Chapter VI: Part 6

The day after your last letter save one reached me, I set out on the road for Frankfort.[119] So hurried was my departure that there was no time to write to you; what so frequently happens in the event of sudden resolves. It never entered into my mind to undertake that journey until the day before I undertook it. When, however, I had received Bucer's letter, in which he informed me that he could effect nothing in the affair of our brethren, the desire instantly seized me to go thither, partly that the cause of the brethren might not be treated negligently, as often happens in such a crowd of business, partly that I might interchange thoughts with Melanchthon about religion and the concerns of the Church. Unless I am mistaken, both of these reasons will appear satisfactory to you. I was encouraged also by the advice of Capito, and all of them together, with besides, the opportunity of companions; for Sturm, and other worthy men, accompanied me as fellow-travellers. As to the Lord of N., less is to be believed concerning him than is reported. You know how true is that common saying, that broad rumour acquires strength as it rolls on. He was looking out only for one preacher who, during this time of Lent, might imbue his common people with a purer doctrine. The Lady R. at first invited me thither; but because the way did not appear sufficiently open I excused myself, on the ground of being detained here by another engagement, which was indeed a small matter, but quite sufficient to lay me under the obligation of attending to it. Dr. Ulrich has now been away at a distance for about two months, so that I cannot expostulate with him about the letters. He alleges, by way of excuse, that he deposited them with N., who, if I mistake not, is one of the brethren who some time ago raised disturbances against the people of Soleure. It grieves me very much that they are lost, for assuredly they contained many things which it was of very great consequence not to have published abroad. As for the union which I advised, there is no reason why you should be so averse to it; for I avowed that there was nothing I wished for more than, as far as was possible, that all the pious might withdraw themselves from that side. This one thing I strove for, that they might not schismatically divide any Church whatsoever, which, however it might be very corrupt in morals, and infected with outlandish doctrine, had not cut itself off entirely from that doctrine, upon which Paul teaches the Church of Christ to be founded. Because, however, the question is of such a nature that it is better let alone, unless discussed fully and in a regular manner, I shall urge it no further, except that I wish to testify, that no other union of the brethren was recommended by me than what is pointed out to us by the example of Christ, who, notwithstanding their deplorable impiety, did not scruple to unite with Jews in participating in the mysteries of God. And that you may understand with how much prudence they considered my advice, it especially exasperated them that I made some difference between the minister and the common people, and insisted that it was from him, as the dispenser, that both prudence and faithfulness were required. From private persons I said, that somewhat less strictness and a more easy trial might be exacted, but that every one should examine himself. Even that, if we shall have an opportunity of conferring face to face together, can be settled with little trouble. When I see the clear judgments of God appearing in those noisome pestilences which have been afflicting the wretched Church, I am partly comforted and refreshed, but also somewhat disturbed in mind, because I perceive that they are sent, not altogether without just cause of anger. It is, however, greatly to be desired, that in whatever way it pleases himself, the Lord would purify his Church from all filth of the kind. About Gast, my brother has written very plainly. I must at once disapprove of that facility of Grynée in giving recommendations; nor had I delayed so long to speak to himself about it, if it had not been that at the time when your letter reached me, I thought it was right to spare him, for his wife was at the time in extreme danger of her life, for while pregnant she was seized with the plague. Let me understand, I entreat you, where that good and unbroken soldier of Christ--has betaken himself unto. I see you will have no little trouble from N., so long as he persists in strutting about after this manner; but because he cannot be got rid of, we must just tolerate him. It is an occasion presented to you of the Lord, whereby he will put your patience in exercise. I owe you no little thanks for having greeted the mayor in my name; for it is important that he should understand that both of us are so united with Bucer and Capito that we communicate freely all impending matters with one another. As to the question of the ecclesiastical property, I wish that it were in my power to give you a more favourable account, although the business is not in the very worst state; for Bucer insisted with so much constancy, that he seems to have in no small degree promoted it. Philip alarmed him at first by the difficulty of carrying the business through, but he persevered, and was not to be diverted from his purpose. There was difficulty, however, in obtaining what he wanted, as the princes thought that they had nothing to do with that matter,--they who take upon themselves to administer ecclesiastical property according to their own will. There are others who take it amiss, that the lucre which they have been accustomed to extract from that source, has been wrested out of their hands; others, although they will not incur any loss, are not easily brought to concur, from the fear of bringing upon themselves the enmity of that class, which you are aware is numerous in Germany. Bucer proposed a measure, based on the ancient custom and practice of the Church, by which he provided both for Christian peace and agreement, and for the public tranquillity of the empire. Seeing that the property which is at this day in the hands of the canons of the principal church in this city, has been bequeathed on this condition, that it should be administered by counts, he consents that a college of the nobility be instituted, by whom these revenues are to be held; those, however, who are admitted to that office, he wishes may neither be from among the clergy nor from the canons, but married persons, who are only attached by their faith to the Church, and who give themselves and all they possess to maintain its peace. As the bishop is a prince of the empire, and as that position cannot be suppressed without producing great disturbance in the empire, he conceives that it would be expedient to do as of old, that in the place of the bishop some one of these counts should succeed, who should have the entire possession of those revenues which are at present assigned to the bishop, and that he shall be called the vice-dominus, as being rather the steward than the proprietor. That it shall be the duty of this administrator to protect the Church when from any quarter it shall be attacked, and for securing that object he must bind himself by a solemn oath. The other ecclesiastical properties are to be applied to more legitimate purposes, such as are the prebends, the chapels, priories, and the rest. I call that a more legitimate use, that they be applied to the support of the ministry, to schools, to the poor, and other ecclesiastical burdens. If that shall be obtained, it will form a tolerable provision in such an unsettled state of affairs. There is some, and now indeed good, expectation, that the princes have begun to take up the matter in earnest; the free cities enter cordially into the arrangement, seeing that their ecclesiastical property is everywhere so wretchedly dilapidated.

