Chapter XXI: Part 21

Everywhere throughout France the minds of men are raised to great expectation from the talk of a Council,[460] nor is there any doubt that the King himself entertained at first some hope, and some intention of assembling a Council. For the Cardinal de Tournon,[461] on his return from the Emperor, had persuaded the King that the Emperor had so intended. Meanwhile he recommended, in the name of the Emperor, that the King should call to him two or three theologians of your number, and that separately, so as thereby to draw somewhat out of each of them by his cajoleries, or that he might somehow or other squeeze out of each what he could never be able to obtain from the whole of them in a body. The Emperor promised that he, on his side, would do the same. The aim of all this was, that fettered, as it were, by these flattering preliminaries, you should have less power whenever you should get the length of a serious discussion of the question. For because they cannot succeed in discouraging or defeating us by a direct, straightforward, and simple dealing with the case, they see no more summary method of going about it, than to have the princes at their mercy, and that _they_ may hold their liberty captive and dependent upon _them_. As this advice was well liked by the King, Chatelain[462] declared that it would not do to send French theologians to attend the disputation, unless they were well disciplined and trained beforehand; that you were men thoroughly acquainted with the subject and used to this warfare, nor could you be made, so easily as they supposed, to waste your strength to no purpose; that by betraying the ignorance of his theologians, the King ought to be upon his guard lest he should expose the whole kingdom to derision. The vain-glory of the King gave the preference to this opinion. Twelve French theologues have been commissioned to dispute at Melun on the controverted points, and to report at length to the King what they shall have concluded upon. They have bound themselves by oath to secrecy. But all their silence notwithstanding, I am thoroughly well assured, that every thought will be directed to the oppression of the truth.[463] Though they may pretend to seek some sort of reformation, nothing is more certain than that they have only this one object in view, how to bury the light of sound doctrine, that they may establish their own tyranny. It is my belief, that God defeated the counsel of the Cardinal de Tournon, that they might not ensnare a single man of us, even when we had not the slightest suspicion of such a thing. You can remember having yourself been tempted by the same artful policy on the part of Langey. If, however, we look to the Lord, they shall in vain assault us with all their contrivances.

[460] Transferred successively from Vicenza to Mantua, and from
Mantua to Trent, the Council opened in that latter town the 13th
December 1545.

[461] Francis de Tournon, Archbishop of Lyons, and a cardinal, one
of the fiercest persecutors of the Reformed under the reigns of
Francis I., of Henry II., and of Francis II. He introduced the order
of the Jesuits into France, set himself steadily in opposition to
the establishment of religious liberty, and died in 1562.

[462] Chatelain, Bishop of Mâeon, Reader to the King, Francis
I., who partook of his taste and disposition. Favourable to the
Reformation, which, however, he dared not to profess openly, this
prelate, at a later period, betrayed the hopes of the Reformed by
taking up his position among the persecutors of the Gospel.--See
Beza, _Hist. Eccl._, tom. i. pp. 79, 80.

[463] These theologians actually did assemble at Melun: "but there
was," says Beza, "such division among them, that they only exchanged
words and abuse, and were on the point of coming sometimes even to
blows; the more ignorant who had been mixed up with the others not
being willing to suffer those who were more learned to touch upon
the abuses, however gently."--_Hist. Eccl._, tom. i. p. 48.

Adieu, most excellent sir, and my ever to be respected friend may the Lord be ever present to you and long preserve you safe and sound for the good of his own Church.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. Copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

CXXIV.--TO LUTHER.[464]

[464] A peculiar interest attaches to this letter, the only one
which the French Reformer had written to the German Reformer.
Inspired by the deep conviction of the unity of the Reformed
churches, written with as much moderation as respect, the message of
conciliation was not even listened to. Soured by the quarrel about
the sacraments, in which he took too great a share during the latter
years of his life, Luther evinced daily more and more irritation
against the theologians of Switzerland, and Melanchthon did not
even venture to present the letter of Calvin, to whom he wrote in
sadness: "I have not shewn your letter to Dr. Martin, for he takes
up many things suspiciously, and does not like his replies to
questions of the kind you have proposed to him, to be carried round
and handed from one to another.... At present I am looking forward
to exile and other sorrows. Farewell. On the day upon which, 3846
years ago, Noah entered into the ark, by which God gave testimony of
his purpose never to forsake his Church even when she quivers under
the shock of the great sea billows."--Melanchthon to Calvin, _MSS.
of Geneva_, vol. 106.

Calvin submits to Luther several of his writings, of which he
desires to obtain his approbation.

