Chapter XX: Part 20

For the second time, I now begin to learn what it is to dwell at Geneva. I am, indeed, beset with thousand briers. These two months bypast we have had serious wranglings among my colleagues, and they have even gone so far, that out of four it is quite evident that two have perjured themselves. Of which crime, if they who were accused had been given up to justice, a crying scandal would have arisen. The cases, indeed, were diverse, also happened at different times, so that the one party threw back the accusation upon the other. When the truth could not be got at, either by oral testimony or by home arguments, I was obliged to commend the cases to the special judgment of God, and having done so, have settled the dispute on both sides. For what else could I have done? Had both of them been cast out, the innocent party must have suffered wrongfully, and the example instead of doing good would be of evil consequence. I was besides afraid lest, should the affair come to be generally talked about, it might be said they were cast out upon an uncertainty. The infamy in the meantime, however, would settle down upon our order. Somehow or other it fell out crosswise, that one who had also been a monk, a boon companion and crony of some of them, and has scarcely ever been here among the brotherhood, has so traduced their manner of life, and of certain others, both in writing and in conversation, that none could be more vile than we if the discreditable impeachment should spread any wider. I called together my colleagues; complained bitterly of them all, for that the whole of this affair was to be imputed entirely to them. I said, that indeed I was quite well aware that that frantic blockhead had been furnished with the weapons of his annoyance by themselves; but that however that might be, they must now combine their wits together for the purpose of extinguishing, as it were, a common conflagration. I told them besides, that the hand of the Lord pressed heavily upon us, and that he would avenge the perjuries which attached to us. It would not be at all wonderful, if, on account of so much wickedness and cursing, the wrath of the Lord should begin to wax hot against us, which of old, because of the sinful conduct of only one individual, had raged so fiercely against the whole Israelitish people. I took care also to let them know, that this would never cease nor come to an end until our presbytery should be cleansed from those crimes by which it had been defiled. And in conclusion I exhorted them, each to examine himself and to look within, in suchwise as to confess that he was punished deservedly. Yet, forsooth, so far were they from giving heed to what I said, that forthwith they thought of nothing else than how they might have their revenge, at least some of them. That same monk I have mentioned was employed by these two brethren, of whom there was a strong suspicion that they had been cognizant, yea, even aiders and abettors of the accusation. Certain persons reported underhand of one of them, that he had said many insolent things against the magistracy, and that a large proportion of the senators had been sorely wounded by slanderous insinuations. Now, you know well enough by experience how sensitive and irritable our senate is whenever it is touched. As soon as I was informed of this, I called all my colleagues together, told them beforehand what would happen, and also threatened, that in the event of anything more serious occurring, I was not going to wait patiently to be involved in such troubles along with them; and that when I was gone away, they would feel whether their own shoulders were broad enough to bear up under such a burden. Meanwhile, the nobleman I referred to, has been cast into prison; to clear himself, he flings back an accusation upon our colleague Louis,[435] which can scarcely have other issue than in a sentence of death or banishment. The former has several witnesses who can prove that this latter person had said, that the Syndics of the former year had been elected, with the clear understanding, that in the event of their committing misdemeanours, they should be punished capitally, and many things to the same purpose. On the other hand, our friend Sebastian has been raging against us with the utmost violence. There were about sixty persons present yesterday when the Scripture was being expounded. The passage under consideration was:--"Approving themselves as the ministers of God in all long-suffering," &c. He shrouded his attack under cover of a perpetual antithesis, in such a way as to shew that we were in all respects the very opposite of what the ministers of Christ ought to be. It was much after this fashion that he played with the subject:--That Paul had been the servant of God, we served ourselves; that he had been one of the most patient of men, we the most impatient; that he had been a night-watcher in order to lay himself out for the edification of the Church, but that we kept watch by playing ourselves; that Paul was sober, we were drunken; that he and the Christians of his time had been harassed and vexed on account of seditions, while we made it our business to set them astir; that he was chaste, while we had been whoremongers; that the apostle had himself been shut up in prison, but we got people cooped up even for an offensive word; that he used only the power of God, while we had recourse to that of the magistrate; that he had suffered from the attack of others, we made it our study to persecute the innocent. What more need I say? It was certainly altogether a bloody oration. At the time, I was quite mute, lest some greater strife might be kindled in the presence of so many strangers, but I laid a complaint before the Syndics. These were the ominous intimation of the commencement of all sorts of schism. It was not so much the perverse manner of his setting about the attack, and the wrong-headed obstinacy of his ill-minded malediction, that has moved me to undertake the repression of the man's restless and froward temper, as because he had slandered us by the falsest calumnies. You must now perceive the kind of straits and difficulties which so down-weigh me. And that nought might be wanting to my misery, or rather to fill the cup of my miseries, the deputies of Berne, Negueli and d'Erlach the elder, have lately departed hence in high dudgeon, because they could not arrive at any reasonable settlement with our authorities here about the boundaries, which is all the more ungracious, inasmuch as they were contending about just nothing at all. And indeed, as I hear, there are certain busybodies, in the places of public resort, who appeal to me as if I were in my own person the sponsor and arbiter of peace, when, themselves, by reason of their obstinacy and insane pride, as much as in them lies, do break away from all peaceable agreement.

