Chapter III: Part 3

[49] Such is the address: To my very dear brother, Viret, Minister
of the Church of Lausanne.--The minister, Peter Viret, one of the
three great Reformers of French Switzerland. Born at Orbe in 1511,
he completed his education at the University of Paris, and from
the time of his return to his own country, devoted himself to the
preaching of the reformed doctrine, which he spread at Orbe, at
Payerne, and at Granson. Gifted naturally with persuasive genius and
eloquence, he was sent by Farel to Geneva in 1534, and there held
a public disputation against the Dominican Furbiti. He contributed
powerfully to the establishment of the Reformation in that city.
Named two years after (1537) Pastor of the Church of Lausanne, he
served that charge until 1538, the period of his destitution by
the Senate of Berne, and of his retirement to Geneva with the more
illustrious members of the Vaudois clergy. Compelled by his weak
state of health to leave Switzerland, he removed in 1561 to the
South of France, wrought in the work of the ministry in the churches
of Nîmes, of Lyons, of Orange, and died in 1571, either at Orthes or
Pau. The numerous writings of Viret mentioned by Senebier, _Hist.
Litt. de Genève_, tom. i. pp. 156-159, prove him to have been an
original writer, though rather diffuse, and ingenious and eloquent
as a moralist.

Preaching of the Gospel at Besançon--ecclesiastical
intelligence--discouragement of Farel--necessity for the return
of Viret to Geneva.

GENEVA, _23d April 1537_.

As I had no particular matter which occasioned my writing to you at present, so I had not intended to write if Farel had not thought otherwise. I have, therefore, taken up the pen rather in compliance with his request, than because I considered it to be necessary. For I have no doubt whatever of his having embraced everything in his letter which was likely to suggest itself to my recollection. When a certain person of our acquaintance had brought us word, that he had lately been informed by letter that the brother who was detained in prison at Besançon had been let out with the general consent of the people, and set entirely at liberty, when not long ago he would have been retained a prisoner in that dungeon, from whence no one was ever brought forth, unless to undergo the sentence of death, and besides, that the bishop, having packed up his furniture in a great rage, had retired into the neighbouring castle, the opportunity seemed to us to be most particularly well suited for our getting a footing in that quarter. We have, therefore, requested a certain native of Langres, who was then close at hand, a man richly endowed in the best kind of learning and of mild deportment, that he would undertake the management of that province. But as he could not be induced to do so by any entreaties, we have thought of him of Tournay, if anyhow he could be dragged away from Aigle, which we suppose might not be altogether impracticable, if Froment[50] would so far acquiesce as to take upon him that charge of his. He may very well give them to understand, that he has been called by his friends in France for a few days to Geneva, in which interval he will be able to ascertain whether there is any chink or inlet by which to gain an entrance; and should he have any success at all, then all is well--the point is gained; but if he shall see that the corn is not yet ripe, he will retire without delay.

[50] Antony Froment, originally from Dauphiny, one of the earlier
missionaries of the Reformation at Geneva. He was nominated pastor
of the Parish of Saint Gervais in 1537; at a later period he
resigned the ministry, was attached as secretary to Bonnivard in the
work of drawing up the Chronicles of that town and city, and died,
leaving behind some curious memoirs on the history of the religious
revolution of which he had been one of the instruments at Geneva.
Senebier, _Hist. Litt. de Genève_, tom. i. pp. 93 and 150. These
memoirs were published in 1855 at Geneva. 1 vol. 4to., by M. Gustave
Revilliod.

Do urge forward matters as much as possible, that we may be ready beforehand on the day of assembly, and do so arrange in the meantime that all our friends attend on the day of meeting thoroughly well prepared. For we shall never be able to stand our ground against so much wickedness, unless we hold closely together in the most perfect agreement with each other. Wherefore, both in setting forth the confession and in all our deliberation, it will be desirable to have one voice for all--to be unanimous.

Michel, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the whole Presbytery, being self-elected Bishop of Aubonne, has gone away from hence, noways delayed or hindered by the very many solemn entreaties of the brethren, by which they endeavoured to withdraw him from so bold an undertaking. If such a precedent were once allowed, what will our ministry be but plain robbery? I therefore say nothing about the man, because at first sight you will easily scent out what he would be at. I consider your being restored to us to be indispensable, unless we are willing to lose Farel, who is more exhausted with the great anxiety than I ever thought would be the case with one of such an iron constitution. I wished you to be aware of this, that at your leisure you might think of a successor. I am afraid, also, lest that church may be entirely dispersed by schism rending it in pieces, if we leave any gap or vacancy in it.

May the Lord continually enrich you with the daily increase of his Spirit, my most friendly brother. Mr. de Hautmont[51] intends returning to France. If, therefore, you can procure a trustworthy and suitable conveyance, will you send back the cloak and such of the books as had been brought thither? Saunier[52] himself and his relative salute you.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[51] Louis du Tillet, senior curate of Claix in Poitou, and
fellow-student of Calvin, then in retirement at Geneva, under the
name of Mr. de Hautmont. In the year following he returned to
France. See, in this Collection, three Letters of Calvin to Louis du
Tillet, (1538.)

[52] Antoine Saunier, regent of the College of Geneva.