_January 21, 1545._

To the very excellent pastor of the Christian Church, Dr. M. Luther, my much respected father,

When I saw that my French fellow-countrymen, as many of them as had been brought out from the darkness of the Papacy to soundness of the faith, had altered nothing as to their public profession, and that they continued to defile themselves with the sacrilegious worship of the Papists, as if they had never tasted the savour of true doctrine, I was altogether unable to restrain myself from reproving so great sloth and negligence, in the way that I thought it deserved. How, indeed, can this faith, which lies buried in the heart within, do otherwise than break forth in the confession of the faith? What kind of religion can that be, which lies submerged under seeming idolatry? I do not undertake, however, to handle the argument here, because I have done so at large already in two little tractates, wherein, if it shall not be troublesome to you to glance over them, you will more clearly perceive both what I think, and the reasons which have compelled me to form that opinion. By the reading of them, indeed, some of our people, while hitherto they were fast asleep in a false security, having been awakened, have begun to consider what they ought to do. But because it is difficult either casting aside all consideration of self, to expose their lives to danger, or having roused the displeasure of mankind, to encounter the hatred of the world, or having abandoned their prospects at home in their native land, to enter upon a life of voluntary exile, they are withheld or kept back by these difficulties from coming to a settled determination. They put forth other reasons, however, and those somewhat specious, whereby, one may perceive that they only seek to find some sort of pretext or other. In these circumstances, because they hang somehow in suspense, they are desirous to hear your opinion, which as they do deservedly hold in reverence, so it shall serve greatly to confirm them. They have therefore requested me, that I would undertake to send a trusty messenger to you, who might report your answer to us upon this question. And because I thought it was of very great consequence for them to have the benefit of your authority, that they might not fluctuate thus continually, and I myself stood besides in need of it, I was unwilling to refuse what they required. Now, therefore, much respected father in the Lord, I beseech you by Christ, that you will not grudge to take the trouble for their sake and mine, first, that you would peruse the epistle written in their name, and my little books, cursorily and at leisure hours, or that you would request some one to take the trouble of reading, and report the substance of them to you. Lastly, that you would write back your opinion in a few words. Indeed, I am unwilling to give you this trouble in the midst of so many weighty and various employments; but such is your sense of justice, that you cannot suppose me to have done this unless compelled by the necessity of the case; I therefore trust that you will pardon me. Would that I could fly to you, that I might even for a few hours enjoy the happiness of your society; for I would prefer, and it would be far better, not only upon this question, but also about others, to converse personally with yourself; but seeing that it is not granted to us on earth, I hope that shortly it will come to pass in the kingdom of God. Adieu, most renowned sir, most distinguished minister of Christ, and my ever-honoured father. The Lord himself rule and direct you by his own Spirit, that you may persevere even unto the end, for the common benefit and good of his own Church.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 196.]

CXXV.--TO AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE.[465]

[465] A letter without address and without date, probably written
to one of the friends of the Reformer in France,--perhaps Louis du
Chemin, or Francis Daniel,--who, while sincerely adhering to the
doctrine of the Reformed, kept up in appearance their connection
with the Roman Catholic Church. It is to this enlightened but
timid class of men that two writings, submitted by Calvin to
the approbation of Luther, were specially addressed. See two
preceding Letters. "These writings," says Beza, "were the cause
of a great blessing, several persons having resolved to devote
themselves to God's service, who had formerly been asleep in their
uncleanness."--_Hist. Eccl._, tom. i. p. 49. But we know not who
is the individual to whom Calvin addresses warnings against the
seductions of the Court of Rome, and in the absence of certain
knowledge, we are only left to conjecture.

Difficulties in the way of a reunion, and doubts of the efficacy
of a General Council under present circumstances--deplorable
state of the Church--motives which prevented him from going to
confer in person with the German Reformers--his proposals to
them.

