Chapter IX: Part 9

The Diet of the Princes and free Cities[197] came to this conclusion, to offer to agree to all just proposals, provided that the Emperor would call a Synod of the whole empire. They received an ambiguous reply. In the meantime, the Emperor is informed by the opposite party, that they would not abate one jot of their resolution, but would endeavour by every means to engage others on their side. Therefore, he is trying to devise a method by which he may satisfy both parties; and therefore it is, that among the Papists, and among our friends, he craftily employs the Chancellor Granvelle[198] and two Counts,[199] who are to interpose as mediators, and to sound the views of our friends, that they may be better able to explain to the Emperor, and to obtain what is reasonable. If you do not yet understand the artifice, our friends strove with the utmost earnestness for the Diet which had been promised them. On the other hand, the Papists sounded the alarm with a continued blast of the trumpet, crying out, that it was a very unseemly thing that the Emperor should any longer tolerate the shufflings of our friends. Because his plans have been hindered, seeing that he neither dares to proceed with the war, nor is of opinion that they can have a Synod without turning the whole of Germany topsy-turvy, he tries to restrain the fury of the Papists, while he says, that he wishes to keep a cautious lookout, lest by doing anything rashly and untowardly, they may involve him along with themselves in the war; and he yields nothing to our side. Notwithstanding that they perceived they were merely put off by this pretence, yet they came to the determination, that nothing on that account should be rejected that might seem to favour the peace and tranquillity of the Church. They therefore drew up a joint reply to Granvelle, from which you will understand what may be their courage.[200] Since the Emperor neither understands the Latin language nor the German, it has been thought best to send it written in French. I send it to you, however, on this condition, that you do not openly divulge it. Only two copies besides this which you will receive have been copied out; one, which will be presented to the Emperor, the other, Doctor Ulrich took with him to Soleure, that it may come to the King, through the ambassador. I wish therefore that you may communicate it only to a few. But I mainly beseech you, on no account to allow it to be copied. Here, moreover, the resolution is unanimous, if they are attacked instantly to advance forward, and not to wait, unless their conscience keep them back; for there is not a single individual who is not quite prepared to undergo all hazards rather than that the free course of Christ's Evangel be stopt, so far is it from their mind that they would suffer anything to be taken from it. Here, at Strasbourg, the Senate having despatched a deputy, has refused the judgment of the Imperial Chamber. If they continue this system of attempted terrorism, they will stir up great commotions. Hitherto the controversies have hung in suspense between the Emperor and the King. That is the reason which delays the Emperor that he does not immediately make an onslaught upon us. The Papists strive with all their might to relieve him of all other business, so that he may gird himself for attacking us. But chiefly the Duke of Brunswick, who has brought over the Duke of Gueldres to the Emperor, that they may treat together about that duchy. Our friends, however, are so well satisfied with their own strength, that they are not at all frightened by these manœuvres. Three of the Electors take a middle course--the Elector-Palatine, of Cologne, and of Treves, and will rather take part with us than suffer us to be oppressed. Two we have professedly on our side. Frederick wished by our means to obtain some advantage from the King of Denmark: he could not succeed, which the Landgrave also considered to be right. Then he is forced to cultivate the friendship of the Emperor. You see at how much Christ is valued where the world has taken such a hold of the soul of man. The English Parliament is now met.[201] We are informed that the spirits of all the pious are raised to the highest expectation. If the Lord shall now put it into the King's heart, the Gospel will be established in that kingdom. Until we shall have heard that there is some inclination that way, we shall toil in vain with regard to Calais.[202]

[197] The meeting at Smalkald took place the 1st of March, to
draw up a form of agreement between the Roman Catholics and the
Protestants.--Sleidan, book xii. p. 351. The meeting separated on
the 13th April.

[198] The Chancellor Granvelle, father of the celebrated Cardinal
Granvelle, minister and ambassador of Charles V.

[199] They were the Earls of Thierry of Mandersheit, and William
Nuenar, _magni consilii et dignitatis viri_.--Sleidan, book xii. p.
352.

[200] See that answer related fully in Sleidan, book xiii. pp.
353-61.