XV.--TO SIMON GRYNEE.[53]

[53] Simon Grynée, a learned theologian and professor of the _belles
lettres_, the friend of Erasmus and of Melanchthon, rector of the
Academy of Basle. His intercourse with Calvin dates from the epoch
of the first visit of the Reformer to that town, (1535, 1536.) They
became more intimate when Calvin, banished from Geneva, returned
anew to seek an asylum at Basle, and was hospitably entertained
in the house of Grynée, to whom he dedicated, in testimony of his
remembrance, his Commentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to the
Romans, (18th October 1539.) Two years afterwards, Simon Grynée died
of the plague. His nephew, James Grynée, discharged the office of
Dean of the Church of Basle, and was the correspondent and friend of
Théodor de Bèze.

The calumnious accusations directed by Caroli against the doctrine
of Farel and of Calvin having spread at Basle, the latter considered
it his duty, in a letter to Grynée, to expose the whole history of
the controversy with Caroli, in order to oppose the entire calumny.
See the two letters of Grynée to Calvin.--_Simonis Grynæi Epistolæ._
Edit. de Streuber. Basle, 1847, pp. 50-53.

The nature of the controversy between Calvin and Caroli clearly
laid open--Synod of Lausanne--Caroli is condemned, and the
teaching of Calvin and Farel solemnly approved.

BERNE, [_May 1537_.]

Although the tricks and wiles of Satan are altogether marvellous and not easy to believe, those, I mean, by which he closely assails us in our work, of which we have had some bypast experience, the malicious craftiness wherewith he has of late assaulted us by his apt tool Caroli,[54] has never in the least beguiled us. For we had not only foreseen all this sort of warfare long ago; we were even prepared with our utmost energy to maintain the conflict. When first we heard, therefore, that the Arian heresy was imputed to us, and then a little afterwards the Sabellian, none of these things very much disturbed us, seeing that our ears had long since been well seasoned against such calumnies; and we entertained the assured hope that they would eventually pass away in a wreath of smoke. In the meantime we could only oppose all this by availing ourselves of that defence, which lay ready to our hand, by which we could give abundant satisfaction to all pious and right-minded men. Indeed, some short time previous we had drawn up and set forth a catechism,[55] also published in French, where we testify that we embraced the Father, the Son, and the Spirit, under one essence of the Godhead: making, nevertheless, such a distinction between each from the other, that no room might be left for any crooked suspicion of ambiguity. We taught, certainly, that Christ is the true and natural Son of God, who had possessed the like essential deity with the Father from all eternity, who in the fulness of time had assumed our flesh, foreordained for our redemption.

[54] See Note 3, p. 47.

[55] In 1536. No copy of this first edition of the Catechism of
Calvin is known, nor of the second, which was published two years
later at Basle, (1538.) The earliest known edition is that of (1541)
at Strasbourg.