[119] Calvin was about to set out for Frankfort, charged with an
important mission by the Church of Strasbourg. Reconciled by a
recent treaty with his rival Francis I., Charles V. had turned his
whole attention in the direction of Germany, and solemnly announced
his intention to accommodate religious differences in that country.
The French king appeared to enter into his views, and the German
princes shewed themselves disposed to favour the accomplishment
of his wishes in meeting together at a solemn public conference
between the Protestants and the Roman Catholic doctors. The day
of meeting was fixed by the emperor himself for the 12th February
1539, and Frankfort was pointed out for the theatre of these
conferences.--Sleidan, _Commentarii_, lib. xii., pp. 338, 339.
Anxious to be represented at that assembly at Frankfort by the most
eminent ministers, the town of Strasbourg chose for its deputies
Bucer, Sturm, and Calvin.

Du Tailly wrote to me concerning Basil,[120] that he had lately proposed a public disputation to be held at Geneva, but had suffered a repulse, which, indeed, I hear all the more willingly, that false notions may not be spread abroad among a people who are otherwise more than enough eagerly desirous of novelty, and seeing that nobody takes the trouble to oppose these errors by refuting them.

[120] This was no doubt, M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had
taken refuge at Geneva. He was a correspondent of Calvin.

Now I come to the second letter, in which you start with so many riddles. For who these watchmen of the night, drunkards, thieves, are, I can by no means ascertain, unless you explain yourself more clearly. As for that deputation of LeComte[121] and Genan,[122] no other result was to be expected, but that they should return as they went. Whether there is enough of the spirit of counsel among the brethren I know not; as to their courage I have no doubt. If they have despatched Le Comte without any certain proposed _formula_, I must entirely disapprove of the proceeding, for you know by experience what that mere empty affectation of authority is apt to produce. Let us show we are content that all right methods may be tried, so that it cannot be said that we have thrown obstacles in the way of improving the state of the Church. They cannot lawfully require of you that you shall approve their ministry, who, everybody sees, have subjected themselves to the censure of the Church. What you say, however, is very true, that those who are conscious of what is bad, desire nothing more than that everything may lie hid, buried in obscurity, lest their own filthiness may be discovered. In such dark involvements, we must consider what we can do; the rest we must commit to the Lord. Without doubt, I could have wished that the remembrance of all our ills should be buried, which, without offence, cannot be brought up again. But of what advantage are enmities, contentions, whether they are doctrinal or spiritual, detractions, and other such evils, when bottled up within the bowels of the Church, in order that they may break forth at last into a pestilent ulcer? It is rather to be desired that they may be removed, even at the risk of suffering, if it cannot be done otherwise. There is nothing to hinder our following some middle course, that the honour of the ministry may be restored; that a remedy may be applied to the wretched, ruined state of the Church; that the stumbling-blocks among brethren may be taken out of the way, those evils being concealed and suppressed which there is no necessity for reviving and discussing anew. There are some wounds which, being handled, break out afresh: they are better healed when left to quiet and oblivion. What, I ask themselves, would those worthy men be at, who entertain the thought that I can return without you, who was cast out along with you; that I should lend a hand to those, and co-operate with men from whom I wish to be entirely estranged until they have satisfied the Church? For they so manage the affair, that out of four two may remain of our side; that having been restored as it were by way of favour, I may enjoy a livelihood without any authority, the Church having given no deliverance on the subject. What, therefore, shall we do? where shall we begin, if we attempt to rebuild the ruined edifice? If I shall speak a word which is unpleasant for them to hear, forthwith they will enjoin silence. But I am unwilling to discourse these things and the like further in writing, which you yourself have more ripely considered than any one can set them before you. Besides, if that proposal were to be entertained, I could scarcely be able to hold up my head amid the clashings of the brethren; they will also think that the main point has been attained by my having alone returned. I could therefore have wished, that those who have set this proposal afloat, had rather set some other stone a-rolling; for they call me to a charge of great annoyance and difficulty, and that in vain.