_January 1545._

And so, just as if the day for holding the Council had been appointed for the next month, you make already arrangements for your departure.[466] This, however, is of itself a proof how rashly and at haphazard everything is done among you, and nothing set about prudently or after deliberation, that when the most able persons in the whole kingdom should be selected, the matter has been entrusted to such incapables; except, perchance, that while on other occasions they are the most sluggish of all, they are not the less on all occasions but too well prepared for mischief. Besides, I have an opinion that the expectation of a Council, which is said to be at its height among you, will prove to have been unfounded. The Diet of the Empire will meet in February. No serious deliberation, however, will begin before March. I know by experience the German method of doing business. Of this I can as certainly assure you, as if I had been actually present. Our friends will insist from the first that, excluding Antichrist, they may at length establish somewhat of order among themselves. On the other hand, those who are enchained in willing bondage to their Romish idol, will deny that this is lawful or allowable for them to do. The Emperor, that he may in part give some sort of satisfaction to our side, will promise fair, that he is ready to do everything, and may, perhaps, make a show of doing somewhat; but as soon as possible after having made a beginning, upon some pretence or other, which is never wanting to men of that sort, he will break away altogether. This will certainly be the final decision, that it is not lawful to determine anything in the matter of religion except by authority of the Pope. As for the calling of a Synod, when that shall have begun to be mooted, by and by our side will begin to remonstrate, that it is disgraceful that the settlement of religion should be entrusted to the professed enemies of God. They will cite Antichrist as a criminal and defendant: certainly, they will never permit him to be the judge. But by what means do you think they can be induced to come to Trent? If even there were to be no let or hindrance on our side, since there is nothing that would be more agreeable to the Emperor, than, having turned the attention of every one to the Turkish war, to leave the state of the Church for a while in suspense,--will he not then, in this matter which accords so perfectly with his own views, be only too well inclined to make concessions which will gratify the Pope? Even were we to suppose, for instance, that a Council has been summoned, that already every thing is in readiness and all prepared, do we reckon that the idol[467] will be any way at a loss for some artifice or other, whereby he may interrupt and throw all into disorder? What will then become of religion, torn and rent asunder and laid waste? what will become of the wretched Church rushing forward apparently to destruction? what will become of the Christian name? what will become of the glory of God? Assuredly, we must ask of him, that himself alone would take the entire charge of all things, and uphold the Church. Our friends are drowsy, nor is there any hope of their more vigorous and cordial action, unless the Lord awaken them from some quarter or another. Howbeit, the ungodly give them occasion enough of beginning to think of taking some heed to themselves. The canons of Cologne, with the whole rabble of the clergy, have done their utmost to get their Archbishop degraded[468] from his station. They have called meetings of the States, that they might have their allowance to substitute another in his place. This has been refused. They made the same application to the Emperor; his answer was that he would not be found wanting on occasion, provided they themselves did their duty. He was unwilling to grant their request openly. However, one may easily prognosticate from these roundabout proceedings, that he would not be at all unwilling that they should make some disturbance about it, and should they proceed to any greater length, war is certain, in which the whole of Germany throughout will be much weakened and shaken to the foundations; for this, also, the Lord will provide and see to. This to my mind is the only consolation, that death can never be a misfortune to a Christian man. In the meanwhile, I will lament as I ought for the calamities of the Church, and make myself wretched when I think of the condition of the godly; only, however, in so far as not to be in despair. Were we only well agreed among ourselves, I would be much less anxious; but in the midst of those hostile preparations on the other side, that certain persons should find leisure enough for senseless quarrelling with one another, looks rather portentous. Upon the other hand, too, some one or other, in an elegy, has attacked Osiander,[469] a person who is himself rather wanting in good sense. In desiring to clear himself, he has so besprinkled his book with rancour, that for myself I was mightily ashamed of him; but nothing has given me more vexation, than that he insults the Zuinglians in every third line. It is even after such a sort as this that we seem to have hired ourselves, both hand and tongue, to the ungodly, that we may afford them sport and pastime by tearing one another to pieces. Who is there that would not lose heart entirely where so many stumblingblocks are thrown in the way? I do most readily acknowledge, that there is no one so iron-hearted who would not be utterly cast down, unless he look continually unto the Lord. And, therefore, I so read the meaning of all this, that it appears to be the Lord's will, by every possible means, to try us whether our dependence is placed on men; and, for my own part, it is so far from overwhelming me, that, on the contrary, no slender confirmation thence arises of my faith. For while I see the Church marvellously steered by the Lord in the midst of those mighty waves, so that it cannot be overwhelmed; while these very tempests are at their height, until everything would seem as if about to mingle in wild disorder, yet I see that the noise of the waves is stilled, and in a moment they are calm; wherefore, then, may I not thence conceive good hope of the future? Let us therefore haste forward in the race of our calling, leaning upon this confidence, that the Church, which has God for the perpetual Guardian of her safety, will at length surmount these perils; but because every one has not the same strength of mind, the more familiarly I repose these matters in your confidence, all the more on that account you will be careful as to the few to whom you may communicate them.

[466] See note 1, p. 438.

[467] It is the same thought confirmed by the events which the
Reformer expressed six years later, in the preface of the Commentary
on the Canonical Epistles, dedicated to the King of England.--"But
although the venerable fathers had begun to dazzle the eyes of
the simple with some Will-o'-the-Wisp stories about the sitting
of a Council, all this shining deceptious appearance having been
dissipated by a secret whisper suddenly mooted by the See of Rome,
vanished in smoke, except, that in order to keep up the excitement,
a little cloud hovered for a season over Bologna."--_Dedication to
King Edward VI._, _26th January 1551_, édit. de Genève, 1562.

[468] See Sleidan, lib. xvi., pp. 455, 456.

[469] See the note 1, p. 437.

With regard to what you asked in your last letter, I felt some sort of hesitation whether I ought to undertake the matter; for the journey is long, rugged, and toilsome. The post on horseback does not reach Wittemberg in less than twenty days. To send any one, as it might happen, without choosing a fit person, would be dangerous. On light-headed fellows and vagabonds one can place no dependence, and few others are to be found. To a person unacquainted with the language the road will prove very toilsome, and there is scarcity everywhere on account of the late dearth. I myself am altogether unfurnished as to money; besides, although the season is not inconvenient, I am unable to sustain the burdens which already press upon me without being entirely exhausted. For in this time of the dearth, with which for the last two years we have had to struggle, I found the incurring of debt was unavoidable; however, I do not speak of this for the sake of complaining. God hath dealt very kindly with me, so much so, that I am quite content with what I have. But I mention it that you may understand that it is not easy for me to find persons here from whom I can take up money upon loan: they are indeed all of them merchants, and themselves almost starving. Add to this what I have already said, that the time is unseasonable for consulting Luther, because his anger has scarce settled down from the heat of contention. Since, however, you insist so earnestly, and press me with so many protestations that I would do so, my first and chief desire was to comply with your wishes. I have accordingly requested and obtained of an honourable, and a not unlearned young man,[470] that he would take this trouble on my account. My two treatises I have translated word for word into Latin, which have been sent along with my letters, that so they might be able to form an opinion. Nor have I asked any other favour, except that they would express freely and without reserve whatever they may think upon the question: only adding, that it would be noway agreeable to me, should they feel any delicacy in so far as concerned myself. The messenger will scarcely have returned before two months; for he must be forty days upon the road: I assign four days for rest, the remainder of the time for consultation.--Adieu.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 235.]