When we saw that the wild beast was persevering in his rabid course, we sought a hearing in the assembly of ministers from throughout the whole canton of Berne, in whose presence we might publicly defend our innocence. Those brethren speaking the French language met first of all at Lausanne,[56] whither also two deputies from the Senate of Berne,[57] as well as two ministers, were sent.[58] Whatsoever falsehoods they were able to trump up, that worthy personage gathered up into one bundle. Indeed he had come well furnished in the way of accusation, prepared and ready with his bag, after the fashion of a lawyer. We emptied his bag, however, to such a degree, by our refutation, as not to leave even the shadow of a suspicion upon the mind of any one present. At last we came to the reading aloud of our Confession of Faith, in which he pointed out some ten errors which he considered as such; almost every one else was of opinion that there was nought expressed in it that was not godly and devout. We were thereupon absolved forthwith by the judgment of the Synod, while, on the other hand, he was adjudged unworthy to discharge the functions of the ministry. His persevering impudence shewed clearly that he was no way abashed or downcast by such a result. Again he brought forth that silly bag of emptiness crammed more full than ever; and when we had unbagged the whole of its contents, by which he was doing his best to throw some suspicion on the past, the formulary of our Confession was at length produced, which, although it was not chargeable with any other crime whatever, he held notwithstanding to be guilty of one capital offence, because Christ was there affirmed to be that Jehovah, who of himself alone was always self-existent, which charge I was quite ready to meet. Certainly, if the distinction between the Father and the Word be attentively considered, we shall say that the one is from the other. If, however, the essential quality of the Word be considered, in so far as he is one God with the Father, whatever can be said concerning God may also be applied to him, the second person in the glorious Trinity. Now, what is the meaning of the name Jehovah? What did that answer imply which was spoken to Moses? I AM THAT I AM. Paul makes Christ the author of this saying. We do not take the trouble to persuade you and all the godly to approve the truth of that judgment; but we have been unwilling that the concealed malignity of this hopeless calumniator should pass unnoticed, lest rumours of any kind might reach you so as to make an impression at variance with the true state of the case. Nothing, indeed, could have been set forth more plainly than the statement in our Confession, that Christ is that eternal Word begotten of the Father before all time. Therefore, of a truth, unless we please to imagine a twofold Deity, it behoves that we speak concerning his essence no otherwise than as concerning the essence of the one God. There is no one to be found who is not satisfied with this form of expression except himself. The brethren, as was worthy of the faithful ministers of Christ, arrived at the formal conclusion, that it appeared to them that we had been most unfairly and unreasonably brought under any suspicion at all; and that they had not observed anything to be disapproved in our Confession. While these proceedings were going forward, a letter was brought from Myconius addressed publicly to the meeting. On the back of that, another from Capito to Farel, addressed in general terms, from both of which it was evident that an appalling rumour had been spread far and wide about our controversy. To sum up the whole, this affair has been maliciously, as well as artfully, cooked up by certain individuals, in order to stir up an evil report, and to encourage a bad opinion of us throughout all countries. And although this man of straw has not been able hitherto to succeed in his most vain attempt, yet this, however, is certain, that he has greatly annoyed us; as indeed we cannot esteem it to be a matter of no great consequence that our adversaries should hear, that we are jangling in debate with one another, and not even agreed upon that most important doctrine of our religion, far more, that the churches should suspect us of such a thing. We have been the more astounded by this intelligence, because it never entered into our imagination that we had any need to be alarmed on that account. We hope, however, it will yet come to pass, through the goodness of the Lord, that these noisome exhalations from the pit may soon be blown away and fall back upon those who devise any mischief to the cause of Christ and of his Church. Already, indeed, the arm of the Lord has begun to reveal itself, and to put forth his power in extinguishing these beginnings of evil, such as they are. The calumniator himself[59] has been driven into banishment by a decree of the Senate; we have been openly and at once acquitted, not merely from crime, but also from even the suspicion of guilt. Though, indeed, for a season, the fellow may try to set out his wares to the best advantage under the sign of Athanasius, as if he were suffering in defence of the faith, there does not, however, appear to be any great danger that the world will esteem as an Athanasius a person who is sacrilegious, a whoremonger, a homicide steeped in the blood of many saints. While we proclaim him to be such an one, we avouch nothing but what we are ready to establish by solid proof. These facts, I wished in brief compass to signify to you, that we may not in absence (as sometimes happens) be pressed beyond measure by the overweening ignorance and the malicious accusations of the ungodly. I send you also a copy of the Confession, which you may communicate to your colleagues.[60] For I consider this to be a matter of great moment, that we may not be frightened from our propriety by obscure reports which no one can lay hold upon. I have at the same time to beseech of you that you will take charge of sending, not only the Confession, but also this letter, to each of the brethren, or rather that you do stretch a point to allay their anxiety, by a letter from yourself. Adieu; may the Lord Jesus fill you with his Spirit, so that with one mind and heart you may be enabled to extend the glory of his name.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Latin Correspondence_--_Amsterdam Edit._, tom. ix. p. 226.]

[56] That meeting had ended on the 13th May.--See Ruchat, _Hist. de
la Réf._, tom. v. p. 24.

[57] These two deputies were Rudolph de Graffenried, Banderet, and
Nicolas Zerkinden, Secretary of State.

[58] One of these ministers was Gaspar Grossmann, (Megander.) See
Letter XIII. p. 47. He had been charged by the seigneury of Berne
to draw up the oath which was to be taken by the ministers, and the
order of procedure to be followed in the Synod.

[59] On the authority of Ruchat, it appears that Caroli did not
wait for the decision of the Lords of Berne, and that he withdrew
himself into voluntary exile from the condemnation with which he
was threatened. The act of his desertion was given to Farel and
to Calvin, the 29th of June 1537. (MSS. de Grossmann. Archives de
Berne.) We shall meet him again in the following letters of the
Reformer.

[60] See that Confession, (Calv. Epist. et Responsa,) p. 227.

XVI.--TO THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH OF BASLE.

Persecution in France--request addressed to the Seigneury of
Basle in favour of the faithful of the Church at Nismes.

GENEVA, _13th November 1537_.

The urgent business on account of which we have thought it right to send this person by express to you may be stated in few words. A new outbreak of the cruel rage of the ungodly has burst forth at Nismes, as the place is now called, no mean city, a town of Languedoc, against the unhappy brethren who reside there, scattered up and down, and that at a time when we might have suspected nothing of the kind. Not very long ago we had obtained letters from the town councils of Strasbourg and Basle, by which the safety and personal security of all those, who were then imprisoned throughout France on account of religion, was commended to the care of Count William.[61] That eminent person, as was reported, had obtained of the king that they should all be set at liberty. We rested secure in this expectation, until word was brought to us, that the fire of persecution was again raging in that quarter. Two persons have been burnt, concerning the manner of whose death you will hear from the eye-witness himself, for he can relate to you in Latin what he has narrated in detail to us. Many have been thrown into prison, who are in jeopardy of their lives, unless timely opposition is made to the fury of those who, already drunk with the blood of these two victims, are not otherwise at all likely to set any bounds to their persecuting spirit. The two who suffered have shown a remarkable spirit of constancy to the very last, although their patient endurance of suffering was tried with the most exquisite cruelty. Of a truth, we may question whether the same strength of mind will be found in the others. Relief, therefore, ought to be brought to them in their present exigency, if anyhow it can be supplied, lest those may break down who are weaker in the faith. Besides, the utmost care must be taken that the blood of the godly, which is so precious in the sight of God, may not be lightly esteemed by us.