[121] Is this John Le Comte, minister of Grauson, or Beat Comte,
a minister of Lausanne, who at a later period devoted himself to
medicine, and distinguished himself by his devotedness to the care
of those who were affected with the plague in that town? (See
Ruchat, tom. v. p. 277.) We incline rather to this last conjecture.

[122] Genan, an unknown personage.

As I promised to you, my letter shall be brief. The state of affairs at Frankfort we found to be as follows: There were present of the family of Saxony, the Elector,[123] his brother, and nephew by his brother Henry, whom they call Maurice.[124] These three had along with them four hundred horsemen; the Landgrave[125] had brought with him as many lanzknechts; the Duke of Lunebourg[126] came with less pomp. There were present, also, the younger brother of the Duke of Brandenbourg, the younger Prince of Brunswick, and three others, whose names I don't remember. All these were Leaguers:[127] the remainder who are included in the League had sent deputies; as, for instance, the King of Denmark,[128] the Duke of Prussia,[129] and some others. As for these, it was not strange that they stayed at home, because in such an uncertain and perilous state of affairs, it would not have been safe for them to have remained so far from home. There were few, however, who did not feel indignant that the Duke of Wurtemberg[130] preferred rather to enjoy his field sports in hunting, and I know not what other sportive recreations, than to be present at the Conference, in which both his native country and perhaps his life are concerned, when he was only two days' journey distant. Those who wished to excuse him, said they had no doubt that he had laid the care of attending to these matters on others, who he knew had the matter at heart. Men of the first rank were sent by the free cities. At the first deliberations, war was declared by the unanimous vote of them all, until two of the Electors arrived--the Count Palatine and Joachim of Brandenbourg[131]--with the Emperor's letter, and a Spanish Bishop, his ambassador, whom they call the Bishop of Lunden.[132] At first they set forth the commission of the Emperor, authorizing them to treat with our friends either for peace or for a truce, upon whatsoever grounds and conditions might seem best to them. Then, in a lengthy oration, and by strong arguments, they endeavoured to induce them to come to a treaty of peace: they urged especially this point, that the Turk would not remain quiet if he saw Germany involved in civil strife. And already he has the way open to him, since he holds possession of Wallachia, Upper and Lower, and is entitled, by treaty with the Pole, to the free right of passage through his territory: thus, therefore, he already hovers over Germany. They desired that our friends would propound the conditions of peace. If peace could not be agreed on, they asked that a truce might be granted. The good faith and sincerity of both parties have been well sifted by our friends: for Joachim is entirely favourable, and well disposed to the cause of the Gospel; the Count Palatine is not hostile. But because the Spanish Commissions are not to be relied on, they choose rather that the business should be settled and agreed on by the whole of the Electors, to whom the principal authority in the Empire of right belongs. That was hindered, because the Bishop of Mentz[133] has on many accounts been rejected by the Elector of Saxony. Joachim did not venture to give his consent in the Diet from which his uncle was excluded. Therefore our friends presented articles of peace, in which they set forth, that they unwillingly resorted to the thought of war, inasmuch as they laid bare the injuries on account of which they were of necessity driven to that determination. They proposed, as conditions of the peace, that they might be free to administer their own churches, and under this administration they wished the dispensation of ecclesiastical property to be regulated. Then they reserved entirely to themselves the right of admission into the League of those who might wish to become members of it. When the articles had been presented, we then took our departure. Bucer afterwards intimated that the two Electors granted somewhat more than the ambassador of the Emperor. The reason is, that the Emperor, since he stands in need of the assistance of our opponents against the Turk, as well as of our own, desires to gratify both parties without offending either. The sum of his demand is this, that without any change of the present state, learned, tried, and well approved peaceable men may assemble together, who shall discuss with one another the controverted heads of religion; the matter to be afterwards referred to the Diet of the Empire, that by the declared judgment of all classes of the German Church, the Reformation may be accomplished. A truce for a year to be agreed to for the transaction of these affairs. Our friends are not satisfied with so short a truce, and demand that something more certain may be granted. Thus all as yet is in suspense, nor are we out of danger of war, unless the Emperor makes further concessions. The Duke of Juliers, lately bereaved of his father, sent an embassy empowered to make a statement to the effect, that he had recovered, by the blessing of God, the Dukedom of Gueldres, of which he was lawful lord:[134] at present a controversy had been stirred with him about it, at one time on the part of the Emperor, at another by the Duke of Lorraine, without any sufficiently specious pretext. For Lorraine could put forward no other claim, except that he is the heir of the last Duke, but that he had possessed himself of the Duchy contrary to all law and justice, which had been adjudged, by the sentence of the Empire, to belong to the family of Juliers. That the Emperor pretended some title by purchase, but which appeared to be either collusive or altogether fraudulent: assuredly, since the alleged price was only fifty thousand crowns, at which the town alone may be valued, that amount is certainly below the annual rent of a single year. He sought, therefore, that those of our side would intercede with the Emperor, that he would not tear in pieces and oppress a prince of the Empire without cause; but that if the Emperor would not hearken to their entreaties, he implored their assistance in the defence of the common liberty. He has got no answer as yet, since they reckon it necessary to take counsel according to the bent of their own affairs. There was nothing said, however, about the League, although he is not hostile to our religious views. He of England[135] petitioned that a new embassy might be sent to him, to which Philip might be added, that he might have the benefit of his advice in further reforming the Church.