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Chapter I: Part 1

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* * * * *

CALVIN TO EDWARD VI., KING OF ENGLAND

July 4 1552--British Museum

_Eng^d. by_ *****

[Transcriber: handwritten letter follows]

_See Note, Page 10_

Presbyterian Board of Publication]

LETTERS

OF

JOHN CALVIN

COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS AND
EDITED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES

BY

DR. JULES BONNET.

VOL. I.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN AND FRENCH.

PHILADELPHIA:
PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION,
NO. 821 CHESTNUT STREET.

Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
JAMES DUNLAP, TREAS.,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District
of Pennsylvania.

ADVERTISEMENT.

John Calvin, the profound scholar, the exact theologian, the enlightened statesman, and the eminent Reformer, exerted an influence on the age in which he lived, which, instead of being diminished by the lapse of three centuries, must continue and increase while the great truths, involving the present and future interests of mankind, which he so lucidly and energetically enforced, shall be incorporated with human enlightenment and progress. The results of his indefatigable labours, as published to the world in his Institutes, Commentaries, and Sermons, are familiar to the students of theology; but his correspondence, so illustrative of his personal character, and the history of the times in which he lived, has never, until now, been collected and made accessible to the public. The Rev. Dr. Jules Bonnet, with the approbation of the French government, has with untiring and enthusiastic ardour, explored the hidden archives, and with such gratifying success, that four volumes of Calvin's Letters are now ready for the press.

As these Letters were written in Latin and French, it was at once seen to be important that English and American readers, who most thoroughly appreciate the character of this distinguished man, should have easy access to them in their own vernacular. They have accordingly been rendered into English under the immediate inspection of Mr. Bonnet. The first two volumes were published in Edinburgh, when circumstances, unnecessary to detail, arrested the further prosecution of the work.

A benevolent gentleman in New York proposed to purchase the copy-right of the Letters and transfer it to the Presbyterian Board of Publication. The arrangement has been completed, and to that Board, if we should not say to this country, is to be due the credit of first ushering to the world the rich and varied correspondence of one of the greatest and best men of the old world. The enterprise will be an expensive one, and it will require a liberal patronage. To the students of ecclesiastical history, the work will, in a certain sense, be indispensable; but every Presbyterian, who can command the means, should lend his aid to give success to the noble project. It should be mentioned, in this connection, that the truly estimable collector of the Letters, although he can never hope for any adequate pecuniary remuneration for his great labour, is exceedingly anxious that an edition of the Letters in their _original_ form should be published in Europe, and the gratification of this hope will very much depend on the successful sale of these volumes in this country. The Presbyterian Board of Publication have been solely actuated by public considerations in their participation in the publication, and it will afford them much pleasure, if it can possibly be done, to aid Mr. Bonnet in executing his original intention.

EDITOR OF THE BOARD.

PREFACE.

It was but a few days before his death, and in the course of one of the latest conversations handed down to us by Theodore Beza, that Calvin, pointing with failing hand to his most precious furniture, his manuscripts, and the archives of the correspondence that, during a quarter of a century, he had kept up with the most illustrious personages of Europe, requested that these memorials might be carefully preserved, and that a selection from his letters, made by some of his friends, should be presented to the Reformed Churches, in token of the interest and affection of their founder.[1]

[1] "migraturus ad deum johannes calvinus, quum de commodis ecclesiæ
ne tunc quidem cogitare desincret, sua mihi κειμήλια, id est
schedarum ingentem acervum commendavit ut si quid in iis invenissem
quo juvari possent ecclesiæ, id quoque in lucem ederetur."--th. de
bèze to the elector palatine, 1st february 1575. this letter is
printed as a preface to calvin's latin correspondence.

This request of the dying Reformer, although treasured in the heart and memory of him who had succeeded to his plans and carried on his work, received but an imperfect fulfilment in the sixteenth century. The times were adverse, and the accomplishment of the duty was difficult. The plague, which had broken out for the third time at Geneva, and carried off thousands of victims; the great disasters, public and private; the shock of the painful events that had been occurring in France from the breaking out of the Civil War to the Massacre of St. Bartholomew; even the scruples of friendship, heightened by the perils that threatened the city of the Reformation itself, all seemed to conspire against the execution of Calvin's wish. "Without speaking," says Beza, "of the assistance that was indispensable for the examination of so extensive a correspondence, or of the time required for so laborious an undertaking, the calamities that befell our city, the plague that raged for many years, the convulsions of a neighbouring country, have more than once interrupted the progress of the work. The selection of the letters also involved great difficulties, at a time when men were predisposed to judge harshly and unfairly. There are many things that may be said or written in the familiar intercourse of sincere and ingenuous friendship, such as Calvin's, which can hardly be given to the public without inconvenience. We were obliged in our work to have respect to persons, times, and places."[2] These scruples of an earnest and respectful disciple, anxious to avoid all collision with his contemporaries and at the same time to render justice to a great name, would be out of place now; but they were legitimate in an age of revolutions, when words were swords, and when the war of opinion, often sanguinary, outlasting its originators, was perpetuated in their writings.

[2] "Multa quippe familiaritor inter amicos dici scribique
consueverunt, præsertim ab ingenui spiritus hominibus, qualis fuit
Calvinus si quisquam nostris temporibus alius, quæ minime expediat
emanare. Et habenda quoque nobis fuit non modo personarum, verum
etiam temporum et locorum ratio."--Letter already cited.

Still it must be owned, that notwithstanding all these difficulties, the friends of Calvin did not shrink from the performance of their duty. Deeply impressed with the importance of the mission intrusted to them, they applied themselves to their task with religious fidelity. By their care, the originals or the copies of a vast number of letters addressed to France, England, Germany, and Switzerland, were collected at Geneva, and added to the precious deposit already confided to them. The archives of the city of Calvin received this treasure and preserved it faithfully through the storm that fell upon the churches of France, destroying or dispersing in foreign lands so many pages of their annals. By a remarkable dispensation, Geneva, the holy city of French Protestantism, the seminary of her ministers, of her doctors, and of her martyrs, after having conferred upon her, by the hand of Calvin, her creed and her form of worship, was also to preserve for her the titles of her origin and of her history. These titles are gloriously inscribed in the noble collection of autograph letters of the Reformer, for which we are indebted to the pious care of some refugees of the sixteenth century, whose names are almost lost in the lustre of those of Calvin and Beza, but whose services cannot be forgotten without ingratitude. Let us at least recall with a fitting tribute of grateful respect, the names of Jean de Budé, Laurent de Normandie, and especially of Charles de Jonvillers.