[61] William du Bellay, Seigneur of Langey, one of the cleverest
diplomatists under the reign of Francis the First. Born in 1491,
he died the 9th January 1543. William du Bellay and his brother
John, the Bishop of Paris, had shown themselves favourable to the
first ideas of Reformation, and had consulted with the King for the
purpose of calling Melanchthon into France, there to put in train
the work of religious pacification.--Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ tom. i. p.
10; Florimond de Remond, _Histoire de la Naissance et du Progrès de
l' Hérésie_, liv. vii. p. 817. The last mentioned author has given
the letters which passed on this occasion between Melanchthon and
Francis I. The French Protestants formed great expectations from Du
Bellay. In these terms Bucer wrote to the physician Ulrich Chelius,
17th Aug. 1534: "Dominus excitet multos isti heroi similes, et spes
erit forte ut emergat aliquando regnum Christi."--Sturm, on his
part, wrote to Bucer, 17th Nov. 1535; "Si Langæus isthuc veniat,
obsecro, habe eum in numero eorum qui quidvis pati volunt pro
Christo."--_MSS. de Strasbourg._

We hear that a treaty was lately agreed upon by your Rulers with our King, in which some mention was made of religion, to the effect that henceforth those who agree with yourselves in their sentiments of religion, should not be punished with the wonted severity. If that is true, we must not allow so favourable an opportunity of helping the brethren to escape unimproved, unto whose assistance Christ is not only calling us with a loud voice, but complains that he is deserted and forsaken by us when they are deserted.

Wherefore, most excellent and pious brethren, devote yourselves entirely to this cause, according to the Christian sincerity of your heart; because we are confident you will do this of your own accord, we do not press you more urgently upon the matter. Take measures, therefore, with your council, that the subject may be brought under their consideration effectually and in earnest, and with as much brevity as possible, so that these furious men may not be able to counterwork you. You know how watchful is their enmity. Most learned and beloved brethren, may the Lord Jesus daily enrich you more and more with the increase of his Spirit.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. Copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XVII.--TO LOUIS DU TILLET.[62]

[62] Louis du Tillet, curé of Claix in Poitou, canon and archdeacon
of Angoulême. He was the brother of John du Tillet, the celebrated
registrar of the Parliament of Paris, and of that other Du Tillet
who became Bishop of Sainte-Brieuc and of Meaux. Having devoted
himself to an ecclesiastical career, his first leanings inclined
him towards the Reformed. With Calvin he became acquainted at
the University of Paris, formed a friendship with him, shared
his perils, and received him in 1534 at Angoulême in his own
house. United thenceforth to the young Reformer by a like faith,
he resigned his curacy of Claix to follow him, under the name of
Hautmont, to Strasbourg, to Basle, and into Italy. In August 1536
he was at Geneva, when Calvin was there retained by the earnest
entreaties of Farel. But the struggles to which the Reformer
was thenceforward condemned, were little suited to the mild and
contemplative disposition of Louis du Tillet. A prey to indecision,
he secretly left Geneva and went to Strasbourg, where his anxieties
were only put an end to by his return to the Roman Catholic faith.
He wrote to Calvin to inform him of this change, and to submit to
him his scruples regarding the lawfulness of the ministry in the
Reformed Churches. Calvin replied; and that controversy, free,
sincere, but tempered by respect, marked the later relations between
these two men, at first united and too soon separated by the
religious revolution of the sixteenth century.

Departure of Louis du Tillet from Geneva--regret of
Calvin--controversy between the two friends regarding the
character of the Church of Jesus Christ.

FROM VILLEFRANCHE,[63] _31st January_ [1538.]

[63] Ville Affranchie (Genève.)

MONSIEUR,--Eight days before I received the letters which you left at your departure to be forwarded to me, John had arrived,[64] so that some weeks before I had any news of you the rumour of your departure had taken wing hither. Although such a state of uncertainty was very great occasion of annoyance to me, nevertheless, I held my judgment in suspense as much as was possible; what troubled and tormented me most was the fear I entertained of having offended you by my imprudence, as I know and acknowledge that I have not observed towards you the due consideration which I ought. It is indeed true, that I derived such advantage from your society and conversation, that absence could not be joyous to me; but inasmuch as I saw you were in a somewhat languid state, I bore my loss patiently, considering your comfort as a sufficient recompense. Finally, since the arrival of your letters from two different quarters, by them I have partly understood your intention. While I consider, however, that my company could not be very agreeable in such rudeness and incivility as I used towards you, notwithstanding, I feel confident that that circumstance has neither estranged nor alienated you from us, for which we may certainly rather thank your prudence, which I have had to sustain me in regard to that, than because I conducted myself as became me.

[64] John du Tillet, brother of Louis, raised at a later period to
the honours of the Episcopate. Accomplished in the knowledge of the
ancient languages and in sacred archæology, he was charged with
various scientific missions by Francis I., and in the course of his
travels had visited Geneva.

I cannot conceal from you that I have been very much astonished on hearing of your intention, and even the reasons which are put forth along with the declaration of it in your letters. What occasions me the greatest surprise is, that I considered you so settled and resolved in that affair, that it would no way be possible to dislodge you from your purpose; and although you could not have had in the course you have been following very solid reasons, yet this so sudden change has appeared very strange to me, seeing the constancy and firmness which you manifested. May God grant, nevertheless, that your change of opinion may be as benignly construed by others as I endeavour to take it.