[470] See the note 2, p. 434.

CXXVI.--TO VIRET.

Intelligence of France and Germany--Synod of Melun.

GENEVA, _February 2, 1545_.

I have sent the pamphlet of Chaponneau,[471] together with the answer, lately to Neuchatel, to Farel and the rest of the brethren. You can ask to have it from them if you wish to read it. I have sent besides to Farel the letter of Robert,[472] in which he mentioned what was the advice which Cardinal Tournon had brought along with him from the Emperor's court, to wit, that he might call forth four or five from our side, one after the other, and so deal with them separately, that they might either be wheedled by fair speeches, or might be moved by threats, liberally to abate somewhat in their demands, so as that might be turned to our prejudice. You are aware that this was in time past the artful policy of Langey.[473] There happened to be a messenger very opportunely upon the spot, by whom I have warned Bucer, as being the person I was most alarmed about, because he lies more in their neighbourhood, and would be among the first to be chosen by our adversaries. After that, also, I have written particularly to Melanchthon by Claude de Senarclens, whom I was sending to Germany on another account. For at the request of some friends I have asked of Luther, of Melanchthon, and of Bucer, that they would write us their opinion upon that treatise of mine which treats of a similar question to that upon which you have written,[474] not so much because I was very much set upon consulting them, or that there was any hope of its being successful. But when the Frenchmen had once got that into their heads, I knew that they would never rest till they had got it done. I therefore preferred that they should form a judgment with the evidence before them rather than without a hearing of the cause.

[471] See the Letter to the Ministers of Neuchatel, p. 410.

[472] This was, doubtless, the celebrated printer of Paris, Robert
Etienne, who retired in 1551 to Geneva.

[473] William du Bellay had died in 1543, without realizing the
hope which the Reformers of Germany and Switzerland had rested on
his character and talents, for the spread of the Gospel in France.
(See note 1, p. 58.) Th. de Bèze accuses him of double-dealing,
and stigmatizes him as "rather the servant of the king than of
God."--_Hist. Eccl._, tom. i. p. 22. Sleidan is less severe; witness
the fine _éloge_ he has written of the Lord of Langey, lib. xv. pp.
424-426.

[474] The work of Viret which is here alluded to, is without doubt,
the following:--_Deux Discours addressés aux Fidèles qui sont parmi
les Papistes_, in 8vo, Genève, 1544.

If, however, the King has not immediately complied with the advice of the Emperor and Tournon, that has so fallen out, rather through the ambition than from any prudent forethought of Chatelaine,[475] although I have no doubt whatever, but that the Lord hath driven him on thus far, that so he might thwart this very artful policy, so full of danger, and that our friends might not be utterly outdone before they were aware of it. He shewed the king that it was to be feared that if he should commit his doctors unprepared to cope with men well trained and exercised in that kind of warfare, he would expose not themselves merely to disgrace, but also the whole kingdom. That, therefore, it would be better that some learned men should be named by the king, who, uniting their efforts, might arm themselves for the onset against us. There are twelve at Melun, out of which number two are thought to be passing good;[476] I know not whether I ought to admit that there is a single one of them who answers even this description. Surety, they are meditating no good; but He who sits in heaven shall have them in derision, and also make them a laughing-stock in the earth. Adieu, may the Lord preserve you and your family whom pray salute for me and mine.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[475] See note 1, p. 439, and _Hist. Eccl._, tom. i. p. 80.

[476] Of this number was doubtless the learned Danes, Professor of
Greek in Paris, who at that time manifested favourable dispositions
towards the Reformation. At a later period he became the preceptor
of Francis II., a bishop, and a persecutor.--_Hist. Eccl._, tom. i.
p. 48.

CXXVII.--TO VIRET.[477]

[477] Written to Viret in the outpouring of an unconstrained
friendship, and pilfered from his master by an unfaithful valet,
this letter became the subject, in 1548, of a formal accusation
brought against Calvin before the Seigneury of Geneva, by Eremite
Defrique Trolliet, one of the chiefs of the party of the Libertines.
See on this affair the Correspondence of the Reformer with Farel and
Viret, September 1548.

Election of new magistrates at Geneva--struggles of Calvin.

GENEVA, _12th February 1545_.