[435] The Minister Louis de Geniston.

I now come to your letter: Marcourt[436] I had so far excused, that you might not suppose that he had come here upon any previous arrangement. Indeed, I was aware that his journey was quite upon another design. There is, however, no denying that he was delighted on account of the disturbances, and had done his utmost to increase them. I am no way surprised that your colleague is somewhat stirred against me; for I have discharged freely enough my own bile both on Marcourt and the others. The arrangement had been gone into as to Viret, without my being made aware of it, notwithstanding that I had taken care long ago to point out that what has been done was what should be done. When our deputies, however, had returned from Berne, all of a sudden and beyond my expectation, I have heard that Viret is coming hither to be our colleague for six months. I returned thanks to the Bernese deputies because they openly announced that it had been so arranged at my request. It now remains for the brethren to give their assent, which, as I expect, will not be very difficult to be had. The book[437] would have been thrown off ere now had not the press been occupied with the Dialogues of Viret. I was unwilling that the printers should be called away from that job, that I might not appear to set a higher value on my own work than was befitting. In a short time, however, it will make its appearance. Bernard, Geniston, and the rest salute you most kindly--indeed, and in truth, our own family over and over again, Textor, also, who was called up hither by Baudry, who has fallen into a speechless state. The disease, so far as I can understand, will prove incurable. Textor apprehends danger from suffocation; but should he escape that evil he is still liable to be consumed and wasted by atrophy. The pestilence again alarms us, and seems to be on the increase. My little daughter labours under a continual fever.[438] A rumour has lately been brought hither of the dissolution of the Imperial diet.[439] They said that the Emperor thought of going to Strasbourg; now it is reported that he is bound to Metz, but we have no certain intelligence. In Italy the French have hitherto carried all before them.[440] But whichever shall gain the upper hand, either way it must prove calamitous and very disastrous for the Christian world. May the Lord look in mercy upon us. Again, my very dear brother, adieu. Salute all the brethren and your own household. The Lord preserve you all.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[436] Marcourt, senior minister of the Church of Geneva.

[437] This was the Reply to the Sorbonne Articles. See the note, p.
408.

[438] Calvin had already lost a son in the month of August 1542. See
note 3, p. 344. He had afterwards another child by Idelette de Bure,
which does not appear to have long survived.

[439] The imperial assembly of Spire dissolved in the month of May
1544. Charles the Fifth had then obtained considerable subsidies
from the Protestant princes in return for the important concessions
which he had made to them in the great concern of religion.--_Hist.
Charles V._, lib. vii.

[440] The French had gained a brilliant victory at Cérisoles, 14th
April 1544, over the Marquis of Guasta, the Imperial General.

CXVIII.--TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.[441]

[441] Gifted with a remarkable genius for politics, which had been
formed in the school of Zuingle, and called more than once, on this
account, to enlighten by his experience the councils of the republic
of Basle, Oswald Myconius maintained a correspondence with Calvin,
which had not merely the interests of the Church in view, but those
of the whole of Europe, kept at that time in suspense by the last
act of the struggle between Francis I. and Charles V.