[201] In the intense desire of concluding an agreement with the King
of England, the German princes shewed their willingness to open a
colloquy for that object, but these conferences did not take place,
and the hope of a happy reconciliation between the churches of
England and Germany was not realized.--Sleidan, book xiii. p. 361.

[202] Without doubt on the subject of the free proclamation of the
Gospel in that town, then subject to England. It was not restored to
France till 1558, by Francis of Lorraine, Duke of Guise.

My affairs are in the same state in which they were before. Our messenger will be here before the end of the week unless he has deceived us. Therefore I have detained James with me, so if anything happen he can let you know in time. Although (as he had already determined) I shall not longer delay his setting out. I will, therefore, despatch him after Whitsuntide. He had himself intended to start off three days earlier.

As to what you ask me about the Letter of Viret, I can tell you nothing but this, that it has always appeared to Capito, that Viret and all of you prosecuted this cause in a more sour and peevish spirit than was right, or at all events, with great scrupulosity and excess of niceness. They have always promised that they would not combine together to open up an entrance to him in that quarter, but that they would rather throw every obstacle in his path in order to shut up the way. But he was not in the least offended. If you will take my advice, let us delay on both sides to decide about that affair. Therefore, I have suppressed the letter of the Count which you lately sent, that it may not give any offence. For it was so worded, that it could not be at all acceptable; and also, that I may cut off every handle for strife, I shall make no reply.

I am struck with horror when I hear with what cruelty the godly are persecuted in France, at this time, more especially when we can bring them no help, nor do I doubt that it is the best who will be most endangered. For the more any one is right-hearted, and preaches Christ with greater boldness and constancy of spirit, for that very reason he can all the less be tolerated by Satan. Yet somehow it now and then happens that the Lord does preserve in safety some of the excellent ones, while others are hurried off to the stake. A fellow-countryman to James, who was burnt at Sedan or Melun, was here last year, and had requested of me a letter of exhortation to the brethren of that district. I was given to understand for certain, afterwards, that he had been infested with the errors of the Anabaptists, and had been raving worst of all on that head. It has, therefore, grieved me since, that I had opened for him a pathway by my letter to many good people. I am afraid lest by his death the Gospel shall have been rather set on fire than promoted. That I now mention I have not from uncertain rumour, but from his relations. The person whose sister he married makes no secret of what sort of person he was. As for the death of Michael, the statements of one who had been present at the scene of the execution did not fully agree with your letter. In truth, I think that this rule ought to be observed by us, that, even when we feel that we can both speak and think the best concerning those who have suffered for the Gospel, we ought to be on our guard against overdoing, where it does not clearly appear how the persons conducted themselves during life as well as in death.

I am glad that Gaspar[203] has been provided for. He is, indeed worthy of it; and I hope he will have the charge of the school. Toussain[204] has requested to have three or four ministers from me, if I had here such as I could recommend who were qualified for ruling in the churches. He expressly sought to have James, but he rather preferred to reserve himself for you.

[203] Gaspar, called Cormel, minister of Neuchatel.

[204] Peter Toussain, late canon of Metz and almoner to the Queen of
Navarre. He was at this time minister of the Church of Montbeliard,
which he administered till an advanced old age.

What may be the nature of that jurisdiction of Count William[205] I have not yet been able by frequent inquiry to ascertain. When you come hither you will perhaps be better able to inform us. We can also exchange thoughts together about all those matters to which you think that some remedy ought to be applied. If I supposed that Cordier was deliberating whether it may not be expedient to return to Bordeaux, I would willingly declare what I feel, only I do not think he is so great a blockhead as to set consultations agoing on any such question. I will tell you, _viva voce_, why we ought not to write to these French bishops. I return many thanks to the brethren for having received my advice with so good a grace. As, however, there is some risk that others may take it amiss that you had begun, that affair can be delayed for a little while longer, and I am not sorry for it.

[205] William du Bellay, Viceroy of Piedmont.