See how I am not even yet ashamed of my remissness! I have found out a method by which I can relieve myself from the trouble of writing. I send you a copy of the letters which I have written to Luther and to Philip, that you may thence understand why I have sent Claude to them. I have added a third, addressed to him who had made the request to me concerning that question. The day before your letter arrived, Textor had brought from Christopher the book of Farel to Girard: it can be printed in a short time. I have not yet spoken to Louis Bernard. He has twice already slipped away from me from the sermon, but to-morrow or next day I shall make your excuse to him. I can hear about Le Comte when you shall come; for as I perceive, my ears are spared for the present, that they may not be compelled to hear evil of others; and certainly I am abundantly tormented when I am thinking and meditating on our concerns; for, as usual, I have to wrestle in darkness with hypocrisy. Amblard Corne hath moved the Senate that he might lay down his office;[478] for he has discovered to the commonalty matters which had hitherto lain concealed in the secret counsels of the Senate. They suspect, moreover, that this had taken place not without my being aware of it, though, nevertheless, they do not venture openly to make a noise about it, and do not even shew any token whatever of indignation. I perceive, however, how evil-disposed they are, and already I have broken ground upon the subject of the internal state of the city, in ten sermons. Wherefore, however, should I enter into this labyrinth? Come, then, and see with your eyes those things which you cannot know by the hearing of the ear. The Syndics have been appointed--Amy Curtet, Amy Perrin, Domeine Arlot, Jacques de Tortonne. Louis Bernard, Peter Verne, and two others, have been induced to enter the Senate. They give us good hope concerning themselves. I know not, however, what we may hope, for, under the pretext that Christ reigns, they wish to rule without Christ. Adieu, my brother and very dear friend in the Lord. All our friends salute you and your household. Greet Ribitti and Imbert, from whose wife I wish you would ascertain whether she has anything she wishes to send to Perrot, for the good man waits, not without the greatest anxiety.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[478] He had resigned the office of Syndic and of Lieutenant of the
Police of Geneva.

CXXVIII.--TO VIRET.

Mention of Clement Marot's metrical versions of the
Psalms--persecutions in France.

GENEVA, _15th March 1545_.

What alone Hector asked, he obtained of me without any difficulty whatever, that in reference to his smaller pieces we would be guided by your decision. Certainly you will pardon me for having laid this charge upon you, for indeed I could not otherwise satisfy both of you; because you wished him to understand that you had written to me expressly and anxiously. This, however, was the only method by which I could make that evident to him, unless I would refuse the one thing which he pressed. For who can seriously believe, that you had requested anything on my part which I would not grant? In so far as regards himself, if I was willing to comply with his wish, it behoved him to be made aware of that. I have not yet conferred with Girard. If they can come to an agreement, there shall be no delay on our part, although I would have certainly preferred that he had applied himself to the translation of other psalms than to those which had been rendered by Marot;[479] but neither shall that stand in the way of the publication. Besides the book which he shewed me, he mentioned that he had several hymns which he requested me to submit to you for the same purpose, with a view to publication; only I have warned him that he must not on all occasions handle the princes so roughly, because I remembered that seven years since something of the kind was done by him, but you can easily be upon your guard should you meet with anything which it may not be fitting should go farther.

[479] In retirement at Geneva in 1543, the celebrated French poet,
Clement Marot, had been charged, at the request of Calvin, with the
translation of the Psalms in verse. Extracts of _Registers of the
Council_, 15th October: "Calvin offers to engage Clement Marot to
put the Psalms of David in verse." The same year fifty Psalms were
printed at Geneva, with a preface by Calvin, which is found at the
beginning of the subsequent editions of 1551, 1556, 1563. The work
of Clement Marot was finished by Theodore de Bèze.

Of late we have nothing out of Germany. In some parts of France the disciples of Antichrist rage at will. There has been no further rage of persecution at Lyons, except that a few are detained in prison. Many have escaped by flight. May the Lord stretch forth his arm of might for the safety of the godly. When you shall arrive, we will converse freely on all subjects. Adieu, my very dear brother; may the Lord have you in his keeping. Salute Ribitti, Celio, Imbert, and the others respectfully, together with your own family.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

CXXIX.--TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.[480]

[480] Oswald Myconius had written on the 6th March to thank Calvin
for sending him the book intituled, "Supplex Exhortatio ad Cæsarem
Carolum V. et Illustriss. Principes aliosque ordines Spiræ nunc
Imperii Conventum Agentes, ut Restituendæ Ecclesiæ curam serio
suscipere velint, Genevæ, 1543." Translated into French in 1544; a
writing much praised by Bucer and Beza. See the Letter of Myconius
to Calvin.--Calv. _Opera_, p. 34.

Discovery of a conspiracy for the spreading of the Plague at
Geneva.--punishment of the conspirators.

GENEVA, _27th March 1545_.