As for the reasons which have swayed you in arriving at that determination, I cannot perceive them to be very peremptory. I know well that my conscience before God is sufficiently assured of the contrary, and I hope that it will be so until the day when we must appear to give in our account. Besides, I am much misunderstood if I have not manifestly proved the justice of my cause in such a way that every one ought to be content, were it not that the one party pardon themselves too easily, while the others would readily give entrance to Jesus Christ, but only by ways wherein he will in nowise walk. I have never doubted that the eminent persons[65] you mention might in some degree have helped, without intending it, to land you in such a conclusion, while in touching on this point in letters written to me, they concealed it. Certainly their great learning and piety may well lend authority to their consultations. But I am well assured that in this matter, besides substantial grounds, I shall have more colour of reason than they, if I assume a mask to make myself look like them. Both the one and the other constrain me by their conduct to desire in them greater firmness and constancy. However high our reputation may be, it is never well to be so very liberal in bestowing another's property; and if we must beware of being bountiful at the expense of men, what caution ought to be exercised in dispensing the truth of God, which he does not commit to our trust that we may lessen it in anything? I pray the Lord that himself would give us so much understanding as that we may clearly comprehend that he will not be served by halves, and as our foolishness would divide his portion, but entirely according to his own will.

[65] Bucer and Capito, the Reformers of Strasbourg.

If you do acknowledge for churches of God those who hold us in execration, I cannot help it. But we should be in a sad plight if it indeed were so. For certainly you cannot give them this title, unless you hold us to be schismatics, in which case you will have to consider how your opinion will agree with the deliverance of our Master, "whatsoever ye shall bind on earth," &c. If you consider that there always remains some remnant of the blessing of God, as St. Paul affirms of the Israelites, you may well understand that I agree with you, seeing that I have sometimes declared to you that such was my opinion even as regards the Greek churches. But it does not follow as a consequence from that, that in the assembly we are bound to acknowledge the church; and if we do there acknowledge her, she will be our church, not that of Jesus Christ, who marks his own by other tokens, when he says, my sheep hear my voice; and St. Paul, when he calls her the "pillar of truth." You will answer me that she will be found nowhere, seeing that everywhere there is ignorance. Yet the ignorance of the children of God is of such a nature, that it does not hinder them from following his will.

Were it a question of comparison of such meetings with the synagogues of the Jews, I should fear to injure the latter in not preferring them to the other, or at least placing them in the background, for their idolatry is not so great, nor their abomination so horrible. What one can see of good, it is common to both, except indeed that it appears to be a great advantage that the name of Jesus Christ is avowed in the one and not in the other. But its influence is not the less abolished. Or if we would find a more suitable comparison, it is such a state as existed among the people of Israel under Jeroboam, or rather under Ahab, at a time when the spirit of the people had been corrupted by long usage. I do not mention these things without good cause, for I perceive how many begin to flatter themselves under the title of The Church, strongly condemning whatsoever is not like their own, for which they will have to render account. Let them consider by what right they do so, for I know well that our assurance is too certain to yield merely to frivolous objections. As regards yourself I do not think that you can look upon us otherwise than as if you held intercommunion with us, but it is a step towards separation from the Church of God when any one joins that which is opposed to him.

Moreover, I think that I perceive such a fear of God to be in you that I must see great arguments to move me from the persuasion which I have entertained. Be assured, then, that the first slight reports will not have such power over me as to overturn the experience I have had of you for many long years. But although I may tolerate that infirmity, offering you no more opposition than if you were one of ourselves, I can by no means approve your conduct; and would choose rather that I should be taken out of the world by a bitter death, than approve your deed, which I know to be damnable in itself, and besides that, fraught with ruin, or at least marvellous offence towards many, as well as because I see the readiness with which we justify ourselves, in order to encourage others to follow our example. However, concerning those matters of which at present you are resolved, I will make no long dispute. I would rather entreat the Lord that it may be his pleasure to deliver you from all scruples, so that his way may be quite plain and open in that direction, waiting an opportunity when such shall offer itself.

As for the departure of Lois Dartois, I never had a suspicion that it proceeded from you, inasmuch as I have been lately informed to the contrary. But it has been a poor stratagem on his part to conceal things from me in which he could not deceive God; for it is no light thing to tempt God, which those do who voluntarily bring themselves again under bondage. The miserable excuses with which we are wont to cover even our moral nakedness before men,[66] will never be able to endure the heat of God's judgment.

[66] In the French original: _Les sacs mouillés_ dont nous avons
coutume de nous couvrir devant les hommes.

You have long ago graciously permitted me to consider all things in common between us. Would that it pleased God I could make you a due acknowledgment. My companions charge me to commend them to you, who are of the same mind with me, although I have striven to the utmost, without shewing your letters, to prevent their taking offence. I could give no other counsel to John than that which my conscience warranted, unless I would turn traitor to the truth of God, and to his personal salvation. You will not take it amiss. I entreat you to have special remembrance of us in your prayers, to which although the knowledge you have of our weakness ought sufficiently to stir you up, nevertheless, the difficulties which press upon us ought yet more to arouse you, as they are now greater than ever.[67] After humbly commending myself to your kind remembrance, I pray the Lord to keep you in his holy protection, and so to direct you that you may not go astray in that slippery path whereon you are, until himself shall have manifested to you his complete deliverance.