[136] The princes were all agreed as to the sending of an embassy. They were not disposed to send Melanchthon, because they suspect the softness of his disposition. Nor indeed is it very clear what is or what is not his opinion, or whether he conceals or dissembles it, although he has sworn to me in the most solemn manner that this fear regarding him is without foundation; and certainly, in so far as I seem to be able to read his mind, I would as soon trust him as Bucer, when we have to do with those who wish to be treated with special indulgence; for so intense is the desire of Bucer to propagate the Gospel, that, content to have obtained those things which are chiefly important, he is sometimes more easy than is right in yielding those things which he considers trifling, but which, nevertheless, have their weight. The King himself is only half wise. He prohibits under severe penalties, besides depriving them of the ministry, the priests and bishops who enter upon matrimony; he retains the daily masses; he wishes the seven sacraments to remain as they are: in this way he has a mutilated and torn Gospel, and a Church stuffed full as yet with many toys and trifles. Then, because all do not appear to be of sound mind, he does not suffer the Scripture to circulate in the language of the common people throughout the kingdom; and he has lately put forth a new interdict, by which he warns the people against the reading of the Bible. Moreover, that you may understand that he is quite in earnest, and not by any means jestingly insane, he lately burnt a worthy and learned man[137] for denying the presence of Christ after a carnal manner in the bread, whose death has been greatly lamented by all pious and educated persons. Our friends, however, though sorely hurt by atrocities of this kind, will not cease to have an eye to the condition of his kingdom. I perceive that nothing has reached you concerning the conspiracy except obscure and doubtful rumour. Cardinal Pole[138] had a brother, a man of chief rank among the nobility, and of the greatest authority among the gentry.[139] The family was indeed related to the King by blood; he himself was considered a person of uncommon prudence and gravity. He had conducted himself with such moderation in his brother's matters, that his credit with the King had suffered no diminution. Having publicly declared himself at variance with his brother, in order to avoid the King's suspicion, he deceived them all by his shrewdness. They agreed in secret among themselves, that the Cardinal should lead an army through France, and that as soon as they approached the bounds of the kingdom his brother should raise a tumult, at a time when the King, being occupied in quelling intestine disturbances, would not be able to defend himself against a foreign enemy. It was easy for the Cardinal to arm his soldiery at the Pope's expense. But before the expedition could arrive, the whole conspiracy was discovered by an informer; for in order that the plot might be properly planned and executed, it was necessary for them to have many informed and made parties to it. His nephew, a bold man, when he heard that their schemes had been discovered, would have put himself to death. But having been prevented, he was unable to endure the torture of the rack; and the other conspirators, like him, having made a full confession, the law was executed upon all. Since the King makes such a poor return for so many and so great benefits from God, I greatly fear that at length he may suffer severe punishment for his ingratitude. In the meantime, while the conference was held at Frankfort, the son of the Elector George,[140] who was kept bound in confinement on account of insanity, died in a hopeless condition. If he had survived his father, his guardianship would have given rise to new disturbances. Now his undoubted successor is that Maurice, the son of Henry, whom I have mentioned above as a member of the League. There is therefore good hope that the territory which George now possesses will immediately form an accession to the heritage of Christ; for George is beyond the age when he may be expected to have offspring.[141] In this way you see, that so far as regards the main business, all hangs in suspense, and has no settled bent either way: wherefore we ought all the more to supplicate the Almighty that he would vouchsafe some happy issue out of such a perplexity of affairs. What success I have had in the cause of the brethren, also of what kind, and what were the matters I conversed about with Philip, you shall be informed again by Michael, who has resolved to depart hence before nine days: therefore I am compelled, on account of the urgency of the postman, to send my letter by halves; you will then receive the other portion. Adieu, my dear friendly brother. Greet Thomas and all the brethren for me. Capito and Sturm send a thousand salutations. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 6.]

[123] The Elector John Frederick, the friend of Luther, and truest
protector of the Reformation in Germany.

[124] Maurice of Saxony, who had so great a part in the religious
wars of Germany with Charles V.