Accept my best thanks for your communication about what you had heard concerning the Emperor and the Imperial Diet;[481] with regard to your opening my letter by mistake, I do not forgive you for that, since you have been no way to blame. The Lord is sorely trying us in this quarter.[482] A conspiracy of men and women has lately been discovered, who, for the space of three years, had spread the plague through the city, by what mischievous device I know not.[483] After fifteen women have been burnt; some men have even been punished more severely; some have committed suicide in prison; and while twenty-five are still kept prisoners;--the conspirators do not cease, notwithstanding, to smear the door-locks of the dwelling-houses with their poisonous ointment. You see in the midst of what perils we are tossed about. The Lord hath hitherto preserved our dwelling, though it has more than once been attempted. It is well that we know ourselves to be under his care.--Adieu, most accomplished sir, and my much respected brother.

[481] The Imperial Diet was then met at Worms. The Roman prelates
were preparing for the celebration of the approaching Council by
a life of gaiety and dissipation:--"Larvati ut non cognoscantur
domos intrant civium; ibi edunt, bibunt, ludunt, saltant,
libidinantur, &c., præparationes dignæ sive ad comitia, sive ad
Concilium."--_Myconius Calvino_, 6th March 1545.

[482] The plague had then broken out afresh and was raging at Geneva.

[483] See Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, tom. i. p. 283;--the details
relating to that fearful conspiracy.

* * * * *

This nobleman who is not unknown to you, will explain the great straits and difficulties with which at present our brethren of Provence are oppressed.[484] Because I am aware that, as one might expect, you have their welfare at heart, I only ask that when the time for assisting them shall arrive you will be ready prepared, as we hitherto always found you. But, in the first instance, as seemed right, I have stated the case to Bucer, that he may consider maturely whether any seasonable or likely access will be practicable to the King. Salute particularly your wife and friends.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[484] See notes, pp. 430, 431, 432.

CXXX.--TO THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE.[485]

[485] The name of the Princess of Navarre has already appeared
several times in this collection, pp. 36, 207, 342. Th. de Bèze
does not hesitate to place her among the most illustrious witnesses
for the truth in the sixteenth century. Endowed with the noblest
and most brilliant qualities both of the head and heart, which
rendered her the idol of her brother Francis I., and an object of
admiration to all her contemporaries, she was long a steady friend
of the Reformation, whose early representatives she protected in the
persons of Lefevre d'Etaples, Bishop Briçonnet, and Gérard Roussel,
and whose ministry she encouraged in the kingdom of Navarre. She
died in 1549. In the later years of her life her piety gradually
degenerated into a kind of contemplative mysticism, whose chief
characteristic was indifference towards outward forms, uniting the
external ordinances of the Romish Church with the inward cherishing
of a purer faith. We find numerous proofs of this in her poems,
published during her life, as well as in her letters, published
for the first time in Paris by M. Genin, under the following
title:--Lettres de Marguerite d'Angoulême; 8vo, 1841.--_Nouvelles
Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_; 8vo, 1842.

Calvin corresponded at different times with this Princess, whose
character and talents he admired, while, with holy boldness, he
censured her infirmities. Unfortunately only one of these letters
has been preserved, and is here presented to the reader as a
testimony of the faithful courage of the Reformer.--Bèze, _Hist.
Eccl._, tom. i. p. 49.

Calvin vindicates himself from the charge of having intended to
attack her in his book against the Libertines.

FROM GENEVA, _this 28th April 1545_.

MADAME,--I have received a letter from a man of this town, written, as he said, by your command, by which I understand that you are very ill-pleased with me because of a certain book by me composed, the which I have intituled Against the Libertines.[486] I am sorry to have saddened you, except in so far as it was for your welfare; for such sadness, as saith St. Paul, is so profitable that we have no occasion to repent having caused it. But I do not know, Madame, wherefore or how this book has been able to make you so angry. The man who has written to me alleges as the reason, that it is forasmuch as it is composed against you and your servants. So far as you are concerned, it has not been my intention to touch your honour, nor to lessen the reverence which all the faithful ought to bear you. I mean in addition to the reverence which we all owe to you, because of the royal majesty in which our Lord has exalted you, the house whence you are descended, and all the excellence that is in you, as regards the world. For those who are acquainted with me are well aware, that I am neither so barbarous nor so inhuman, as to despise, nor to go about to bring into contempt the principalities, the worldly nobility, and what belongs to human policy. Besides, I know the gifts which our Lord has put on you, and how he has engaged you in his service, and has employed you for the advancement of his kingdom, which affords reason enough for honouring you, and holding your honour in estimation. Likewise, Madame, I pray you do not allow yourself to be persuaded by those who excite you against me, seeking neither your advantage nor my damage, but rather to estrange you from that good-will and affection which you bear to the Church of God, and to discourage you from the service of our Lord Jesus, and of his members, which you have rendered to this hour. As regards your servants, I do not think that you value your household so highly as to reckon it more precious than that of our Lord Jesus, of which one member is called a devil, yea, forsooth, a servant who had been seated at his Master's table, and appointed to so honourable a condition as to be ambassador of the Son of God. But although I have not been so inconsiderate as to name your household, rather, indeed, concealing that those of whom I have to speak are any way attached to you, I have spoken in truth, and as before God. It remains for you to consider whether I have taken pleasure in casting reproach upon them, or whether I have been constrained by great and just occasion, yea, even of necessity, to tax them in this way. Now, Madame, if you have been well informed of the whole, I think so well of you, that not only you will excuse what I have done, but you will reckon my simplicity worthy of praise.

