p. 23.

[9] Henry Adams, _The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma_ (New York, 1919), p. 126.

[10] James Harvey Robinson, _The New History, Essays Illustrating the Modern Historical Outlook_ (New York, 1912), pp. 54-55.

[11] James Harvey Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 83.

[12] Wilhelm Windelband, _Geschichte und Naturwissenschaft, Rede zum Antritt des Rectorats der Kaiser-Wilhelms Universität Strassburg_ (Strassburg, 1900). The logical principle outlined by Windelband has been further elaborated by Heinrich Rickert in _Die Grenzen der naturwissenschaftlichen Begriffsbildung, eine logische Einleitung in die historischen Wissenschaften_ (Tübingen u. Leipzig, 1902). See also Georg Simmel, _Die Probleme der Geschichtsphilosophie, eine erkenntnistheoretische Studie_ (2d ed., Leipzig, 1915).

[13] J. Arthur Thomson, _The System of Animate Nature_ (New York, 1920), pp. 8-9. See also Karl Pearson, _The Grammar of Science_ (2d ed.; London, 1900), chap. iii, "The Scientific Law."

[14] Karl Pearson, _op. cit._, p. 359.

[15] Henry Adams, _op. cit._, p. 127.

[16] Professor Robertson Smith (_Nature_, XLIV, 270), criticizing Westermarck's _History of Human Marriage_, complains that the author has confused history with natural history. "The history of an institution," he writes, "which is controlled by public opinion and regulated by law is not natural history. The true history of marriage begins where the natural history of pairing ends.... To treat these topics (polyandry, kinship through the female only, infanticide, exogamy) as essentially a part of the natural history of pairing involves a tacit assumption that the laws of society are at bottom mere formulated instincts, and this assumption really underlies all our author's theories. His fundamental position compels him, if he will be consistent with himself, to hold that every institution connected with marriage that has universal validity, or forms an integral part of the main line of development, is rooted in instinct, and that institutions which are not based on instinct are necessarily exceptional and unimportant for scientific history."

[17] Edward Westermarck, _The History of Human Marriage_ (London, 1901), p. 1.

[18] _Ibid._, p. 5.

[19] Jane Ellen Harrison, _Themis_, _A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion_ (Cambridge, 1912), p. ix.

[20] Robert H. Lowie, _Primitive Society_ (New York, 1920), pp. 7-8.

[21] Wilhelm Wundt, _Völkerpsychologie, eine Untersuchung der Entwicklungsgesetze von Sprache, Mythus und Sitte_. Erster Band, _Die Sprache_, Erster Theil (Leipzig, 1900), p. 13. The name folk-psychology was first used by Lazarus and Steinthal, _Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, I, 1860. Wundt's folk-psychology is a continuation of the tradition of these earlier writers.

[22] G. Tarde, _Social Laws, An Outline of Sociology_, translated from the French by Howard C. Warren (New York, 1899), pp. 40-41.

[23] Hanns Oertel, "Some Present Problems and Tendencies in Comparative Philology," _Congress of Arts and Science, Universal Exposition, St. Louis, 1904_ (Boston, 1906), III, 59.

[24] Edward A. Freeman, _Comparative Politics_ (London, 1873), p. 23.

[25] L. Lévy-Bruhl, _The Philosophy of Auguste Comte_, authorized translation; an Introduction by Frederic Harrison (New York, 1903), p. 337.

[26] _Ibid._, p. 234.

[27] Hobbes's statement is as follows: "For by art is created that great _Leviathan_ called a _Commonwealth_, or _State_, in Latin _Civitas_, which is but an artificial man; though of greater stature and strength than the natural, for whose protection and defence it was intended; and in which the _sovereignty_ is an artificial _soul_, as giving life and motion to the whole body; the _magistrates_, and other _officers_ of judicature, artificial _joints_; _reward_ and _punishment_, by which fastened to the seat of the sovereignty every joint and member is moved to perform his duty, are the _nerves_, that do the same in the body natural." Spencer criticizes this conception of Hobbes as representing society as a "factitious" and artificial rather than a "natural" product. Herbert Spencer, _The Principles of Sociology_ (London, 1893), I, 437, 579-80. See also chap. iii, "Social Growth," pp. 453-58.

[28] Herbert Spencer, _op. cit._, I, 437.

[29] _Ibid._, p. 440.

[30] _Ibid._, p. 450.

[31] _Ibid._, pp. 449-50.

[32] _Westminster Review_, January, 1860.

[33] René Worms, _Organisme et Société_, "Bibliothèque Sociologique Internationale" (Paris, 1896), pp. 210-13.

[34] W. Trotter, _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_ (New York, 1916), pp. 29-30.

[35] _Ibid._, pp. 40-41.

[36] Franklin Henry Giddings, _The Concepts and Methods of Sociology_, Congress of Arts and Science, Universal Exposition (St. Louis, 1904), pp. 789-90.

[37] G. Tarde, _op. cit._, pp. 38-39.

[38] Émile Durkheim, _Elementary Forms of Religious Life_ (New York, 1915), pp. 206-8.

[39] John Dewey, _Democracy and Education_ (New York, 1916), p. 5.

[40] _Ibid._, pp. 6-7.

[41] Émile Durkheim, "Représentations individuelles et représentations collectives," _Revue métaphysique_, VI (1898), 295. Quoted and translated by Charles Elmer Gehlke, "Émile Durkheim's Contributions to Sociological Theory," _Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law_, LXIII, 29-30.

[42] Bliss Perry, _The American Mind_ (Boston, 1912), p. 47.

[43] James Mark Baldwin, _Mental Development in the Child and the Race_ (New York and London, 1895); Charles A. Ellwood, _Sociology in Its Psychological Aspects_ (New York and London, 1912).

[44] _Labour and Life of the People_ (London, 1889), I, pp. 6-7.

[45] Thomas and Znaniecki, _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America_ (Boston, 1918), I, 3.

[46] Walter B. Bodenhafer, "The Comparative Rôle of the Group Concept in Ward's Dynamic Sociology and Contemporary American Sociology," _American Journal of Sociology_, XXVI (1920-21), 273-314; 425-74; 588-600; 716-43.

[47] _Stillwater, the Queen of the St. Croix_, a report of a social survey, published by The Community Service of Stillwater, Minnesota, 1920, p. 71.

[48] Frank Tannenbaum, "Prison Democracy," _Atlantic Monthly_, October, 1920, pp. 438-39. (Psychology of the criminal group.)

[49] _Ibid._, pp. 443-46.

[50] Franz Oppenheimer, _The State_ (Indianapolis, 1914), p. 5.

[51] Thomas and Znaniecki, _op. cit._, III, 34-36.

[52] Original nature in its relation to social welfare and human progress has been made the subject-matter of a special science, eugenics. For a criticism of the claims of eugenics as a social science see Leonard T. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_ (Columbia University Press, 1917).

[53] Charles H. Cooley, _Social Organization_, p. 28.

[54] Thomas and Znaniecki, _op. cit._, III, 63-64.