It is to the latter mainly that we must ascribe the honour of the formation of the magnificent epistolary collection that now adorns the Library of Geneva. Born of a noble family in the neighbourhood of Chartres, and carried across the Alps by the irresistible necessity of confessing the faith which he had embraced with all the ardour of youth, Charles de Jonvillers found in the affection of Calvin, a compensation for the voluntary sacrifice of fortune and country. Admitted, with his young patrician countrymen--the élite of the Reformed party--to the intimacy of the Reformer, he devoted himself with filial reverence and unbounded attachment to the great man whose faith and energy, moulding a rebellious people, had transformed an obscure Alpine city into a metropolis of the human mind. He became his secretary, after the celebrated lawyer, François Baudouin, and the minister Nicholas des Gallars, and henceforward assisted him in his laborious correspondence, followed him to the Auditoire and the Academy, and took down during Calvin's Lectures those luminous Commentaries, which were afterwards dedicated to the most illustrious personages of the age, and which modern theology has never surpassed.

Such was the man to whom the friendship of Calvin and the confidence of Beza assigned the great and laborious task of preparing for publication the Letters of the Reformer. He brought to it the zeal of a disciple and the filial reverence of a son who forgets himself in the execution of a sacred will; undertaking distant journeys to ensure its fulfilment, seeking everywhere for those precious documents in which were preserved the thoughts of the venerated master he had lost; and transcribing a vast number of letters with his own hand; supported in these costly and difficult researches by the consciousness of a duty accepted in humility and performed with faithfulness.[3] This labour, early commenced and pursued for twenty years under the vigilant superintendence of Beza, was the origin of the collection of Calvin's Latin Correspondence published in 1575; a faithful but incomplete tribute to the memory of the Reformer by his disciples--an unfinished monument, which might indeed suffice the generation that was contemporary with the Reformation, but which is insufficient to satisfy the curiosity of our own.[4]

[3] "Ad eam rem unius præcipue Caroli Jonvillæi istarum rerum
custodis fidem, diligentiam, operam denique nobis appositissimam
fuisse profitemur."--Advertisement of Bèze to the reader.

[4] It is the collection intitled:--_Calvini Epistolæ et Responsa
quibus interjectæ sunt insignium in Ecclesia Dei virorun aliquot
etiam Epistolæ_, first published at Geneva, in 1575, reprinted in
the following year at Lausanne, and inserted with some additions in
the collection of Calvin's Works, _Calvini Opera_, tom. ix., edit.
d'Amsterdam, 1671. This latter edition, one of the sources of the
work which we now present to the public, comprises about 420 letters
or memoirs, of which 284 are letters of the Reformer.

Nearly three centuries had passed away without adding anything to the work of Charles de Jonvillers and Beza. The Letters published by their care have been the common source from which the apologists and the adversaries of the Reformation have alike drawn; while the numerous unpublished documents preserved in the Library of Geneva, or collected in the Libraries of Zurich, Gotha, and Paris, have been forgotten. It was reserved for the present age to rescue these from unmerited oblivion, and thus to open up for history a mine of information hitherto unexplored.

And here justice compels us to acknowledge, with gratitude, the obligations of this unpublished correspondence to the recent labours and investigations of several distinguished Protestant authors. We refer especially to the "Life of Calvin," by Dr. Paul Henry of Berlin,--a pious monument raised in honour of the Reformer by a descendant of the refugees, and enriched with a number of Letters from the libraries of France and Switzerland;[5] to the learned researches of Professor Bretschneider, the editor of the Gotha Letters;[6] the important work of Ruchat,[7] re-edited by the talented continuator of the great historian Jean de Müller, Professor Vulliemin of Lausanne, with an extensive Appendix, containing precious fragments of Calvin's French Correspondence, reproduced in the "Chronicle" of M. Crottet.[8] And now, having made these acknowledgments, we may legitimately claim for ourselves the privilege of offering to the public, for the first time, a general and authentic collection of Calvin's Correspondence, the greater part of which has, up to the present time, been buried in the dust of libraries, and altogether unpublished.

[5] _Das Leben Calvins_, 3 vols. in 8vo. Hambourg, 1835-1842.

[6] _Johannis Calvini, Bezæ, aliorumque litteræ quædam nondum
editæ_, 1 vol. in 8vo. Leipsic, 1835. Published on the occasion of
the Reformation Jubilee at Geneva.

[7] _Histoire de la Réformation en Suisse_, 7 vols. in 8vo.
Lausanne, 1838.

[8] _Petite Chronique Protestante de France_, XVI^e Siècle; 1 vol.
in 8vo. Paris, 1846.

This collection is the result of five years of study and research among the archives of Switzerland, France, Germany, and England. Charged by the French Government, at the suggestion of M. Mignet, under the liberal administration of two eminent ministers, MM. de Salvandy and de Falloux, with a scientific mission that enabled us to gather the first materials of a correspondence, the richest depositories of which were in foreign countries, and sustained in our labours by the cordial sympathy of those most distinguished in the world of science and literature, we have spared nothing that might ensure the completeness of a collection which throws so much light on the history of the great religious revolution of the sixteenth century.

The correspondence of Calvin begins in his youth and is only closed on his deathbed, (May 1528 to May 1564.) It thus embraces, with few intervals, all the phases of his life; from the obscure scholar of Bourges and Paris escaping from the stake by flying into exile, to the triumphant Reformer, who was able in dying, to contemplate his work as accomplished. Nothing can exceed the interest of this correspondence, in which an epoch and a life of the most absorbing interest are reflected in a series of documents equally varied and genuine; and in which the familiar effusions of friendship are mingled with the more serious questions of theology, and with the heroic breathings of faith. From his bed of suffering and of continued labours, Calvin followed with an observant eye the great drama of the Reformation, marking its triumphs and its reverses in every State of Europe. Invested, in virtue of his surpassing genius, with an almost universal apostolate, he wielded an influence as varied and as plastic as his activity. He exhorts with the same authority the humble ministers of the Gospel and the powerful monarchs of England, Sweden, and Poland. He holds communion with Luther and Melanchthon, animates Knox, encourages Coligny, Condé, Jeanne d' Albret, and the Duchess of Ferrara; while in his familiar letters to Farel, Viret, and Theodore Beza, he pours out the overflowings of a heart filled with the deepest and most acute sensibility. The same man, worn by watchings and sickness, but rising by the energy of the soul above the weakness of the body, overturns the party of the Libertines, lays the foundations of the greatness of Geneva, establishes foreign churches, strengthens the martyrs, dictates to the Protestant princes the wisest and most perspicuous counsels; negotiates, argues, teaches, prays, and with his latest breath, gives utterance to words of power, which posterity receives as the political and religious testament of the man.