[486] This was the treatise, _Contre la Secte Fantastique et
Furieuse des Libertins qui se disent Spirituels_. 1544, in 8vo.
This sect spread more particularly in the Netherlands, denied
the authority of the written word, and, by a false spiritualism,
overturned the foundations of all Christian truth. Two of the
principal leaders, Quintin and Pocquet, were attached to the
household of the Queen of Navarre.

I see a sect the most execrable and pernicious that ever was in the world. I see that it does much harm, and is like a fire kindled for the general desolation and destruction, or as a contagious disease to infect the whole earth, unless some remedy is applied. Since, then, our Lord has called me to that office, my conscience constrains me to resist it so far as it is possible for me. And, more than that, with strong and earnest entreaties, I am seriously importuned by the poor believers, who see with concern the Netherlands of the Emperor altogether corrupted, that as soon as possible, and without delay, I put my hand to the work. Nevertheless, even after such requests, I have put off a whole year, to see whether the malady would be lulled asleep by silence. If any one should allege that, I could well, indeed, write against the wicked doctrine, letting the individuals alone, I have my more than reasonable excuse; it is that, considering what ruin Messieur Antony Pocquet has spread in the country of Artois and of Hainault, according to the relation of the brethren who have come hither expressly on that account, having heard the same repeated here; and considering that Quintin pretends no other object than to draw the poor simple souls to that more than brutal sect, and not so much by the report of others as having heard with my ears, understanding that they are always very bitter in opposing the doctrine of holiness, to draw poor souls into perdition, to beget in the world a despising of God, judge, Madame, whether it would have been lawful for me to dissemble? A dog barks and stands at bay if he sees any one assault his master. I should be indeed remiss, if, seeing the truth of God thus attacked, I should remain dumb, without giving one note of warning, I am quite persuaded that it is not your mind, that in order to favour you I must betray the Evangel which God has committed to me. Wherefore I do beseech you, Madame, not to be offended, if, being constrained by the duty of my office, under penalty of incurring the offence of God, I have not spared your servants, without, however, addressing yourself.

As for what you have said, that you would not like to have such a servant as myself, I confess that I am not qualified to render you great services; for I have not the ability, and besides, you do not need my services. It is most sure, however, that the inclination is not wanting, and as long as I shall live, please God, I shall always persevere in this purpose; and howsoever you may disdain my service, that will not prevent my being at heart your humble servant, and with a good will. For the rest, those who know me are well aware that I have never aspired to gain access to the courts of princes, the more that I have never been tempted to court worldly honour. Even had I made the attempt, possibly it might have been in vain. But I render thanks to our Lord that I have never been tempted; for I have good reason to be content to serve so good a Master, who has accepted me and retained me in his household, yea, forsooth, in appointing me to an office of such dignity and excellency, however contemptible it may be according to the world's reckoning. I would be above measure exceeding in my ingratitude did I not prefer that situation to all the riches and honours of the world.

As to the reproach of inconstancy which you make against me, in so far as I have retracted anything, I assure you, Madame, that you have been misinformed; for our Lord would never have brought me thus far without having required the confession of my faith. Had it pleased himself to try me in that respect, I do not vaunt about what I would have done; but I do not doubt, that since he bestowed that constancy upon me to expose my life to danger for another, out of respect solely to his word, that he would have stood with me in his strength, had there been any question about the glorifying of his name. Howsoever, he has so preserved and kept me from this reproach, that never have I unsaid, neither directly nor indirectly. What is more, I have ever contemplated with horror such faint-heartedness as to renounce Jesus for the saving of life or of property. I have said the same from the time when I was in France, of which there are many witnesses. But in order that you may be more confidently certain, that those who have made such a report of me have abused your too unsuspecting confidence, I refer to Monsieur de Clerac,[487] who can tell you that it is a false calumny which they lay upon me, which I ought by no means to bear, inasmuch as that by submitting to it the name of God would thereby be blasphemed. For although I am nothing, yet seeing that it has pleased God to make use of me, as one of his instruments for the edification of his Church, I see what consequence such an imputation would draw along with it, if it should stick to me to the discredit of the Evangel. But I praise the Lord, who has not so far permitted Satan to have his will over me, and has even supported my infirmity in that he has never proved me either by trial or imprisonment.