[67] The opposition which the establishment of the ecclesiastical
discipline drawn up by Farel and Calvin met with at Geneva, became
every day more intense and lively. The newly-elected Syndics made
common cause with the malcontents, and already gave signs of the
forthcoming crisis which was to lead the way to the triumph of the
party of the Libertins and the banishment of the Ministers.--Spon,
_Histoire de Genève_, edit. 1730, tom. i. p. 276.

You will pardon me if this present is very confusedly written, shortness of time is in part the cause, and partly our troubles, besides that the argument was not very easy to handle.

Your very humble servant and brother,

CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.[68]

[_Fr. Copy_--_Imperial Library, Paris MSS. fr. Fonds Baluze_, 8069-5.]

[68] Charles d'Espeville. Pseudonyme adopted by Calvin during his
residence at Angoulême, and his journey in Italy, (1534-1536.)

XVIII.--TO HENRY BULLINGER.[69]

[69] Henry Bullinger, born July 18, 1504, at Bremgarten, minister
of that parish in 1529, was a friend of the Reformer Zuingli and
his successor at Zurich, after the fatal battle of Cappel, 1531. He
discharged the ministry of that church with wisdom and prudence for
more than forty years, kept up a regular correspondence with the
Reformers abroad, was on friendly terms with Melanchthon, Cranmer,
Calvin, Théodor de Bèze. In 1566 he drew up the Swiss Confession
of Faith, and in the way of advice, exercised a decisive influence
over the progress of the Reformation in the different countries
of Europe. He died at Zurich, September 17, 1575. His decease was
deplored by the churches of Switzerland as that of a father, and
Théodor de Bèze consecrated some verses to his memory.

"Doctrina si interire, si pietas mori,
Occidere si candor potest;
Doctrina, pietas, candor, hoc tumulo jacent,
Ilenrice, tecum condita."....

(_Icones Virorum Illustrium._)

Bullinger left some precious works; among others a Chronicle
which he wrote in German, Commentaries and Theological Treatises,
some of them on important and remarkable questions, and a vast
Correspondence, preserved more especially at Zurich and at Geneva.

State of the Church at Geneva--wish for the union of the
Reformed Churches--mention of Luther.

GENEVA, _21st February 1538_.

Grace to you and peace, from God the Father and from Christ the Lord, most respected and learned brother.

Were I to begin to describe to you at length the full narrative of our most wretched condition, a long history must be unfolded by me. For I call ours the trouble which for a long time has pressed, and which now severely presses upon that Church over which the Lord has been pleased to set us. But because there is not enough of leisure at present for explaining everything, and these good men can relate somewhat themselves, I will not trouble you with a larger epistle. Although, indeed, they have not perhaps discerned the very source of the evil, nor perceived whither the attempts of the wicked tended, yet they have forecast pretty clearly the aspect of affairs, how it was likely to turn out. How I wish that we could have a single day for free communication together, for from such a meeting we could not depart without much advantage! I have some things which can neither be treated safely in a letter, nor determined, until they have been weighed and thoroughly discussed on both sides. This, however, I will venture to throw out in passing, that it does appear to me, that we shall have no lasting Church unless that ancient apostolic discipline be completely restored, which in many respects is much needed among us. We have not yet been able to obtain, that the faithful and holy exercise of ecclesiastical excommunication be rescued from the oblivion into which it has fallen; and that the city, which in proportion to its extent is very populous, may be distributed into parishes, as is rendered necessary by the complicated administration of the Church. The generality of men are more ready to acknowledge us as preachers than as pastors. There are many other things besides, which, although we desire intensely to see amended, we can find out no means of doing so, unless that can be accomplished by faith, by diligence, and by perseverance on the part of all. Oh, if a pure and sincere accommodation could be agreed upon at length among us! What, then, would hinder the assembling of some public Synod, where individuals might propose whatever they may conceive to be most for the benefit of the churches? A way might be found out of going to work by common deliberation, and if need be, that the cities and princes also should assist in this undertaking by mutual exhortation and counsel, and also confirm by their authority; but in so great perplexity, the Lord is rather to be inquired of, that himself may open up a way.

Pellican has informed us that you have received a kind and friendly reply from Luther, from which Grynée affirms that he entertains much hope of seeing peace established.[70] But of what kind we have not been able to divine, seeing that that church, which, from its near neighbourhood, might most easily communicate with us in all things, has not thought us worthy to receive any intelligence whatever. When occasion offers, you must not grudge to let us at least understand the sum of it. Farel greets you. Will you salute for me with no common esteem my highly respected brethren in the Lord, your colleagues, Pellican, Leo, Theodore, Bibliander, and besides, Phyrisius? May the Lord keep you all in safety for the promoting of his kingdom.--Yours wholly,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Archives of Zurich._ Vol. i. Gest. vi. p. 287.]