I do not wonder that examination of ours about which I wrote to you has made the worthy brother hesitate; nor is it anything new that the well-disposed should dread lest we fall back into some superstition or other, whenever they hear that we appoint anything which has the slightest affinity or similarity with Popish absurdities. Yet, while I have no wish to drive that zeal of watchfulness out of them, (for in this respect we cannot be more earnest than is right,) on the other hand, I could have wished that they were a little more careful in distinguishing the wheat from the chaff and rubbish. I have often declared to you that it did not appear to me to be expedient that confession should be abolished in the Churches, unless that which I have lately taught be substituted in the place of it. In order that I may the better explain to you my method, let me first of all state the real nature of the case. When the day of the sacrament of the Supper draws nigh, I give notice from the pulpit that those who are desirous to communicate must first of all let me know; at the same time I add for what purpose, that it is in order that those who are as yet uninstructed and inexperienced in religion may be better trained; besides, that those who need special admonition may hear it; and lastly, that if there are any persons who may be suffering under trouble of mind they may receive consolation. But what we have most to guard against is this, lest the common people, who do not sufficiently distinguish between the kingdom of Christ and the tyranny of Antichrist, may think themselves to be brought back under a new servitude. I endeavour, therefore, to dispel any such apprehension. I not only bear witness that I disapprove of the Popish confession, but openly and plainly set forth the reasons why I object to it; then, in general, I declare that not only are those superstitions in which the Church was involved to be abhorred, but that no law of practice is to be brought in, which may bind the conscience in its snares; for that Christ is the only legislator to whom we owe obedience. After that, I teach, that this in no way derogates from our Christian liberty, since I enjoin nothing whatever that Christ himself has not appointed. What shameless effrontery would it be for any one not even to condescend to avouch his faith in the face of the Church with whom he sought communion! and how wretched would be the state and condition of the Church if she could be compelled to receive to the partaking in so great a mystery, those of whom she is altogether ignorant, or, perhaps, regards with suspicion! And, to say nothing about the Church, how shall the minister himself to whom the dispensation of this grace is committed, on condition that he may not cast it before dogs and swine, that he must not pour it out to the worthy and the unworthy without any distinction, discharge this onerous duty, unless he proceeds upon some fixed and certain method for separating the worthy from the unworthy communicants? It were mere trifling, however, to insist farther upon these matters with you; time, moreover, would fail me, for what I was afraid of has happened, that I would frequently be interrupted while writing. Last of all, I maintain the necessity and advantage of this course of proceeding, which you will, as thus explained by me, report as my reply to the good man. The three young noblemen, whom you had so hospitably entertained, commend your liberality all the more that you excuse yourself so anxiously for having done less than you wished to do. More than that, they think they see that in this way you extenuate your kindness towards them. Capito, Bucer, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, all the Frenchmen, desire to be remembered in the most friendly manner; there is not one of them who does not most eagerly look for your arrival, not less on my account than that they may get a sight of you, for as they love both, they think of both. Nicolas and Henry are closely pursuing their studies; Nicolas, especially, is quite absorbed. James is staying with me for these few days before he leaves. Every one of these also reverently salute you along with my brother. In return, will you greet the brethren very respectfully for me, and tell them from myself that they do truly hold a place in my remembrance? My preceptor Cordier, and Michael, will excuse, or, at least, pardon, that they do not receive any letters from me. Adieu, my most amiable brother. Do not forget to remember me to your family.--Ever yours,

CALVIN.

This messenger is a trustworthy person, and therefore I have requested him to go straight to you.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLVII.--TO PETER VIRET.

Excuses for his silence--sad news from France--repugnance of
Calvin to return to Geneva--his comparative estimate of Capito,
Zuingli, Luther, and Œcolampadius.

STRASBOURG, _19th May 1540_.

At length somewhat has been gained by my expostulation, for I have in some measure broken that unkind silence of so many months; but I do not take it so well, that when you ought plainly to have sought pardon, you chose rather to make a return in kind; for you make out that we are equally to blame except in this one point, that when both had come short in duty, I seized the opportunity and was the first to write. You thought, forsooth, to get out of the scrape in this way, as if in the meanwhile I had not written a hundred times to Farel, on condition that he would communicate with you, during which period I neither received a single letter from you, nor did you send even a salutation, except that which you once wrote at the end of a letter to Bucer. Therefore, true it is and of verity, that I cannot acquit you until you shall have approved your diligence for the future, on condition that if, as you are wont, you begin to grow slack in your correspondence, I shall be entitled to lay a double fine upon you. But that I may not appear to press too severely, I do hereby freely remit whatever there is of failure on your part, provided, for the future, you both perform your own share of duty, and pardon me if, perhaps, I shall have become too negligent.