Political and military intelligence from France and Germany.

GENEVA, _24th June 1544_.

Already by this time, you must be caring much less about the request you made me, that I would inform you more certainly as to the preparations of the French King. For even the Swiss, you see, are astir; nor do I entertain any doubt that even there where you are, the intelligence about his plans has been spread far and wide. There is a town in Champagne, which they call Châtillon; thither he concentrates all his forces, there to await the approach of the Emperor; in the meantime, he has strong enough garrisons in the towns which are in any degree fortified. If we take into account the relative strength of the parties on both sides, the kingdom of France seems at present to be in great jeopardy. The upshot, however, is in the hand of God. As the world goes at present, every one in his senses ought to be desirous that the overbearing arrogance of the Emperor may receive an effectual check; for if France should suffer too severely, that must react upon us. If France shall be discomfited and subdued, it is quite certain that his victorious arms will then be turned against ourselves. Were they even to come to some sort of agreement, I fear lest the King, in order to avenge the injury done to himself, may abandon Germany as a prey to the fury of the Emperor. And should it so happen, who can deny it would only be according to our deserts?[442] And truly, at that time, God blinded the understanding of our friends so as to let them rush upon their own destruction, in allying themselves to the Emperor for the purpose of ruining France, which has been hitherto both the fortress and defence of our liberty and safety. Therefore, as though we were in the lowest depths of despair, let us learn to look upward to the Lord. As you would not willingly be without my book, I send you one copy. Adieu, excellent sir, and right trusty brother; may the Lord preserve you with the Church and our brethren of the ministry, whom you will please salute in my own and in the name of all our friends.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. minute_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[442] The Protestant princes of Germany, the steady allies of France
against the House of Austria, abandoned their usual policy on this
occasion, and joined the Emperor against Francis I. They alleged as
their motive for this change, the impious alliance of that monarch
with the Turks, whose arms threatened equally France and Italy, and
they wrote to the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, inviting them
to follow their example, by refusing their assistance to Francis
I.--See Sleidan, lib. xv. pp. 441-446.

CXIX.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.[443]

[443] M. de Falais afterwards left Brabant and went to Cologne with
his family, as we see by his request addressed to Charles the Fifth:
"I went indeed first of all to reside in your city of Cologne, where
I abode so inoffensively and beyond the reach of blame from any
one, that no person could justly complain of me."... Immediately
on his arrival at Cologne, he had requested Calvin to send him a
minister. The war which then wasted the Netherlands, and rendered
communication difficult, had not allowed the Reformer at once to
meet his wishes.

Arrival of Monsieur de Falais at Cologne--the sending of a
minister--pious counsels.

_This 24th June 1544._

MONSIEUR,--I shall begin by making our excuses for having so long delayed to let you hear from us the news. I do assure you, that if the time has seemed long to you, it has not been otherwise than wearisome to us, by reason that we could not discharge ourselves of duty towards you according to your desire. Had the communications been open, we would not have found any difficulty, but we need not tell you what has been the time elapsed since the return of good Seigneur David. To send a countryman of your own to you, while matters were in such turmoil, we did not think was very suitable. On that account we thought best to send to inquire about a person who resides at Strasbourg, who was your neighbour, considering also that he would be a more fit person than another by reason of his country. But having gone upon a journey, we could not have a prompt reply from him. In writing to us since, he refers us to the return of Bucer, who was still at that time at Spire.[444]

[444] Bucer had gone to the Diet which was held in that town in
1544. The Emperor, pressed by two enemies at the same time, Soliman
and Francis I., made important concessions on that occasion to the
Protestant side.

In this way the time has glided away to our great regret, forasmuch as it was not in our power to meet your wish. How, moreover, it has happened that our expectation hath been hitherto frustrated as concerning that matter, you can perceive by the letters, and by an extract from Bucer's letter which I send you.