These indications are sufficient to show the interest that attaches to the correspondence of the Reformer. It is the common inheritance of the countries emancipated by the Reformation and still animated by its spirit; as well as of all the Churches, however diverse in origin and varying in their confessions of faith, which manifest to the world the spiritual unity of the Church of Christ. England's portion in this precious legacy is neither the least, nor the least interesting. Observant of the great work of religious Reformation which, since the time of Wicliff, had been going on in that country, and which was destined to have the singular privilege of placing the civil and political liberties of the nation in the glorious keeping of the Gospel, Calvin condemned with great severity the spiritual tyranny of Henry the Eighth, and the endeavours of that prince to substitute a sanguinary imperial popedom for that of Rome. During the reign of his successor, he exercises a marked influence in the councils of the crown, and traces with vigorous hand, for the Duke of Somerset, a plan of religious reformation in which the conservative spirit is happily blended with the liberal and progressive tendency. He addresses the young King Edward VI., so prematurely withdrawn from the love of his subjects, in a strain of exhortation dictated by paternal solicitude and respectful affection:--"It is a great thing to be a king, and especially of such a country; and yet I doubt not that you regard it as above all comparison greater to be a Christian. It is, indeed, an inestimable privilege that God has granted to you, Sire, that you should be a Christian King, and that you should serve him as his lieutenant to uphold the kingdom of Jesus Christ in England."[9]--The death of this young King, so well fitted to carry out the designs of Providence for his people, and the restoration of Popery under Mary, heavily afflicted Calvin. He rejoices in the accession of Elizabeth, freely exhorts her ministers, and his advice, dictated by a wisdom and prescience to which time has set its seal, furnishes the most remarkable proof of the faith and the genius of the Reformer.

[9] We give here entire the striking passage, of which a fac-simile
will be found at the commencement of this volume.--"Or au pseaulme
présent il est parlé de la noblesse et dignité de l'Eglise, laquelle
doit tellement ravir à soy et grans et petits que tous les biens
et honueurs de la terre ne les retiennent, ny empeschent qu'ils ne
prétendent à ce but d'estre enrolléz au peuple de Dieu. C'est grand
chose d'estre Roy, mesme d'un tel païs; toutefois je ne doubte pas
que vous n'estimiez sans comparaison mieux d'estre Chrestien. C'est
doncq un privilège inestimable que Dieu vous a faict, Sire, que vous
soiez Roy Chréstien, voire que vous luy serviez de lieutenant pour
ordonner et maintenir le Royaulme de Jésus Christ en Angleterre."

Having pointed out the historical value of this correspondence, it may not be out of place to refer to its literary merit. Trained in the twofold school of profane and sacred Antiquity, of the Church and of the world, Calvin's Latin is that of a contemporary of Cicero or of Seneca, whose graceful and concise style he reproduces without effort. He writes in French as one of the creators of that language, which is indebted to him for some of its finest characteristics. Writing before Montaigne, he may be regarded as the precursor and the model of that great school of the seventeenth century which could only fight him with weapons from his own armoury, and which could not surpass him either in loftiness of thought or in stately majesty of style. The French letters of Calvin, worthy of the author of the immortal preface to the "Christian Institutes," contain many admirable passages hitherto unknown, and are models of eloquence: they will be found in this Collection interspersed with the Latin Correspondence from which they were detached in the original Paris edition, and will present, in chronological order, a series of moral and religious studies--a genuine portrait of the Reformer drawn by his own hand, in the original documents, which we now, for the first time, present to the historian.

The seasonableness of such a publication cannot be denied. The great debate ever pending between the Papacy and the Reformation is renewed in our days with fresh vigour in almost all the countries of Europe. Attack provokes defence; and in the strife of opinion, the rights of justice and of truth are too frequently disregarded. While some rare spirits, enlightened by the study of history, or the attentive observation of the effect of the dogmas of either religion on the moral conduct of its votaries, rise superior to the mists of prejudice and form a judgment which is moulding that of posterity,[10] the adepts of a school, unhappily celebrated as the admirers of excesses which the sincere disciples of Christianity or of philosophy have alike reproved, have nought but malediction and insult for the glorious Revolution stamped by the names of Luther and of Calvin. Never, perhaps, were detraction and outrage let loose with such fury against these great deliverers of conscience; never have their intentions been so audaciously misrepresented, their actions so grossly caricatured.[11] To the falsehoods of a party that shrinks not from slander, let us oppose the impartial evidence of history; let us learn from these great men themselves what they desired, what they did, what they suffered; and let us seek from them alone the secret of the Revolution which they achieved.

[10] It is only necessary to quote the names of the two illustrious
French historians, M. Guizot and M. Miguet, who in their writings
have rendered a respectful homage to the religious and moral
influence of the Reformation. A distinguished writer, M. Charles de
Rémusat, has lately published, under the title of "De la Réforme et
du Protestantisme," an eloquent paper, which might well inaugurate a
new era of justice and impartiality in historical writing.

[11] We need only name "L'Histoire de Calvin," by M. Audin, in
itself entirely devoid of truthfulness, and the fruitful source of
calumnious and lying pamphlets against the memory of the Reformer.

The Correspondence of Calvin will, we believe, throw a fresh light upon those grave questions which Modern Science, worthy of the name, now proposes to herself with a desire for impartial justice which does her honour. It is by this sentiment that we may venture to say we have been animated, in the course of the long researches which have enabled us to offer this collection to the public. Guided solely by the love of truth, and shrinking from no revelation that was guarantied by authentic documents, we have rejected no sources of information, nor omitted any evidence. Our ambition has been to make Calvin live again in his letters--to shew him as he was, with his austere and inflexible convictions, which yet were far from intolerant, in the intercourse of friendship and the freedom of the domestic circle--with that stern self-sacrifice of his life to duty which alone explains its power and excuses its errors--with the failings which were the heritage of his times and those which were peculiar to himself. History, interrogated in original documents, is not a panegyric; it throws no veil over the shortcomings of its heroes, but it remembers that they are men, and draws lessons alike from their infirmities and from their greatness.