Your letter was a very sad one to me, and all the more so because I can well imagine that cruel butchery to boil over without measure, as always happens whenever it has once burst forth, and there is no way of putting a stop to it. I wrote, however, to Farel, under the apprehension that what so long kept us in suspense would at length come to pass. Wherefore, unless the Lord open up some new outlet, there is no other way of helping our unhappy brethren than by our prayers and exhortations, which are, besides, so dangerous to their lives, that it is more discreet to abstain. The only remedy which almost alone remains, therefore, seems to be, that we commit their safety to the Lord.[206]

[206] While he sought the alliance of the Protestant princes
of Germany, Francis I. persecuted the Protestants in his own
dominions with an extreme rigour, under the odious designation of
Sacramentaries. The year 1540 witnessed numerous burnings at the
stake, in the provinces of Dauphiny, Vivarais, at Paris, and in
the valleys of Provence. There dwelt for many centuries a pastoral
population, which was only known to the world by simplicity of
manners and the purity of its faith. De Thou, liv. v. c. 7;
_Histoire des Martyrs_, liv. iii. pp. 133-146. The Vaudois of
Cabrières and Merindol, hated by the Roman Catholic clergy on
account of their being estranged from the superstitions of the
time, were devoted to death by the fanatical fury of the parliament
of Aix. The arrêt, which condemned in the mass an innocent and
inoffensive people to extermination, was dated 18th November 1540.
The intercession of the Senate of Strasbourg, of the Swiss Cantons,
and of the German princes, suspended the execution of it until the
year 1545.

I read that passage of your letter, certainly not without a smile, where you shew so much concern about my health, and recommend Geneva on that ground. Why could you not have said at the cross? for it would have been far preferable to perish once for all than to be tormented again in that place of torture. Therefore, my dear Viret, if you wish well to me, make no mention of such a proposal. It was, however, most agreeable to me to understand that the brothers La Fontaines were so anxious concerning my safety, and that you also had turned your mind to it; for, indeed, I can scarcely persuade myself that I am worth so much trouble. It is impossible for me, however, not to be rejoiced by that kindness of good men towards me.

Capito, in his lectures, has some things which may be of much use to you in the illustration of Isaiah. But as he does not dictate any part to his hearers, and has not yet reached beyond the fourteenth chapter, his assistance cannot at present much help you. Zuingli, although he is not wanting in a fit and ready exposition, yet, because he takes too much liberty, often wanders far from the meaning of the Prophet. Luther is not so particular as to propriety of expression or the historical accuracy; he is satisfied when he can draw from it some fruitful doctrine. No one, as I think, has hitherto more diligently applied himself to this pursuit than Œcolampadius, who has not always, however, reached the full scope or meaning. It is true that you may now and then find the need of having appliances at hand, nevertheless I feel confident that the Lord has not deserted you.

About our affairs I do not write, in order that there may be more material for writing to Farel. All here greet you in the most friendly manner, Capito, Bucer, Matthias, Sturm, Bedrot. Hedio I have not seen since your letter was delivered to me. In return, on my part, salute Conrad, Corneille, James, Isnard, and the others; your aunt also, and your wife, whom one and all, I wish to see.

The mention of Conrad, which had occurred to me, brings to mind that Gaspar, who lived with him for some time, was lately here, and has complained much to Sturm that I had defamed him in an offensive manner among good people, at the instigation of Grynée. He said nought about it to me, and merely saluted when he left my lecture. I wished you to know this, that in future you may be more on your guard. Adieu, most excellent and kind brother.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLVIII.--TO FAREL.

Preparations for the Assembly of Haguenau--symptoms of
misunderstanding between Charles V. and Francis I.--severe
judgment of Henry VIII.--evils produced in the Church by the
absence of discipline--various details.

STRASBOURG, _21st June 1540_.