[487] Gerard Roussel, preacher to the Queen of Navarre, one of
the earliest missionaries of the Reformation at Paris. Appointed
Abbot of Clerac and Bishop of Oleron, he continued to preach the
new doctrines without breaking with the Roman Catholic Church, and
thus he drew upon himself the most severe censure of both Farel and
Calvin. This latter addressed a letter to him in 1536, concerning
the duty of a Christian man in the administration or the rejection
of the benefices of the Papal Church, and urged him in vain to
separate from the Romish Church, to which he remained attached
until his death in 1550. "His life," says a Roman Catholic writer,
"was without reproach; his kennel of dogs and of greyhounds was a
great crowd of poor people; his horses and his train a flock of
young children instructed in letters. He had much credit among the
people, upon whom he stamped by degrees a hatred and contempt for
the religion of their fathers."--Florimond de Rémond, _Hist. de
l' Héresie_, lib. vii. pp. 850, 851. See especially the ingenious
and learned Biography of Gerard Roussel, by M. Charles Schmidt,
Strasbourg, 1845, in 8vo.

I beseech you to excuse the brevity and the confusedness of my letter; for immediately on receiving the news of your displeasure, I have resolved to exert myself with all my might to satisfy you in so far as I could, were it for no other reason than to avoid my being the cause of your growing cold, or being turned away from that kind inclination which you have shewn hitherto toward the poor faithful brethren. And for that, Madame, after having very humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech the Lord Jesus to guard and guide you by his Spirit, to uphold you as well in prudence as in zeal to follow forth your holy calling.

Your very humble and obedient servant in the Lord,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Fr. copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107.]

CXXXI.--TO FAREL.[488]

[488] Misled by the false reports of the secret agents of the
Cardinal du Tournon, and by the calumnious denunciations of the
Baron d'Oppède, Francis I. at length was prevailed upon to carry
into execution the sentence pronounced by the Parliament of Aix
against the Vaudois of Provence, and to give the signal of the
dreadfully atrocious massacres of Cabrières and of Merindol.--_Hist.
des Martyrs_, lib. iii.; De Thou, lib. vi. On hearing the sad
intelligence, Calvin set out from Geneva in all haste for Berne,
to implore at Berne and Zurich the interference of the Reformed
cantons, even at the eleventh hour, in favour of these unhappy
victims of intolerance and fanaticism.

Massacre of the Waldenses of Provence--Calvin entreats the
sympathy of the Swiss Churches in their behalf.

GENEVA, _4th May 1545_.

After those two brothers about whom I had written, on my suggestion were returned to their friends, the one of them has returned to us with the melancholy intelligence, that several villages have been consumed by fire, that most of the old men had been burned to death, that some had been put to the sword, others having been carried off to abide their doom; and that such was the savage cruelty of these persecutors, that neither young girls, nor pregnant women, nor infants, were spared. So great is the atrocious cruelty of this proceeding, that I grow bewildered when I reflect upon it. How, then, shall I express it in words?[489] On hearing of this dreadful tragedy, and considering what ought to be done, it seemed advisable to the brethren in the first place, that we should send a man to you with my letter, which recommends the cause of all the churches to the ministers; and, in the next place, we asked the advice of the Council, because we were not so clear among ourselves what measures ought to be taken. It was the opinion of the Council that I should go in person to the Swiss Churches. I shall therefore set out to-morrow on the journey. I can scarcely be able to reach Berne before Thursday. As soon as I can, I shall urge the Council to grant me an audience of the Senate. If you approve, you had better come to Berne on Friday. From thence we shall go together; but if otherwise, I can proceed alone. Because Bucer, in his last letter, has almost entirely cut off all hope, I almost fear that I may lose my pains by going to Strasbourg. Should the brethren at Basle advise it, I shall make the attempt for all that. It will at any rate be most refreshing to me to have a sight of you at Berne. Adieu, my dear brother; salute all. I write, worn out with sadness, and not without tears, which so burst forth, that every now and then they interrupt my words.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

My colleagues, who are all present, except Geniston who has gone into the country lately, salute you.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Basle._ Epist. Apogr., tom. xxv. p. 49.]

[489] The Jesuit Maimbourg, in his _Histoire du Calvinisme_, lib.
ii., states the number of these victims as amounting to 3600, and
carries the number of the houses pillaged and destroyed as high as
900. According to De Thou, twenty-two _bourgs_ and villages were
reduced to ashes. The whole country, which had previously presented
the aspect of a cheerful pleasure garden, was reduced to a desert
and uncultivated wilderness.

CXXXII.--TO VIRET.[490]

[490] Calvin was already on his return from the journey which
he had undertaken in Switzerland, and which he had accomplished
with extraordinary despatch. In succession he had visited Berne,
Zurich, Schaffhausen, Basle, Strasbourg, everywhere exhorting the
magistrates to make energetic intercession in favour of their
French brethren, so cruelly persecuted. Last of all, he had gone
to the Diet of Arau, and had addressed the same entreaties to the
deputies of the Cantons. These latter wrote to the King, Francis I.,
with much force of language; but their tardy interference had no
influence upon the resolution of the monarch, blinded by perfidious
counsels, and which were not entirely cleared away until two years
afterwards upon a deathbed.--Extract from the _Council Registers_ of
Geneva, May 1545; Ruchat, _Hist. de la Réf._, tom. v. p. 253.

Journey of Calvin in Switzerland--resolutions of the Diet of
Arau in favour of the persecuted brethren of France.

GENEVA, _25th May 1545_.