We cannot close this Preface without offering the tribute of our sincere gratitude to those friends in England and on the Continent whose kind encouragement has favoured the publication. And we would address our first acknowledgments to the Librarians of the Continental Libraries, who eagerly placed at our disposal the whole MS. collections committed to their charge. We have pleasure in paying the same tribute to one of the most distinguished citizens of Geneva, Colonel Henri Tronchin, who so liberally opened to us the precious documents that have been transmitted to him through a series of illustrious ancestors; and we regard it as a peculiar privilege to record our obligations, while at Geneva, to the encouraging kindness of two men eminent in her sacred literature, M. le Pasteur Gaussen, and to the learned historian of the Reformation, M. le Docteur Merle d'Aubigné, whose patronage, which was given as a matter of course to the publication of Calvin's Correspondence, has been the means of attracting to us valuable sympathies in the United States, in England, and in that noble country of Scotland, where the name of Calvin, gloriously associated with that of Knox, receives an honourable tribute in the labours of a Society devoted to the translation of his writings. It is with heartfelt satisfaction that we inscribe on the first page of the collection, and recall in one grateful thought, the names of the three generous patrons of the undertaking, Mr. Douglas of Cavers, Mr. Henderson of Park, and Mr. James Lenox of New York.

Our personal thanks we may surely be permitted to offer to the translator of the work. Nothing could exceed the difficulty of rendering Calvin's letters in English, and of harmonizing the antique style of the originals with the structure of a modern language. We believe that this difficulty has been happily overcome by the translator, who has devoted himself with persevering ardour, and with a sort of filial piety, to a work requiring so great an amount of patience and of learning. If, through the transparent mirror of a scrupulously faithful translation, the reader is enabled to follow the grave religious beauty of the originals,--if he is brought, as it were, into communion with the soul of Calvin himself, in the fine and varied effusions of his correspondence, he will be indebted for this privilege to the labour of Mr. Constable, revised by the Rev. Dr. Cunningham, Principal of the New College, Edinburgh, with a degree of watchful care and enlightened solicitude that cannot be too highly appreciated.[12]

[12] Mr. Constable translated only the first two volumes, which were
published in Edinburgh.--EDITOR OF THE BOARD.

And thus the wish expressed by Calvin on his deathbed, and forgotten during three centuries, is now realized for Britain as well as for France. His memory loses nothing from these tardy revelations, and the only testimony worthy of him is that of truth. This is the testimony that appears in every page of his correspondence. In so far as we have been his faithful interpreters we are happy if, according to the measure of our poor ability, we have been permitted, not to glorify a man, but to glorify God himself, in the life of one of his chosen instruments for the accomplishment of one of the noblest acts in the providential drama of history.

* * * * *

The English edition of Calvin's collected Correspondence will form four volumes similar to the present, and will contain at least 600 letters, the greater part of which are now published for the first time. An appendix at the end of the work will give, in chronological order, and with a summary of their contents, a list of those letters which it has been thought unnecessary to include in this edition, but which those who may desire to do so, will have an opportunity of consulting in the complete edition of the originals, in course of publication in Paris.

CONTENTS.

1528.

LETTER PAGE

I. TO NICHOLAS DUCHEMIN.--Calvin at the University of
Orleans--his early friendships--he is recalled to
Noyon by the illness of his father, 25

1529.

II. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--Calvin in Paris--Nicholas
Cop--the two friends visit a monastery, 27

III. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--Thanks to Francis Daniel--
salutations to Melchior Wolmar--various messages, 29

1530.

IV. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--Domestic intelligence--departure
to Italy of the brother of Francis Daniel, 30

1532.

V. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--Calvin's first work--Commentary
on Seneca's Treatise, "De Clementia," 31

VI. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--Calvin despatches copies of the
Treatise, "De Clementia," to several persons--
looks for lodgings in Paris, 32

VII. TO DR. MARTIN BUCER.--Recommendation of a French
refugee in Strasbourg, who had been falsely
accused of holding the doctrines of the
Anabaptists, 33

1533.

VIII. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--Various communications--a new
work put forth, 35

IX. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--The Reformation in Paris--rage
of the Sorbonne--satirical Comedy directed against
the Queen of Navarre--intervention of Francis I.--
deliberation of the Four Faculties--revocation of
the censure pronounced against the book entitled
"The Mirror of the Sinful Soul," 36

1534.

X. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--Retirement of Calvin to
Angoulême, 41

XI. TO CHRISTOPHER LIBERTET.--Calvin in Basle--revision
of the Bible of Robert Olivetan--treatise on the
Immortality of the Soul, 42

1536.

XII. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.--Calvin in Geneva--translation into
French of the "Christian Institutes"--disputation of
Lausanne--establishment of the doctrines of the
Reformation in the Pays de Vaud, 44

1537.

XIII. TO MEGANDER.--Calvin and Caroli encounter each other--
prayers for the dead--the Genevese clergy accused
of Arianism--need of a synod, 47

XIV. TO VIRET.--Preaching of the Gospel at Besançon--
ecclesiastical intelligence--discouragement of
Farel--necessity for the return of Viret to
Geneva, 51

XV. TO SIMON GRYNEE.--The nature of the controversy
between Calvin and Caroli clearly laid open--
Synod of Lausanne--Caroli is condemned, and the
teaching of Calvin and Farel solemnly approved, 53

XVI. TO THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH AT BASLE.--Persecution
in France--request addressed to the Seigneury of
Basle in favour of the faithful of the Church at
Nismes, 58

1538.

XVII. TO LOUIS DU TILLET.--Departure of Louis du Tillet
from Geneva--regret of Calvin--controversy between
the two friends regarding the character of the
Church of Jesus Christ, 60

XVIII. TO HENRY BULLINGER.--State of the Church at
Geneva--wish for the union of the Reformed
Churches--mention of Luther, 65

XIX. TO HENRY BULLINGER.--Synod of Zurich--attempt at
reconciliation between the banished ministers
and the town of Geneva, 68

XX. TO PETER VIRET.--Arrival of Farel and Calvin at
Basle, 69

XXI. TO LOUIS DU TILLET.--Journey of Calvin to
Strasbourg--project of a new Assembly at
Zurich--policy of the Bernese--in his retirement
Calvin breathes freely--news from France, 71

XXII. TO WILLIAM FAREL.--Farel called as minister to the
Church of Neuchatel--sad condition of the Church
at Geneva--uncertainty of Calvin--Bucer's urgency
to draw him to Strasbourg, 73

XXIII. TO FAREL.--New efforts of the ministers of
Strasbourg to attract Calvin thither--the
plague at Basle--detail of the death of a
nephew of Farel, 77