[125] Philip of Hesse, who, from the year 1521, had been favourable
to the tenets of Luther.

[126] Ernest, Duke of Lunebourg, promoter of the Reformation in his
states.

[127] The Treaty of Alliance formed by the Protestant Princes at
Smalkald, (1538,) had been agreed to by a great number of the Towns.

[128] Christian III., King of Denmark, (1534-1559,) who introduced
the Reformation into his States.

[129] Eastern Prussia was reformed and secularized, in 1525, by
the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, Albert of Brandenbourg. It
formed since that epoch the Duchy of Prussia.

[130] Ulrich, Count of Montbeliard, and Duke of Wurtemberg.

[131] Louis, the Elector Palatine, and Joachim, the Elector of
Brandenbourg, although favourable to the Reformation, remained
attached to the cause of the Emperor, and tried to bring about a
reconciliation between the two parties.

[132] John Vesal, Archbishop of Lunden, was the Emperor's ambassador
at the Diet. (Sleidan, lib. xii. p. 339.) He became afterwards
Bishop of Constance, and was present at the Council of Trent.

[133] Albert of Brandenbourg, the brother of Joachim, the Elector
of Brandenbourg. This prelate sternly opposed all compromise in
religious matters. He made continual complaints of the indulgence
shewn by the Emperor towards Protestants.

[134] On the death of Charles Van Egmont, Duke of Gueldres, his
relation, William, Duke of Cleves and Juliers, took possession of
that town, of which he was dispossessed by the Emperor in 1543.

[135] The King of England, Henry VIII.

[136] The details of these negotiations will be found in Burnet,
and in Seckendorf, _Commentarii_, lib. iii. sect. 19, par. 73.
The Protestant princes of Germany, desirous to bind so powerful a
monarch as the King of England as closely as possible to the cause
of the Reformation, had sent deputies to request his assent to
the Augsburg Confession, and the revocation of the cruel statutes
still in force against those of his subjects who professed the pure
Gospel. Two of the King's counsellors, Cromwell and Archbishop
Cranmer, seconded timidly the entreaties of the Protestant princes;
but this imperious and violent monarch, satisfied with having
transferred to himself the papal authority in matters of religion,
shewed indisposedness to promote the interests of an actual
reformation. He protracted the negotiations, and added daily by new
laws to the rigour of the most hateful despotism--that which is
exercised by a prince over the consciences of his subjects.

[137] John Lambert, schoolmaster.--See Burnet, _Hist. Ref._ vol. i.
pp. 252-254.

[138] He was living in exile on the Continent from the time of the
rupture of England with the See of Rome. He returned under the reign
of Mary, became Archbishop of Canterbury, President of the Royal
Council, and died in 1558, after having been the instrument of a
short but bloody restoration of Popery in his native country.

[139] See Hume, _History of England_, chap. xxxi.

[140] See note 1, p. 105. George of Saxony himself died the same
year.--Sleidan, lib. xii. p. 342.

[141] It was not Maurice who succeeded Duke George, but his father,
Henry the Pious, who recalled all the exiles on account of religion,
and introduced the Reformation into the Duchy of Saxony.--Ibid. p.
344.

XXXIII.--TO FAREL.

Conclusion of the Assembly at Frankfort--attitude of the
Protestant princes--conversations between Calvin and Melanchthon
on ecclesiastical discipline--opinion of the latter--of
Capito--various details.