After Ferdinand waited about twelve days at Haguenau[207] for the princes, a few of them came who either have the wish to reform matters, or to prove their submission to the Emperor. From among the Electors, he could not succeed in drawing forth a single one except the Elector-Palatine. He of Mayence, as I hear, excused himself more than once, that is, he stoutly refused. The Electors of Cologne and Treves stood in doubt. The Elector of Saxony wished to have it distinctly understood, that his coming should not prejudice the protest which he had put in at the election of the King. He sent letters, however, to the Emperor, in common with the Landgrave, in which both together signified, that they saw no other way of pacification that could be gone into than that which had been set forth at Frankfort; therefore, if for that purpose the Emperor summons a free diet of the empire, that they would willingly attend; that at present they had scarcely time enough allowed them to announce it to their allies; that they had no other alternative than to send their ambassador with a few theologians, that they might not appear in any way to disparage the attempt; that they, on behalf of the theologians and the deputies, and the messengers, whoever they might be, sought the public protection, that they might receive no injury. To-day the deputies have set out; when Philip [Melanchthon] arrives, the theologians will also follow. Blaurer[208] has already arrived; others are daily expected. The Zurichers and those of Berne were invited, but they sent back word that they would not come. This I mention, that you may not suppose that we omitted any part of our duty. It was written expressly to those of Basle not to send Carlostad.[209] The opposite faction are at present consulting by what kind of debate, or on what point to attack us. Our friends will shew that they are prepared for a friendly compromise, provided that no part of the truth be departed from. The Emperor will not be left so completely at his ease by our King as to be able to concentrate his forces against our side. As yet the state of war has not commenced, but the seeds begin to spring up; and that friend of ours is seeking those means of defence which, while he was in terms of friendship with his brother, he despised, and would yet continue to despise if things had remained the same. Baisius,[210] who discharges the office of envoy at the conference, has come hither to sound the depth of the ford, and to see what can be accomplished, as many conjecture. It can scarce be otherwise but that great movements may take place before many months are past. Our friends hope to obtain some advantage, since they perceive our King to be so very unlikely to give any assistance to the Emperor. The King of England is not represented here. I have no doubt, however, that he may be attempting somewhat elsewhere. In the cause of the Lord he does not deal very favourably of late; three men of the commonalty have been burnt, because they had ventured to express themselves on the subject of the Eucharist in other terms than the royal proclamation tolerated. But that which is worst of all is, that while he tries to arrogate to himself the sole authority, and without being scrupulous as to the means, he tolerates nothing which has not the sanction of his own authority. Thus it will come to pass that Christ shall avail them nothing except by the King's permission. The Lord will avenge this arrogance by some remarkable punishment.

[207] A meeting was convocated for the month of July 1540, in
the town of Haguenau, in order to prepare matters for a general
conference between the Roman Catholic and Reformed theologians. See
following letter.

[208] Ambroise Blaurer, minister and reformer of the town of
Constance.

[209] Carlostad, the friend, and, at a later period, the hot-headed
adversary of Luther. At this time he had retired to Basle, where he
was settled as minister of St. Peter's. He died in 1541.

[210] Lazarus Baisius, a distinguished and learned man, ambassador
of the French king at the Diet of Haguenau.