XXIV. TO FAREL.--Calvin at Strasbourg--negotiations
between Bucer and the Magistrates of Geneva--
first preaching of Calvin in the French Church--
Anabaptists of Metz, 80

XXV. TO THE CHURCH OF GENEVA.--Letter of consolation and
advice addressed to the Church at Geneva, deprived
of her faithful pastor--testimonies of his
innocence--confidence in God--trust for the
future, 82

XXVI. TO FAREL.--Conferences of Basle--absence of the
theologians of Zurich and of Berne--the minister
Konzen--complaints against Bucer--a wish for the
establishment of Ecclesiastical discipline--
celebration of the Supper in the French Church
of Strasbourg--the news of Germany and the
Netherlands--question addressed to Melanchthon--
domestic affairs, 89

XXVII. TO LOUIS DU TILLET.--Reply to doubts as to the
lawfulness of his call--inward assurance of his
calling--declines the kind offer of Louis du
Tillet--appeals to the tribunal of God from
the accusation of schism charged on him by his
friend, 94

XXVIII. TO FAREL.--Death of Courault--Calvin's discouragement
and trust in God--answers a question of Saunier
regarding the Supper--the faithful at Geneva
exhorted not to separate from the new preachers--
affectionate advice given to Farel, 99

1539.

XXIX. TO FAREL.--Second edition of the "Christian
Institutes"--death of Robert Olivetan--state of
religion in Germany--first lectures of Calvin at
Strasbourg, 104

XXX. TO FAREL.--Fruitless efforts for the union of the
two Churches--synod of Zurich--Bullinger's
distrust of Bucer--parallel between Luther and
Zuingli--Calvin thinks of marrying--news of
Germany--policy of the ecclesiastical Electors--
French Church of Strasbourg--conversion of two
Anabaptists, 107

XXXI. TO BULLINGER.--Excuses his long silence--evidences
of brotherly affection--justifies Bucer--his
desire for the union of the Church of Zurich with
that of Strasbourg, 112

XXXII. TO FAREL.--Departure of Calvin for the Assembly of
Frankfort--the question of Ecclesiastical
property--news of Geneva--opening of the
religious conferences at Frankfort--disposition
of the Roman Catholic princes and Protestants in
Germany--policy of Charles V.--Reformation in
England--remarkable judgment on Henry VIII., 116

XXXIII. TO FAREL.--Conclusion of the Assembly at
Frankfort--attitude of the Protestant princes--
conversations between Calvin and Melanchthon on
ecclesiastical discipline--opinion of the
latter--of Capito--various details, 128

XXXIV. TO FAREL.--Numerous occupations of Calvin--news of
Germany--firmness of the Senate of Strasbourg, 132

XXXV. TO FAREL.--Union of the Swiss Churches--first steps
for the recall of Calvin to Geneva--some details
concerning his ministry and his straitened
circumstances--Lutheran ceremonies--the Church
property--renewal of the League of Smalkald--
constancy of the German princes--example of
fidelity to the cause of Christ on the part of
the town of Strasbourg, 133

XXXVI. TO FAREL.--Ecclesiastical news of Switzerland--
destitution of the minister Megander--complaints
addressed to Bucer--further projects of marriage
on the part of Calvin, 139

XXXVII. TO THE CHURCH OF GENEVA.--Recommends anew the
counsel of peace and brotherly agreement to the
Church of Geneva, 142

XXXVIII. TO FAREL.--Journey of Farel to Strasbourg--scanty
remunerationof Calvin--sale of his books, 149

XXXIX. TO FAREL.--Reconciliation of Farel with Caroli--
intercession of the Senate of Strasbourg in favour
of the French Protestants--answer of Calvin to the
letter of Cardinal Sadolet, 150

XL. TO FAREL.--Caroli at Strasbourg--proceedings of
Sturm and Bucer for the reconciliation with
Calvin, 151

XLI. TO FAREL.--Farther details of the reconciliation
of Calvin with Caroli--the minister Alexander--a
lecture of Bucer--negotiations of the Protestant
Princes of Germany--their answer to Henry VIII.--
French translation of the epistle to Sadolet, 157

XLII. TO FAREL.--Caroli--encounter between William du
Bellay and the Constable de Montmorency--
preparation for an approaching Assembly in
Germany--negotiations with the King of England--
salutations addressed by Luther to Calvin--hope
of an accommodation between the Swiss and German
Churches, 163

XLIII. TO FAREL.--Persecutions in France--policy of
Francis I. and Charles V.--ecclesiastical
discipline--university regulations at
Strasbourg--illness of Farel, 168

1540.

XLIV. TO FAREL.--Farther mention of Caroli--discussion
with Herman the Anabaptist--good understanding
of Charles V. and Francis I.--alarm of the German
Princes--some detail of the propositions
addressed to Calvin, 171

XLV. TO FAREL.--Impressions of Calvin on his recall to
Geneva--rigorous application of discipline in
his church--news of Germany, of France, and of
England, 175

XLVI. TO FAREL.--Reconciliation of parties at Geneva--
insufficiency of the ministers of that Church--
policy of Charles V.--courageous attitude of the
Protestant Princes--favourable news from
England--cruel persecutions in France--
ecclesiastical discipline in the French Church
at Strasbourg, 178

XLVII. TO PETER VIRET.--Excuses for his silence--sad news
from France--repugnance of Calvin to return to
Geneva--his comparative estimate of Capito,
Zuingli, Luther, and Œcolampadius, 186

XLVIII. TO FAREL.--Preparations for the Assembly of
Haguenau--symptoms of misunderstanding between
Charles V. and Francis I.--severe judgment of
Henry VIII.--evils produced in the Church by the
absence of discipline--various details, 189

XLIX. TO MONSIEUR DU TAILLY.--Review of the Conferences
of Haguenau--the state of parties in Germany, 193

L. TO PETER CAROLI.--Answer to the complaints of
Caroli--refuses to grant to him the professorial
chair unless he repents of his past offences, 198

LI. TO VIRET.--Deputations sent to France and into
England--the Edict of Fontainbleau, 202

LII. TO FAREL.--Sickness of Calvin--preparation for
departure to the Diet at Worms--letter to the
Queen of Navarre on behalf of the faithful
persecuted in France, 204

LIII. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.--Excuses himself from
returning to Geneva by the necessity of his
attendance at the Diet of Worms, 208

LIV. TO FAREL.--Exposition of the motives which prevent
him from returning to Geneva, 210

LV. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.--Calvin at Worms--he
excuses himself to the magistrates of Geneva for
his inability to comply with their request, on
account of the mission with which he had been
charged into Germany in the general interests
of the Church, 214

LVI. TO FAREL.--Details of the interview of Calvin with
the Deputies from Geneva, 218

LVII. TO NICOLAS PARENT.--Testimony rendered to the
French Church at Strasbourg, and to the pastor
in charge of it during the absence of Calvin--
matters of advice, 220

LVIII. TO NICOLAS PARENT.--Instructions regarding the
Supper, and on various points of Ecclesiastical
Discipline, 222

1541.