_Written in the month of March 1539._

Fearing lest the further delay of my writing to you might be inconvenient, I chose rather to forward a part or portion of my letter than to keep you waiting until Michael should arrive. Now, therefore, I will take up the thread of my narrative; but before I come to the conference with Philip, I shall briefly explain what has been the progress of affairs since that time. The Emperor's ambassador, notwithstanding all that has occurred, has ventured to propose such unjust conditions of agreement that the contest was very near being brought again to the decision of the sword. He required that our friends should have nothing to do with the Sacramentaries. Observe the artifice and wiles of Satan. He catches at this, forsooth, that not only the older and former hatred which he sowed might be kept up, but that new causes of offence may be applied, like lighted torches, to set on fire and kindle greater dissensions. Indeed, our friends do not acknowledge that there are any Sacramentaries, and wish to unite with the Swiss churches; therefore the Emperor has omitted that article, and efforts have been made for the purpose of inclining us more readily to agree to the truce, which I wish may be of advantage to the Church of Christ. To my mind it bodes no good. The Elector of Saxony also perceives this, who, although he is reckoned not over hasty in his resolutions, has come to the conclusion that war is unavoidable. The Landgrave, contrary to the general expectation, dissuades from war. And although he did not refuse to follow the determination of the allies if they thought otherwise, he, nevertheless, moderated the eagerness of those who had very much relied on his alacrity. Now, therefore, there is an inclination towards a truce, which will give opportunity for deliberation on both sides in promoting a permanent reconciliation. But the adversaries were thinking of nothing else than gaining time to prosecute the war. The Elector of Saxony, after this conference, will visit the Duke of Cleves, whose sister he has married.[142] If the Elector can induce him to declare for the reformed religion, it will greatly enlarge the kingdom of Christ, as, indeed, there is nowhere in Lower Germany a more powerful prince, or who rules over a greater extent of territory, nor is there any one even in Upper Germany, excepting Ferdinand, who alone surpasses him in extent of dominion. When Bucer last wrote, nothing had been decided concerning the embassy to the King of France, for procuring his favour and protection to the brethren, as well as commending the cause of religion to his consideration.[143] As to the embassies, they are to be treated of in the last place, because, from the course of their proceedings, they would then deliberate to more advantage, on what ground, or after what method, they ought to state their requests. Let us, therefore, postpone this question until then. I had much conversation with Philip about many things, having written to him beforehand on the subject of agreement, that I might with certainty declare their opinion to several worthy men. Therefore, I had submitted a few articles, in which the whole matter was summed up. To these, without any controversy, he himself at once assented, but confessed that there were in that party some persons who required something more gross and palpable, and that with so great obstinacy, not to say despotism, that for long he seemed to be in actual jeopardy, because they saw that he differed from them in opinion. But although he does not think that a solid agreement can be come to, he, nevertheless, wishes that the present concord, such as it is, may be cherished, until at length the Lord shall lead both sides into the unity of his own truth. As for himself, you need not doubt about him, but consider that he is entirely of the same opinion as ourselves. It would be tiresome to relate what conversation we had about other matters; but this will form the subject of pleasant discourse some time or other between ourselves. As for discipline, like other people, he heartily deplores the want of it. Indeed, one is more at liberty to lament the wretched state of the Church in this respect than to correct the evil; do not, therefore, suppose that you suffer alone in this matter. Instances occur daily everywhere which ought to make every one bestir himself in the endeavour to find out the desired remedy. Not very long since, a learned and worthy man was driven away from Ulm with great disgrace, because he would not consent to wink at the vices of the inhabitants any more. He was sent away by all his colleagues with honourable recommendation, especially that of Frecht.[144] The news we have from Augsburg is no degree more cheering. Thus, for the future we may expect that it will form a kind of sport to hunt away pastors from the ministry and drive them into banishment; nor can this evil be remedied, because neither the common people nor the civil magistrate can rightly distinguish between the yoke of Christ and Papal tyranny. Philip, therefore, is of opinion that the better and wiser method in so great a tempest, with contrary winds, is that we ought in some degree to lie off, and he entertains the hope, that when we shall have more quiet, and be free from external hostility, we shall be more at leisure, and have better opportunity to turn our attention to the application of internal remedies. Capito, at one time, protests, before God and men, that the Church is ruined unless speedy aid is supplied in such a distressing condition of affairs; at another time, because he sees no progress making, he prays for death. If our calling is indeed of the Lord, as we firmly believe that it is, the Lord himself will bestow his blessing, although the whole universe may be opposed to us. Let us, therefore, try every remedy, while, if such is not to be found, let us, notwithstanding, persevere even to the last gasp. When I perceive you to be so much cast down, at times I desire to be with you, that I might suggest some comfort. On the other hand, when I see that I can bring you nothing but subjects for greater annoyance, I submit, however reluctantly, to remain at a distance, that I may not add to your already too heavy burdens. Our brethren of the Pays de Vaud owed me one crown, part of which they had received from me by way of loan, part I had given to the messenger who came with the brother at the request of Saunier. I had desired them to give it to you. If they have given it do you keep it, by which means I shall be so far out of your debt. Whatever shall remain due I will pay when able; for such is my condition at present that I cannot reckon a single penny my own. It is astonishing how much money slips away in extraordinary expenses; and I am obliged to live at my own charges, unless I would become a burden to the brethren. It is not so easy to take care of my health, which you anxiously recommended me to have a care of; but I am too tedious; moreover, am doing injustice to such messengers as the present. Farewell, most cherished friend; may the Lord confirm you by the strength of his Spirit, and bear you up under this heap of troubles.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 5.]

[142] The Elector of Saxony, John Frederic, had married Sibilla
of Cleves, who evinced the most noble character on the misfortune
of her husband, vanquished and dispossessed after the battle of
Mühlberg.

[143] It was not until the next year (1540) that a resolution was
adopted on this subject. The princes desired to use their influence
in favour of those who were suffering in France on account of
their religious opinions; but not before they had obtained correct
information regarding the state of affairs in that country, the
private inclinations of the king, and the probability that their
interference would prove successful.--Sleidan, xiii. p. 361.

[144] Martin Frecht, a learned preacher and theologian of the Church
at Ulm. He refused to submit to the _Interim_, and died the 14th
September 1556, at Tübingen.