The address of the princes I desire, with good reason, may still be kept secret by you. We may shortly have a more convenient season when it can be brought to light, or at all events may be imparted to those who have an interest. Lately, in the same way, you have done me much mischief. For you cannot believe how much ill-will Erasmus has kindled against me in that very shallow publication of his, where he says, that a book was printed at Strasbourg, in which both Luther and the Strasburghers were treated with distinction, and that Luther, nevertheless, had sent him a kindly salutation, &c. ... while he thus goes a-begging in all directions in order to procure adherents to his cause, he implicates along with himself others who do not deserve to be mixed up with the affair. And, really, I have very good reason to find fault with you, who have suffered a familiar and confidential letter to get abroad--which ought to have been kept close in your own bosom--and to fly away as far as Berne. Now I come to your letter. I could not take it ill that the bearer of my letter should be despatched by you without a reply, when he told me that you were engaged in a work of so great a necessity. It is something, however, that you really do excuse yourself, provided that you understand that I am satisfied on the condition, that in future you may be more careful. Nor shall I be very easily appeased if you omit or trifle with me at any time. I had not properly understood that Francis had been dismissed, according to your former letter, on account of misconduct. I was rather inclined to be of opinion, that some fair pretence was sought for. At present, in so far as can be surmised from your expressions, I perceive that he is charged with that crime which I was certainly persuaded he abhors with his whole soul. I sometimes wish, however, that we could have you here, where Capito and Bucer might hear all these things from your own mouth. For Bucer seemed not very patiently to hear what I say; but I fear that if you intend to be with me on a certain event taking place, you may have come too late. I have not yet found a wife, and frequently hesitate as to whether I ought any more to seek one. Claude and my brother had lately betrothed me to a demoiselle. Three days after they had returned, some things were told me which forced me to send away my brother, that he might discharge us from that obligation. As yet, it is not very evident to me what the matter is about which the Genevese are either making a disturbance among themselves, or are disquieted by those of Berne. I foresee, however, that it will have the very worst consequences, unless the Lord comes to their help by some wonderful method of deliverance. You know, I believe, what Marcourt wrote in that letter which was delivered to me along with yours. He avers solemnly that it never entered his mind to say that the epistle of Sadolet had been tampered with, and, therefore, earnestly requests that I may not allow this impression to settle upon my mind. I shall so reply as that it may appear that I by no means seek for causes of complaint, and that there is nothing in which I take less delight than in strifes and variance.

I will take an opportunity of inquiring whether the Count is possessed of those territories in Burgundy which you have mentioned. In France, he certainly has nothing left. There you labour in vain about Pont de Veyle[211] and other places. If war shall take place, I know not whether it will be restored. I cannot enough express my astonishment where or when Cressonnière could have dreamed what he related to Guerin about my recantation, nor do I know what to say to it, unless either that he must have been drunk or out of his wits when he gave utterance to such an absurdity. To Guerin himself, who I see is somewhat disturbed about it, I will write satisfactorily by the first opportunity. Nicolas and Henry have excellent appetites; therefore, unless you make haste to come yourself, you must think of some way of sending them money. The case of our excellent friend Zebedee,[212] or rather the state of our own Church, where at present there is no discipline, grieves me beyond measure. Some method must be fallen upon by which we may restrain these furies from such an unwarrantable interference. Since, however, for the present we have nothing better, I advise that what he spoke about the very prevalent ignorance of Christ, he may confirm by the testimony of such persons whose authority will have weight at Berne. Among the ancients he has many supporters; but he cannot do a greater despite unto his opponents, than when he puts forward Luther, Bucer, Brentz, and others, as authority. Above all, it is important that it be demonstrated how impertinent and unbecoming it is that a handful of unlearned and inexperienced men, in a dark corner of the land, should dare to accuse of heresy men who are actually of the highest distinction and authority in the Church; and it will be well to write to Konzen, and to assure him of the odium which he will inevitably draw down upon himself if the eminent persons above named shall come to know how and with what impunity their writings are cut and carved on. Take my word for it, he will kindle a fire about the ears of these rascals which shall not easily be extinguished, if he only applies himself to it with the talent which he possesses.

[211] Pont de Veyle, a small town of the Bresse, handed over at that
time by the King of France to the Duke of Savoy.

[212] Andrew Zebedee, minister at Orbe, deposed by the Senate of
Berne for having set himself in opposition, on some points, to the
theology of Bucer.

Adieu, my sound-hearted brother; for indeed I am obliged here to break off my discourse, since I have been too late in rising up. Will you remember me in the most friendly way to all the brethren--Chaponneau, Cordier, Thomas, Michael, Fatin, and the others? Blessed be the Lord, who was present in his strength for the subduing of that beast which had lifted up the horn against his glory! Salute also, for me, your brother Walter, with his wife. The Lord have you in his safe keeping. All our friends salute you.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLIX.--TO MONSIEUR DU TAILLY.[213]

[213] M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken refuge at
Geneva, a declared partisan of the Reformation and of Calvin, whose
return he pressingly urged, as the following letter, taken from the
MSS. of the Company of Neuchatel, sufficiently attests:--

MONSIEUR DU TAILLY TO FAREL.