LIX. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.--Calvin sent to the
Diet of Ratisbon--he excuses himself on that
account from returning at that moment to
Geneva--advices addressed to the magistrates
of that town, 225

LX. TO FAREL.--Anxiety on account of the Swiss
Churches--approaching departure for Ratisbon--
disputes between Berne and Geneva--calumnies
directed against the Vaudois of Provence, 227

LXI. TO VIRET.--New expression of the repugnances and
terrors which Calvin feels in prospect of his
returning to Geneva, 230

LXII. TO JAMES BERNARD.--Protests his devotedness to the
Church of Geneva--oblivion of past injury, 234

LXIII. TO FAREL.--Calvin at Ratisbon--the plague at
Strasbourg--grief of the Reformer--preliminaries
of the Diet--the German princes--the Italian
prelates--Hungary--the Turk--Poland--state of
opinion--inclinations of Charles V.--stayedness
upon God, 237

LXIV. TO MONSIEUR DE RICHEBOURG.--Consolatory letter on
the death of his son, 246

LXV. TO FAREL.--Affliction of Calvin--news of the Diet
of Ratisbon--appointment of the theologians
charged with the representation of the two
parties--their reception by the Emperor--portrait
of Julius Pflug, of Gropper, and of Eck, 253

LXVI. TO FAREL.--Request addressed by the ministers of
the Church of Zurich to those of Strasbourg--
Calvin promises to return to Geneva--message to
Viret, 258

LXVII. TO FAREL.--Results of the Diet of Ratisbon--
conferences of the theologians--original sin--
free-will--justification--impossibility of
agreement in the sacrament of the Supper, 260

LXVIII. TO FAREL.--Efforts of Bucer and of Melanchthon to
effect a connection between the two Churches--
formula of concord--feeling of Calvin on the
subject, 262

LXIX. TO THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH.--The
expression of his sentiments in reference to the
Church of Geneva--ready to return to that town
if the Magistrates of Strasbourg consent to it,
and if the Seigneury of Berne promise their
support--testimony of respect for the Church of
Zurich, 265

LXX. TO FAREL.--Return of Calvin to Strasbourg--news of
the Diet of Ratisbon--contradictory formulæ
presented to the Emperor--reply of Charles V.--
letter to the King of France in favour of his
persecuted Protestant subjects, 271

LXXI. TO FAREL AND VIRET.--Communication of a letter
received from Bucer--news of Germany--Church of
Metz--assurance given to Viret of his approaching
departure for Geneva--recommendation of two young
men, 274

LXXII. TO VIRET.--Excuses for his delay in leaving
Strasbourg--conclusion of the Diet at Ratisbon, 278

LXXIII. TO FAREL.--Prepares to depart for Geneva--
self-denial of Calvin--absolute submission to the
will of God, 280

LXXIV. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.--Arrival of Calvin at
Neuchatel--purpose of his going to that town, 282

LXXV. TO FAREL.--Calvin at Berne--his interview with one
of the principal magistrates, and with the
ministers of that town, 283

LXXVI. TO FAREL.--Arrival of Calvin at Geneva--his
interview with the magistrates--draws up a form
of Ecclesiastical discipline--advises Farel to
moderation, 284

LXXVII. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCHATEL.--Efforts to pacify
the Church of Neuchatel--instructions given to
Viret, 286

LXXVIII. TO BUCER.--New details regarding the troubles in
the Church of Neuchatel--proceedings of Viret--
sentence pronounced by the Bernese--the
ecclesiastical Statutes of Geneva--request for
prolongation of leave for Viret--testimony of
respect and affection for Bucer--approach of the
pestilence, 288

LXXIX. TO MADAME THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA.--Instructions
on the subject of the Mass, and on the necessity
of avoiding scandal, 295

LXXX. TO FAREL.--Brotherly exhortations--efforts of
Calvin to draw Viret to Geneva--news of that
Church, 306

LXXXI. TO FAREL.--The Vaudois of Provence--appeal
addressed to Mathurin Cordier--the Reformation
at Paris and Lyons, 308

1542.

LXXXII. TO FAREL.--Healing of the troubles of the Church at
Neuchatel--wise counsel given to Farel, 311

LXXXIII. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.--Restoration of the Church of
Geneva--wise and moderate behaviour of Calvin--
obstacles to the establishment of ecclesiastical
discipline--duty of the magistrates thereupon--
information regarding an adventurer named
Alberg, 312

LXXXIV. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.--The Reformation at Cologne--
some details on the condition of Germany--efforts
of Calvin to retain Viret at Geneva, 320

LXXXV. TO THE BRETHREN OF LYONS.--Stay of a Carmelite monk
at Geneva--declaration of motives for refusing to
admit him to the ministry of the Gospel, 323

LXXXVI. TO FAREL.--Detail of the edifying death of the
first Syndic, Amy Porral, 331

LXXXVII. TO VIRET.--Sickness of Idelette de Bure--the
beginnings of the new ministers of the Church
of Geneva, 335

LXXXVIII. TO BENEDICT TEXTOR.--Divers recommendations, 336

LXXXIX. TO FAREL.--Excuses his silence--estimate of the
new ministers--works and literary productions of
Calvin, 337

XC. TO VIRET.--Proceedings of Castalio--school of
Geneva--criticism on the new ministers--tidings
of France--domestic sorrow, 340

XCI. TO VIRET.--Instructions given to Viret for the
Synod of Berne--need of maintaining the
spiritual independence of the Church--various
directions, 345

XCII. TO VIRET.--Disquietude of Calvin on occasion of
the acts of the Synod of Berne, 347

XCIII. TO FAREL.--Wishes for the success of the journey
undertaken by Farel to Metz--calumnies of James
de Morges, 349

XCIV. TO VIRET.--Origin of the disputes between Calvin
and Castalio, 350

XCV. TO VIRET.--Invitation to Viret to come to
Geneva--nomination of a principal of the
College of that town, 352

XCVI. TO VIRET.--Approval of a letter of Viret to the
Seigneuries of Berne--the ecclesiastical
property--Italian emigrants at Geneva--troubles
caused by the differences of that town
with Berne, 353

XCVII. TO VIRET.--The plague at Geneva--conduct of the
ministers in these circumstances--Italian
refugees--the question of the ecclesiastical
property examined, 357

XCVIII. TO BULLINGER.--Numerous occupations of Calvin--
death of Leo Juda--ravages of the plague in
Switzerland, 362

XCIX. TO MICHAEL VAROD.--Recommendation of a sick
person, 364

1543.