XXXIV.--TO FAREL.

Numerous occupations of Calvin--news of Germany--firmness of the
Senate of Strasbourg.

STRASBOURG, _20th April 1539_.

I do not remember throughout this whole year a single day which was more completely engaged with various occupations. For when the present messenger wished to carry along with him the beginning of my book,[145] there were about twenty leaves which it required me to revise. In addition, there was the public lecture, and I had also to preach; four letters were also to be written; some disputes to settle, and to reply to more than ten interruptions in the meantime. You will therefore excuse if my letter should be both brief and inaccurate. We shall not clearly understand what was concluded in the conference at Frankfort[146] until Bucer's return hither, which, from what he writes, we may expect before seven days. He informed us, however, by letter, that he had never seen our princes more determined in their resolution to defend the Gospel. Certainly the act which was transacted at Smalkald was produced by no very important matter, in which, however, they displayed true greatness of soul. For there were at that place certain impure images, which they pulled down, together with their altars. They abolished also the elevation of the host in the Supper, which they had until that time retained. There are some just at this present time who dream about I know not what kind of moderation, to which they would like to call us back. I wished just to give you an inkling of this, that you may comprehend that they are very far from trepidation. Our Senate of Strasbourg proves itself hearty in the cause. An abbess who had dilapidated, or had begun to make away with the property of the monastery, was lately given into custody. The Imperial Chamber, at the request of the bishop, ordered her to be set at liberty. The mandate, however, was treated with contempt. The members of the League approved of what was done, and declared that they would maintain the cause. A messenger was therefore despatched to the Chamber to give intimation that the Senate would not abide by their judgment, whatever might be the result. We are waiting therefore until they let fly their mimic thunderbolt. Will you see that Balliot sends the money for the payment of Wendelin[147] the printer? At present I can hold on no longer. Greet diligently all the brethren.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 8.]

[145] This was undoubtedly "_L'Institution Chrétienne_." See Note 2,
p. 45.

[146] Calvin had returned to Strasbourg without waiting the
conclusion of the deliberations of the colloquy at Frankfort.

[147] Wendelin, the printer at Strasbourg.

XXXV.--TO FAREL.

Union of the Swiss Churches--first steps for the recall of
Calvin to Geneva--some details concerning his ministry and
his straitened circumstances--Lutheran ceremonies--the Church
property--renewal of the League of Smalkald--constancy of the
German Princes--example of fidelity to the cause of Christ on
the part of the Town of Strasbourg.

STRASBOURG, _April 1539_.

I begin now to entertain greater hope than formerly of that accommodation in matters of religion, such as it may be.[148] Whenever I took into account with what sort of men we would have to treat, and how very slippery and unsteady we have found their promises to be, I came then to the conclusion that such a reconciliation would be of little or no avail to us. As to rules or conditions fixed beforehand and agreed to on both sides, even although they were not on other grounds more liable to objection, I cannot at all approve of them. Now, however, if what you relate to me is true, that those two individuals have been strongly urged to fall away from their steadfastness, it was quite necessary to prevent such, evils, by coming to an agreement among ourselves, even on conditions not altogether satisfactory.

[148] Farel laboured hard to bring about a union between the
Churches of Geneva, of Neuchatel, and of the Pays de Vaud, which
were at variance in regard to the Sacraments, and ecclesiastical
discipline in general.