[70] Bucer and Capito were at this time engaged in very active
negotiations to bring about a union between the Reformed Churches of
Switzerland and those of Germany. Luther did not oppose himself to
this accommodation, and had written, Dec. 1, 1537, to the Reformed
districts of Switzerland, a letter full of the spirit of tolerance
and conciliation, in which we remark the following passage:--"They
can easily advise with Bucer also and Capito on all these matters,
provided we can lay aside all that is offensive, and in like-minded
agreement give room for the leading and guidance of the Holy Spirit,
that we may go forward in pious and brotherly concord. Assuredly,
in so far as we are concerned, and especially as regards myself,
casting aside whatever may be occasion of offence, I shall embrace
you in faith, good will, and with love."--_Hospinian Historia
Saeramentaria_, tom. ii. p. 276. In another letter to Capito of
the same year, 6th Dec. 1537, he thus expresses himself:--"I write
these things that you may know that our heart is upright and sincere
in the hope of agreement; may the Lord himself complete the work.
Amen."--D. M. Luther's _Briefe_, edit. De Wette, tom. v. p. 70.

In a letter to Bullinger, written 4th March 1538, at length he
renders an evidently deep-felt homage to the memory of Zuingli and
Œcolampadius. "I can freely declare that, after having seen and
heard Zuingli at Marbourg, I have considered and esteemed him as a
most excellent man, as also Œcolampadius; so that their calamity
has well-nigh disheartened me," &c. These sentiments of true
generosity seemed almost to open up an era of reconciliation and of
peace between the Churches.

XIX.--TO HENRY BULLINGER.[71]

[71] Important events had fallen out at Geneva. Expelled from that
town (23d April 1538) for having refused to administer the communion
on Easter day, Calvin and Farel had gone to Berne.--(Spon, _Hist. de
Genève_, tom. i. p. 276.) The deputies of the Reformed Swiss cantons
were met at Zurich to treat about the union with the Lutheran
Church. The two ministers appeared before that assembly and gave
account of their conduct at Geneva. Without intimating any opinion
on the matter at issue, "The Lords deputies resolved to write in
friendly terms to the Genevese, to induce them to support their
pastors in the work of re-establishing and putting their churches
on a better footing. They also charged the Bernese to support that
letter by a deputation."--(Ruchat, _Histoire de la Réformation
en Suisse_, tom. v. p. 84.) But this double intervention proved
ineffectual. The banishment of the ministers was confirmed, May
26th, by the assembly.

Synod of Zurich--attempt at reconciliation between the banished
ministers and the town of Geneva.

BERNE, _20th May 1538_.

If I have hitherto deferred writing, it has been because everything was so very much in suspense, that it was not possible to write anything for certain. And now, as the narrative of all that has happened [at Geneva] could not be given by us without complaining, we only desire to acquaint you, that the treatment which we have experienced, though in opposition to all our wishes, has nevertheless been in accordance with our expectation. Besides the very irksome delay of a fortnight, it was also a source of very much annoyance, that none of those things which passed at Zurich, and had been openly concluded there, were noticed by Konzen.[72] And in order not to appear to uphold a bad cause, he declaimed with much violence against us, as if it were evident that we wished to draw back and not to keep the promise we had given to the brethren. It only remained, therefore, that the Senate itself should take the lead in regard to everything, who in passing the decree took no very particular account of those things which had been conceded to us at Zurich by the general consent of all. For we are content rather to encounter any alternative than not to try every method by which the requirements of religion may be satisfied, or by which we may discharge the duty we owe to the Church. Now, therefore, we start upon our journey,[73] which may it please the Lord to prosper, for as we look to him in our proceedings, so we commit the success to his wise disposal. I am compelled to interrupt my letter, scarcely now begun, because the brethren hasten to depart. Adieu, most kindly brother, and with very respectful regard.--Greet for me most lovingly your colleagues. Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Archives of Zurich_. Gest. vi. 166, p. 1.]

[72] Peter Konzen, minister of Berne, deputy to the Synod of Zurich.
In that assembly he manifested the most hostile sentiments toward
Farel and Calvin, whose conduct at Geneva he disapproved.

[73] In order to testify the conciliatory spirit which animated
them, Calvin and Farel accompanied, within a short distance
from Geneva, the deputation which had been charged to entreat
their return. But their solicitations having been rejected, they
determined to proceed to Basle, where they arrived after a most
fatiguing and even perilous journey. See following letter.

XX.--TO PETER VIRET.

Arrival of Farel and Calvin at Basle.

BASLE, [_towards the end of May 1538_.]

We have at length reached Basle, but well soaked with the rain and completely spent and worn out. Nor was our journey free from perils, for in truth one of us was almost carried away by the swollen currents; but we have experienced more tender usage from the impetuous river than from our fellow-men, for since, contrary to all right and reason, they had decided that we should travel on foot, that also has been complied with through the mercy of the Lord in preserving us. There is nothing fixed or agreed on as yet, because Grynée has committed the charge of the Academy to Oporin.[74] We departed from Berne without taking leave of the Senate, although it had been agreed in common among ourselves to do so. We perceived some here were inclined that we should be retained; and they confidently alleged that we would be unpardonable if we should decline so just a call. That we might not do anything rashly, the Lord at length has opened an outlet to us. For when we asked a hearing of the Senate, we were put off to the next day,--on the receiving of which answer to our request, it seemed to us that we had done all that was required of us in duty, and that we were discharged from further application in that quarter.

[74] John Oporin, Director of the Academy of Basle, one of the most
celebrated printers of that town.