C. TO MONSIEUR LE CURE DE CERNEX.--Religious
controversy occasioned by the plague at
Geneva--apologizes for the Reformation, 364

CI. TO PHILIP MELANCHTHON.--Testimony of respect and
of fraternal affection--his homage in one of
his books--details of his labours at Geneva--
survey of the state of Germany and of Italy, 373

CII. TO VIRET.--Ecclesiastical particularities--
struggles to maintain the right of
excommunication over the ministers, 377

CIII. TO CONRAD PELLICAN.--Offer of his services--
answers the accusations directed against
Farel--justification of Ochino--introduces
two young men, 378

CIV. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.--Calvin at Strasbourg--
exposé of his proceedings with the magistrates
of that town for preaching the Evangel at Metz--
the news, 381

CV. TO THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA.--The
preaching of the Gospel encounters difficulty
at Metz--intrigues of Caroli--fraternal
exhortations, 385

CVI. TO VIRET.--Relation of his proceedings at
Strasbourg, and the state of things at Metz, 387

CVII. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.--Answer from the
Assembly at Smalkald--prolongation of the stay
of Calvin and of Farel at Strasbourg--preaching
of the Evangel at Cologne--warlike preparations
in the Netherlands, 388

CVIII. TO THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA.--Exposé of the
motives which prevent immediate return to
Geneva--Cologne news and of the Netherlands, 391

CIX. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.--New delay in
conclusion of the affair of Metz--Calvin makes
arrangements for his return to Geneva, 393

CX. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Exhorts him to quit his
native country, and to retire where he can make
free profession of the Gospel, 395

CXI. TO MADAME DE FALAIS.--Christian counsel and
exhortations, 399

CXII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Further exhortation to
decide him on quitting his country, 401

1544.

CXIII. TO VIRET.--The ministerial office refused to
Castalio--the marriage of Bonnivard, Abbot of
St. Victor, 403

CXIV. TO BULLINGER.--Conclusion of an arrangement
between Berne and Geneva, 405

CXV. TO VIRET.--Farther details of the arrangements
with the Bernese--recall of the refugees--
preparation of several works--disagreements
with Castalio, 406

CXVI. TO THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL.--Controversy with
Chaponneau regarding the Divinity of Christ, 410

CXVII. TO FAREL.--Struggles and difficulties of Calvin
at Geneva--quarrels of the ministers--violent
attacks of Castalio--dissatisfaction of the
deputies from Berne--reappearance of the plague--
dangers of the Church, 416

CXVIII. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.--Political and military
intelligence from France and Germany, 421

CXIX. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Arrival of Monsieur de
Falais at Cologne--the sending of a minister--
pious counsels, 422

CXX. TO MADAME DE FALAIS.--Christian congratulations--
hope of a speedy meeting, 427

CXXI. TO FAREL.--Renewal of the controversy regarding
the Sacraments between the German and Swiss
Churches, 428

CXXII. TO BULLINGER.--New appeal to the Seigneurs of
Zurich, in favour of the Waldenses of Provence--
Luther's invectives against the Swiss Reformer--
remarkable judgment in regard to his character--
his injustice pardoned in consideration of the
eminent services rendered by him to the cause of
Christ, 429

1545.

CXXIII. TO MELANCHTHON.--Explanations relative to the
publication of the book "Against the
Nicodemites"--appeal to the authority of
Melanchthon and Luther--troubles arising from
ecclesiastical discords--announcement of the
Council of Trent--policy of Charles V. and of
Francis I.--convocation of a Synod at Melun, 434

CXXIV. TO LUTHER.--Calvin submits to Luther several of
his writings, of which he desires to obtain his
approbation, 440

CXXV. TO AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE.--Difficulties in the way
of a reunion, and doubts of the efficacy of a
General Council under present circumstances--
deplorable state of the Church--motives which
prevented him from going to confer in person with
the German Reformers--his proposals to them, 442

CXXVI. TO VIRET.--Intelligence of France and Germany--
Synod of Melun, 447

CXXVII. TO VIRET.--Election of new magistrates at Geneva--
struggles of Calvin, 449

CXXVIII. TO VIRET.--Mention of Clement Marot's metrical
versions of the Psalms--persecutions in France, 450

CXXIX. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.--Discovery of a conspiracy for
the spreading of the plague at Geneva--punishment
of the conspirators, 452

CXXX. TO THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE.--Calvin vindicates himself
from the charges of having intended to attack her
in his book against the Libertines, 453

CXXXI. TO FAREL.--Massacre of the Waldenses of Provence--
Calvin entreats the sympathy of the Swiss
Churches in their behalf, 458

CXXXII. TO VIRET.--Journey of Calvin to Switzerland--
resolutions of the Diet of Arau in favour of the
persecuted brethren of France, 460

CXXXIII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Directions for his conduct
towards the Emperor Charles V., 461

CXXXIV. TO JOHN CAVENT.--Consolations on the death of his
wife and mother, 464

CXXXV. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Information regarding a
house to be sold at Geneva, 465

CXXXVI. TO MELANCHTHON.--He complains of Luther's tyranny,
and affectionately exhorts Melanchthon to manifest
greater decision and firmness, 466

CXXXVII. TO BULLINGER.--Defence of the Waldenses of
Provence--artifices of their enemies--oppression
of that unfortunate people, 469

CXXXVIII. TO THE PASTORS OF SCHAFFHAUSEN.--Calvin exhorts
them to redoubled efforts for the deliverance of
their persecuted brethren, 472

CXXXIX. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.--Pressing entreaty in behalf
of the Waldenses of Provence, 473

CXL. TO JOACHIM WADIAN.--Excuses for the long silence
which he had observed towards Wadian--allusion
to the controversy regarding the Sacraments--
lively entreaties in behalf of the Provençal
brethren, 475

CXLI. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Report of the near arrival
of M. de Falais at Geneva--details relative to
the acquiring of a house in that town, 478

CXLII. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.--Letter of recommendation to
Ochino, 481

CXLIII. TO MADAME DE FALAIS.--Use of affliction--
preparation for the arrival of M. de Falais at
Geneva, 482

CALVIN'S LETTERS.