VERY DEAR BROTHER,--At the suasion of the most of the good brethren
hereaway, I have written to our good brother Calvin that there
is a need of him to come to the help of his brethren of Geneva,
without taking any heed to the injury which had been done to Jesus
Christ in chasing him away, but that he will have to consider the
desolation in which they are, and his own bounden duty; wherefore I
have written to him to let me know his mind, before that they send
away a deputation to him. I shall, besides, entreat of you on your
part, that you do charge and persuade him what he ought to do. I
say no more to you. Your letter has been very well taken by those
hereabout, and I believe that it will greatly profit them, and they
hold themselves specially bounden to you for having mind of them
in their time of need, and by that shewing evidently that you are
a true pastor, not of those who leave them exposed to danger. For
the rest, the Lord has done his pleasure as concerning Sir Michel
Balthazar. It is a great loss for the town so far as man can see.
Nevertheless his will must be done, and none other. May the Lord
enable you to persevere as you have begun. From Geneva, this 3d
October 1540.--To the uttermost, your friend and brother,

DU TAILLY.

Review of the Conferences of Haguenau--the state of parties in
Germany.

STRASBOURG, _28th July 1540_.

MONSIEUR DU TAILLY,--Owing to my having put off writing to you my last letters until we should have more certain news of the Assembly of Haguenau to send you, I was unwilling to let this bearer depart without a letter, albeit the matter has not yet been brought to a conclusion. I shall, therefore, briefly report progress up to this present time. You are aware that King Ferdinand had summoned the princes of his party some time before those of our side, for the purpose of taking counsel with them as to the quarter in which it would be most advisable to attack us. After having held their consultation, they have given it as their opinion to elect four suitable arbiters, to hear the controverted points on the one side and on the other, with the view of arriving at some settled determination. The commissioners were the Count Palatine, the Bishop of Treves, both electors; the Duke of Bavaria, and the Bishop of Strasbourg. Not one of our princes has yet appeared, for that they have been summoned on too short an intimation, and to that effect have excused themselves to the Emperor; but they have despatched with a safe conduct their ambassadors and councillors, along with learned men, to make all the needful arrangements. These same persons, although they might by rights have refused those whom they had presented to them as arbiters, or at least a part, have nevertheless agreed to accept them, so as to let them understand that they did not wish on any account whatever to draw back. But it has come to pass, as indeed we always thought it would. Whenever there has been some stir about making a beginning, Messieurs the arbiters, not knowing where to commence, have asked our folk what they had to say. To which they have returned for answer, that they required, in terms of the Confession presented at Augsbourg, the Churches might be reformed, offering, on their part, to clear up any difficulties which might lie in the way, and to explain more fully whatever might be obscure. Thereupon, Nausea[214] advised Ferdinand to yield to us at once the marriage of the clergy and the communion in both kinds; as to other matters in dispute, that it was not lawful to enter upon them without the leave of our holy father the Pope. That also met with the entire approval of Faber,[215] of Cochlæus,[216] and their companions. So, in conclusion, answer is made by Ferdinand, and by those who were of a like mind with himself, that it depends on our princes, and it is their fault if no good method of agreement were fallen upon; that for his part, he was there to deliberate in friendly conference for that end, but that they had not deigned to give him a meeting. That notwithstanding all that, the Emperor will not oppose the assembling of another diet, in which the points in dispute may be discussed on both sides, but under such conditions that, after each debate, the definite decision must be referred to his Majesty [the Emperor] and his Holiness the Pope. That, in the meanwhile, our folk must not be strengthening themselves by new alliances, nor entice away any one to receive their religion, while, at the same time, the confederate alliances entered upon since the Assembly of Nuremberg[217] must be annulled.

[214] Frederic Nausea, theologian, known by some writings of a
controversial kind against the Lutherans.

[215] John Faber, Vicar-General of the Church of Constance, a
renowned theologian of the Roman Catholic Church. In recompense of
his zeal in opposing the Protestants, he obtained the Bishopric of
Vienna.