From constancy of a more settled kind, however, I do entertain some hope, because, when they shall have given in their adherence to all the churches hereabout, they must then be so strongly bound that they cannot very easily draw back. We have already in some measure succeeded in what we sought to attain as a principal object, the quieting of those dissensions among brethren which are the worst of all, and which rend asunder the churches. We can never, therefore, be too thankful to the Lord, who of his own kindness has so far exceeded our expectation. As to my return, I do not think that what Du Tailly had proposed will go forward,[149] for since that time I have heard not a word about it. Neither do I doubt but that the brethren have let that matter pass as superfluous, when they saw the remedy elsewhere. Thenceforward, because I imagine that they had grown cold upon the whole affair, or that it had fallen through, this matter gives me very little concern. Moreover, it was not without reason that I so much dreaded that intelligence which was brought me by Du Tailly's letter. I have not stated all the grounds to you, and those few circumstances which I did mention, I touched only briefly, without going into them at large. What I said about yourself carries, certainly, great weight with it; for we ought both of us to be restored at the same time, else it must appear as if I were reponed by way of pardon. In this way, restitution will be conceded to the person of the individual, and not as a matter of principle to the cause itself. But the thought which chiefly alarms me is that which presents itself, when I set before my eyes the great gulf into which I must enter, where surely I felt that it would swallow me up entirely, when notwithstanding it would be less by a half. It must be acknowledged that I have my own share of contentious wrestlings where I am, and those of the most arduous kind; but they only keep me in training, they do not overwhelm me. Though it would have been a serious matter this Easter-tide if that pest, concerning whom you make inquiry, had been present; for I must then have called upon him for an explanation, or he would certainly not have been admitted to the table of the Lord. One of his scholars, the same he wished to stir up against Claude Norman, would have presented himself, unless I had forewarned him that he must previously clear himself to me, or at least promise repentance. He had been absent from sermon for a whole month, and held, as it were, an open mart of gambling and dissipation. A whisper, also, of his whoredom was muttered about; yet, nevertheless, he would have leaped over every fence around that most holy sacrament, unless I had blocked up the way. He made sport of it with the person who forewarned him of what I wished him to be aware of, saying that he left confession to the Papists. I replied, that there was also a kind of Christian confession, notwithstanding. If the master himself shall return, I will then have open war with him. It is through no fault of mine, nor does it rest with me, that I have not long ago come to close quarters. So plainly and openly have I flouted him even in church because of his impiety, that it could be no more doubtful either to himself or others, to whom I intended my observations to apply, than if I had named him at once, or pointed him out with the finger. Since he has now betaken himself to Frankfort, I have entreated Bucer that he would be on his guard with him as with a sworn enemy. When first he shall perceive himself to be so handled, what an uproar will be in preparation for me! Therefore, whether I remain where I am or remove, many cares, many troubles and difficulties pursue me. It is very agreeable to me, I own, that the brethren entertain such a regard for me, that they are ready to supply my wants from their own means. It could not be otherwise than that I must be greatly delighted with such a testimony of their love. Nevertheless, I have determined to abstain from putting both your kindness and theirs in requisition, unless a greater necessity shall have compelled me. Wendelin the printer, to whom I entrusted my book to be printed, will provide me with as much as will be sufficient for any extraordinary expenses. From my books which yet remain at Geneva, there will be enough to satisfy my landlord till next winter: as to the future, the Lord will provide. Although I had at one time a great many friends in France, there was no one who offered me a farthing; and indeed if they had, they might have boasted gratuitously of their kindness, for it would have cost them nothing to have offered what I would not have accepted. Louis had escaped my memory;[150] he was the only person who offered; but even he sold his bounty at too great a price; for he almost advised me to recant. He certainly proclaimed aloud that I was a deserter from the Church. I replied, as became, to such addresses. The letter, however, I fear has been lost. For the present, therefore, I shall content myself with your kindness and that of the brethren; I may put your resources in requisition when there is need. In turn, I request that for this your considerate kindness towards me you would be pleased to accept my grateful affection. I am sorry that the crown-piece has been lost: there were reason for accusing myself of carelessness, unless I had thought that the messenger would have been ashamed to misappropriate it. I like much your plan with regard to Claude,--that, before his awkwardness shall have been confirmed, and, as it were, have become incurable, the sparks of better breeding, which remain as yet in that state of boyhood, may be carefully stirred up in him by his own endeavour. But what do you call my promise to help forward the endeavours of the brethren for the upholding of discipline? For to whom could I write, or in what style? Wherefore, either do you yourself open up the way for me, or you need not expect that I will rashly undertake the matter. Of late, I have plainly told Philip to his face how much I disliked that over-abounding of ceremonies; indeed, that it seemed to me the form which they observe was not far removed from Judaism. When I pressed him with argument, he was unwilling to dispute with me about the matter, but admitted that there was an over-doing in these either trifling or superfluous rites and ceremonies. He said, however, that it had been found necessary to yield in that matter to the Canonists, who are here the stumbling-block in the way; that, however, there was no part of Saxony which is not more burdened with them than Wittenberg, and even there much would be retrenched by degrees from such a medley. But he made a small reservation, to the effect that the ceremonies which they had been compelled to retain were not more approved of by Luther than was our sparing use of them. I wish that our excellent friend N. could behold how much sincerity there is in Philip. All suspicion of double-dealing would entirely vanish. Besides, as to Bucer's defence of Luther's ceremonies, he does not do so because he eagerly seeks them, or would endeavour to introduce them. By no means can he be brought to approve of chanting in Latin. Images he abhors. Some other things he despises, while others he cares nothing at all about. There is no occasion to fear that he would be for restoring those things which have been once abolished; only he cannot endure that, on account of these trifling observances, we should be separated from Luther. Neither, certainly, do I consider them to be just causes of dissent.

[149] A party, growing every day more numerous at Geneva, deplored
the exile of Calvin. As the organ of that sentiment, M. Du Tailly
incessantly exhorted the Reformer to forget the injury which had
been done him, and to restore peace to the congregation and church
at Geneva by his return. Calvin would by no means separate his cause
from that of Farel, so as to make his return a personal matter to
himself, and not, as it was, a question of principle. Therefore,
he felt little disposed to resume the function of the ministry at
Geneva.

[150] Louis du Tillet.