I.--TO NICOLAS DUCHEMIN.[13]

[13] This letter is the earliest in the series of Calvin's
correspondence. Born at Noyon the 10th of July 1509, educated in
the _belles lettres_ at Paris,--in 1527 he went to study law at the
University of Orleans, which he left soon afterwards, in order to
avail himself of the lectures of the celebrated Alciat at Bourges.
In the first mentioned of these towns, he had for fellow-students
and friends, several young men who were distinguished not less by
their piety than by information and accomplishment. Nicolas Duchemin
was of this number, to whom, at a later period, (1536,) he dedicated
a letter, entitled "De fugiendis impiorum illicitis sacris et
puritate Christianæ Religionis." That letter was translated into
English, (London, 1548, in 8vo.) The original is inserted in the
Latin Edition of Calvin's Works, (Amsterdam, 1671,) in the eighth
volume. Also in the "Recueil des Opuscules," Edition of 1566.

Calvin at the University of Orleans--his early friendships--he
is recalled to Noyon by the illness of his father.

NOYON, _14th May 1528_.

As I do not think that you have hitherto been correctly informed of the motives and peculiar circumstances which have brought my punctuality in question, you must at least be willing to admit, that until now you have known me to be a person rather overmuch attentive, not to say troublesome, in the frequency of my correspondence. Nor has my fidelity been so sorely endangered as to leave me altogether inexcusable. For after calm consideration, I came to this conclusion in my own mind, that all the esteem you had conceived for me, during a long acquaintance and daily intercourse, could not vanish in a single moment; and that a certain kindly courtesy, as well as shrewdness, is so much your nature, that nothing is wont unadvisedly to prejudge you. This consideration makes me feel confident that I may be restored to favour, if any has been lost. Receive now, I pray you, in few words, the cause of this delay. The promise made at my departure, that I would return in a short time, while it was my wish to fulfil it, kept me all the longer in a state of suspense. For when I was seriously intending to return to you, my father's illness[14] occasioned the delay. But afterward, when the physicians gave some hope of his restoration to good health, I then thought of nought else than the anxious desire to rejoin you, to which I had previously been very strongly inclined, but which was much increased after an interval of some days. Meanwhile, my onwaiting in this duty has been prolonged, until at length there remains no hope of recovery, and the approach of death is certain.[15] Whatsoever happens, I shall see you again.

[14] Gerard Chauvin, or Cauvin, father of the Reformer, a man of
strict morals, of good understanding and judgment, which we have on
the testimony of Théod. de Bèze, _Calvini Vita_. Originally of Pont
l'Evêque, he had been promoted, by his ability, to the office of
notary apostolic, secretary to the bishopric, and _promoteur_ of the
Chapter at Noyon. Le Vasseur, "_Annales de l' Eglise Cathédrale de
Noyon_," chap. x. p. 1151.

[15] It seems uncertain whether Gerard Chauvin died this year. The
letters of Calvin, so far as yet appears, contain no other allusion
to that event, which must have exercised a desirable influence on
his life, in drawing him away from the study of law to that of
theology, in which direction all his own tendencies drew him. See
Théod. de Bèze, _Vita Calvini_.

Remember me to Francis Daniel; to Philip,[16] and your entire household. Have you given in your name yet among the professors of literature? See that your modesty does not enforce indolence upon you.--Adieu, dear Duchemin, my friend dearer to me than my life.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Berne_. Vol. 450.]

[16] Philippe Laurent, librarian of the library at Orleans.

II.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.[17]

[17] Francis Daniel, advocate of Orleans, the fellow-student and
friend of Calvin at the university of that town. ("Quant à Orléans,
dit Th. de Bèze, il y avoit bien desjà quelques personnages, aians
connoissance de la vérité, comme entr' autres François Daniel,
advocat, et Nicolas Duchemin, tenant escholiers en pension."--Hist.
Eccl. i. 9.) From several letters of the Reformer it appears,
(1559-1560,) that while fully acknowledging the necessity of a
reformation of the Church, Francis Daniel remained inwardly attached
to Rome. His two sons, Francis and Peter Daniel, distinguished
themselves in the study of law and literature.

Calvin in Paris--Nicolas Cop--the two friends visit a monastery.

PARIS, _27th June 1529_.

Tired with the journey, the day after our drive hither we could not stir a foot out of doors. For the next four days, while I still felt unable to move about, the whole of that time wore away in friendly salutations. On the Lord's day, I repaired to the monastery with Cop,[18] who had consented to accompany me, that according to your advice, I might fix a day with the nuns on which your sister should take the vows. I was told, in reply to my inquiry, that, along with some others of her own rank, she had obtained from the sisterhood, in conformity with approved usage, (ex solemni more,) the power of taking upon herself the vows. The daughter of a certain banker of Orleans, who is master of arts to your brother, is of the number. While Cop was in the meanwhile engaged in conversation with the abbess, I sounded the inclination of your sister, whether she would take that yoke patiently,--whether she was not rather wearied and drilled into submission, than submitting her neck willingly to the harness. I urged her again and again freely to entrust me with whatever she might have upon her mind. Never have I seen any one more prompt or readier in reply, so that it could not come soon enough to satisfy her wishes. You would almost think she was playing with her doll as oft as she heard speak of the vow. I did not wish to withdraw her from her purpose, because I had not come with that object. But, in few words, I admonished her not to rely too much on her own resolutions, that she ought not to make rash promises as to herself, but rather that she would rest upon the strength of God for all needed help,--in whom we live and have our being.

[18] Nicolas Cop, the physician, professor in the College of Sainte
Barbe, and friend of Calvin. In 1533 he became rector of the
University of Paris.

While we were thus engaged in conversation, the abbess gave me an opportunity of speaking with her, and when I proposed that she would fix a day, she left the choice to myself, but on condition that Pylades[19] should be present, who will be at Orleans within eight days. So, as the day could not be fixed more certainly, we left it to Pylades to decide. Do you, therefore, settle with him as shall seem convenient, since I can be of no further service to you here.

[19] Pseudonyme, adopted by some unknown friend of Calvin.

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Letters of John Calvin, Volume IChapter I: Part 1

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