[216] John Cochlæus of Nuremberg, one of the principal opponents
and detractors of Luther, against whom he displayed more anger than
skill in his warfare. He appeared at the Conferences of Worms and of
Ratisbon, in 1541, and died in 1552. We have, of his writing, the
"_Libri duo Hussitarum Historiæ_," Moguntiæ, 1549.

[217] The princes of the Empire, met at Nuremberg in 1524, had
drawn up a list of the abuses of the Court of Rome, proclaimed the
necessity of a Reformation, and appealed to a general council,
interdicting, at the same time, the publication of any opinion
contrary to the dogmas of the Church, previous to the convocation of
that assembly.

As to that objection, that our princes have hindered the progress of the treaty, it has been easy enough to meet it with a sufficient reply, for there was no need for their being present in person, when they sent their doctors and their councillors with full power. Moreover, they had promised to come if they saw that a settlement was contemplated in good earnest. As for the conference, _that_ they received very willingly, but the whole of the conditions they utterly rejected as unbearable, not to say ridiculous; for it is the very reverse of what the Emperor had promised at Frankfort.

The intention of our opponents has been to extend their league and to contract ours; but we hope that God will order and dispose our lot far otherwise. However that may turn out, those of our side seek to advance and to extend the kingdom of Christ as much as possible, and hold on their course with inflexible resolution. We know not at present what the Lord will be pleased in his providence to send. There is one section of our adversaries who cry loudly for war. The Emperor is so embarrassed, that he dare not undertake it. The Pope, for his part, in good earnest is quite ready to set his hand to it, for he has made offer, by his ambassador, of three hundred thousand ducats to begin with. If all those who as yet have not received our religion would only agree among themselves to attack us, the Emperor would make no difficulty in lending his name, were it for no other motive than to break the strength of Germany, so that he might tame them all the more at his ease; but he has one great let and hindrance in his way, and that is, that the whole of the electors are of one mind as to this, that it is desirable to quench these civil broils without having recourse to arms. The Duke of Saxony and the Marquis of Brandenbourg are confederate with us. Thus they have no choice but to follow out the cause they have taken up. The Archbishop of Cologne is no less to be counted on, for he goes so far as to admit that the Church needs to be reformed, and sees well enough that we have truth on our side. The Count Palatine, also, is very desirous to have some reformation, which he cannot expect to see accomplished by any other than peaceful means. Mentz and Treves love the peace and liberty of the country, which they fear might be sacrificed should the Emperor have subdued us. These considerations induced them to resist any other course of proceeding against us but that of a peaceable conference, such as we have called for. The King of France lends no assistance, except on the condition that their proceedings are regulated by Christian feeling. His ambassador is Baysius, who knows nothing at all about the matter in dispute. Notwithstanding, he receives us kindly enough when we go to call for him, and has thought right to call here before returning to his lodging.

All the learned folks who have come hither on our behalf are well agreed with one another. Seeing that our opponents do nought but amuse themselves, they have thought good to consult apart how they might set up some sort of discipline in the Church; but as they could not come to any conclusion without communicating with the absent, as with Luther, Philip, and others, and far less carry their plan into execution without the consent of the princes, they have only got so far as that each has promised for himself to use his endeavour with the princes and towns to assemble a meeting of our friends in order to attend to that. It will be the most important affair which we shall have to deal with at present.

Melanchthon is not yet come hither, by reason of some sudden illness, and also because, perhaps, he thought that there was no need to be in any immediate hurry to come. For my part, my only object was recreation, as also that of Capito.

Your brother and good friend,
JOHN CALVIN.

[_Fr. Copy_--_Archives of Geneva._ No. 1250.]

L.--TO PETER CAROLI.[218]

[218] Repulsed at the same time in the requests which he had
addressed to the Church of Neuchatel and to that of Strasbourg,
Caroli had retired to Metz, from whence he wrote a letter to Calvin
full of bravado and reproach, offering to be reconciled with him and
Farel if they would procure him a benefice. The reply of Calvin,
equally remarkable for power as well as charity, is a testimony of
the moderation and of the wisdom of the writer.

Answer to the complaints of Caroli--refuses to grant to him the
professorial chair unless he repents of his past offences.

STRASBOURG, _10th August 1540_.

Grace to you and peace from the Lord, whose Spirit can give sound advice to you and a right will, and also to us.