Your affairs, dear Courault,[75] we have entrusted to good men, according to our ability, but only in a general way, that you may not be brought under obligation before we have tried to do our best elsewhere. You know how much we wish to serve you. When we have got some settled abode we will write to you more at large and by the first opportunity. Farewell, most excellent and dear friends and brethren.--Your brethren,

FAREL AND CALVIN.

[75] The conclusion of this letter is addressed to the minister
Courault, the colleague of Calvin, expelled along with him from
Geneva. He lived in retirement with Christopher Fabri at Thonon,
whence he was called as minister by the Church of Orbe.

This brother to whom we have delivered the horses to be brought back, has made up his mind to stay with you if he can procure any suitable employment: therefore see what can be done to put him in the way of being serviceable to the Church of Christ. We think well of his sincerity and probity, and that he is not unskilled in useful learning. If he shall appear worthy of your regard, for our sake also we desire to commend him to your good offices.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva_. Vol. 106.]

XXI.--TO LOUIS DU TILLET.[76]

[76] The first letter of Calvin to du Tillet (Letter xvii. p. 60)
did not remain unanswered:--"If my retreat in this country has
caused you great annoyance, as I have understood by your letter
of the last of January, I myself have not thought the less of
it, considering the interruption of our accustomed converse and
familiarity ... could not produce in you so much disquietude. But
what could I have done, if, having been there two years or thereby,
my conscience could never be at peace on this account, that without
a clear call I had retired from a charge which I ought not to have
relinquished without the command of God, whereby I have been put
into a state of languor, such as you have seen, and by reason of
the great unceasing depression of mind which has taken possession
of my spirit, I have for this some time past been useless for
everything?"--_Paris MSS._ This letter, written from Paris, (10th
March,) did not reach Calvin at all; it was during a sojourn to
Strasbourg that the Reformer, driven from Geneva, (23d April 1538,)
had retired to Basle, and imparted to his old friend the events
which condemned him to a new exile.

Journey of Calvin to Strasbourg--project of a new assembly at
Zurich--policy of the Bernese--in his retirement Calvin breathes
freely--news from France.

STRASBOURG, _10th July 1538_.

I hope, sir, you will not take in ill part that John[77] is gone away thitherward to you without my letter, for it grieved me to write to you, having so many things to communicate, without having time to make at least a partial communication. On the other hand, it was not easy for me to impart such information to you by halves, without at once entering fully into the details. The complete declaration was by no means impossible, but I was afraid that it would scarce be pleasing to you; wherefore I greatly preferred entirely to forbear writing, casting the duty upon John, who, as I think, will have faithfully acquitted himself of the charge, except that he will not have been able clearly to discover to you the source and origin of the evil, which is not known to many. I have been so greatly importuned by the two of this town[78] that to satisfy them I have made the journey hither.

[77] See Note, p. 60.

[78] Bucer and Capito, already mentioned.

Touching ourselves, it has been resolved that it is fit and proper even now to call an assembly, where Zurich, Berne, Basle, this town of Strasbourg, Bienne,[79] and one from the aforesaid place,[80] shall be present, where, after diligent inquiry made by them, it may be formally declared that we have duly and faithfully administered our charge, to the end that such a testimony may stand as a lawful judgment, to shut the spiteful mouths of the malignant, as well as to the confusion of those who have taken upon them to engage in such an enterprise. By the same method they hope that the schisms which may take place, and have already begun, will disappear. When I do well consider the case, the difficulty seems to me to overpass all human help; wherefore, I have nought else to recommend than to commit the issue to the great Physician, who alone can provide and take order in applying the proper remedy.

[79] That town, then independent, and already Reformed, was united
by a treaty of alliance to the Protestant cantons of Switzerland.

[80] Probably Geneva.

The Bernese endeavour, or, I should rather say, persist,[81] as much as they are able, to make believe that all goes well, but there is no one else who does not think quite the contrary. By his just judgment God sends blessing after such a fashion upon the head and family of those who thus wickedly mock at the disorder of his Church; and it is sent for their correction, in order that they may be differently minded in an affair of so great importance. I shall retire to Basle, waiting to understand what the Lord would have me to do. It is not the fault of those of this town that I am not their guest; but they have charge enough without me, and I can live for a while supporting myself on what you left with me, and a portion of my books; yet the Lord himself will direct us. Above all, however, on looking back and considering the perplexities which environed me from the time when I first went thither, there is nothing I dread more than returning to the charge from which I have been set free. For while, when first I entered upon it I could discern the calling of God which held me fast bound, with which I consoled myself, now, on the contrary, I am in fear lest I tempt him if I resume so great a burden, which has been already felt to be insupportable. There are other reasons, which can only be explained in conversation, with which, however, those with whom I have to do will never rest contented. Nevertheless, I know assuredly that our Lord will guide me in that so very doubtful a deliberation, the more so because I shall look rather to what he will point out to me than to my own judgment, which beyond measure drawing me contrariwise, I feel ought to be suspected.

[81] The Bernese were the declared opponents of the ecclesiastical
discipline which Farel and Calvin had wished to establish at Geneva,
and which appeared to them to trench upon the right of the civil
power. The seigneury of Berne were not disposed to favour the two
banished ministers.