The present bearer has been sent instead of the other person, against our mind. Not that we are offended on that account; for we hope verily, Sire David and myself, that there will be no loss by the exchange. He is sound and steadfast in the doctrine which is profitable for edifying; for besides that he is pure and sound, he is well exercised in ready reply to objections. Upon the whole, he is modest, so as not to stir beyond his depth. Moreover, he is not addicted to vain glory, nor to the desire of shewing off, which is the besetting sin in many. He manifests zeal for advancing the reign of our Lord Jesus, such as ought to be set forth in his ministers. He has altogether a life which approves his doctrine; as regards his manner of life, you will find him tractable. Then, that besides I may let you know what may be defective in him, it is true that he is not deeply versed in the knowledge of human affairs, and is not furnished with skill in languages; even in the Latin language he is not the most eloquent, although he is so far instructed as he needs in the circumstances, which is sufficient. His mother-tongue possibly shall not be very pleasant to you at first, but I feel assured that this circumstance will not prevent you taking pleasure in his preaching, the more so as the substance will quite make up for that defect. He feared that he might not be sufficiently polished in manner and behaviour, but we have told him that you would not consider that to be a mortal crime. He has this good quality that you can admonish him privately as to whatever shall occur to you, without any dread of his taking offence, and I hope that he will be compliant and guidable. In short, he will much deceive us or he will so carry himself, that we shall have no occasion to repent ourselves of having sent him, and that we shall have no complaint from you.

As for his entertainment, we have said nothing about it to him, being well aware that it is not a matter for which he has much care; and besides, even should he provide himself, he would not better himself much by doing so. There is no fear of discontentment on his part; and on yours, I feel more than certain, that you will give him no occasion. Only, I pray you, sir, to receive him as the servant of God, to serve you in whatever the Lord has bestowed upon him for the good of your household, so that his ministry may not be unprofitable.

Concerning the form and order of procedure in preaching and in the administration of the sacraments, we have consulted thereupon, but it will be for yourselves to determine together upon the spot. He will however declare to you, what has been thought good and desirable by us, in order that you may take counsel on that matter together. In regard to this we have our infallible rule, that everything ought to tend to edification. Moreover, to discern what is suitable for edification, the Lord it is who must give us wisdom, to whom you will have recourse.

And now, sir, in reply to your letter, I give thanks to our Lord, that he has strengthened you in constancy, enabling you to overcome all the temptations which might prove a hindrance to you, and hinder you from coming to the place where you could be able to worship purely, and has not permitted, that with the most part of those whom he hath enlightened in the knowledge of his name, you have preferred the world instead of honouring him, lying asleep in the mire, which must entirely have choked you at last. Besides, if that quality of self-forgetfulness, and of turning away your thoughts from things around you, and serving those ties which have held you bound, has been a special grace of our heavenly Father, since he has begun the work of his mercy towards you, in so far, he will follow it out and perfect it, putting it into your heart to understand, that it was not enough for you to be drawn forth out of the defilements in which you were, but that you should daily have his word to strengthen you in perseverance, and to urge you always to advance farther forward.

We feel by experience our weakness to be such, that if we were not urged forward from time to time, our zeal would forthwith cool down. And that is the reason why there are so many, who, like the crabs, walk backward, because being deceived by that false idea, that it is quite enough merely to have once understood the truth, they slight and neglect it, despising the daily exercise which is so needful for us all. So that, being thus instructed and prepared, as well by their example as by our own experience, how much need have we of holy exhortation from the word of our God, as a spur to goad us onward! Let us take good heed that we draw not back.

We see how David, when he was among the Philistines, albeit he did not contaminate himself with idolatry, laments that he could not have access to the temple in Jerusalem, that he might receive instructions as well from the preaching of the law and the holy ordinances of God, as these are confirmations to help and serve as props to sustain our weakness. I pray then the Lord to uphold you always in this resolution, so that you may be fully conformed to our father Abraham, who not only forsook the country of his birth to follow God, but on his arrival in the land of Canaan, forthwith raised an altar, that he might exercise himself in the service and worship of God.

As for your being afraid that I would think it strange, your change of purpose,[445] I would be too unkind, did I not grant you the free use of such and so good a means of grace, seeing that our Lord has offered it you there, beyond your expectation. Not that I would not have wished to see you, to enjoy the comfort and delight which I might look for from your presence, or that I am not sorry to be deprived of such a benefit. But, on the other hand, I consider, that you would be ungrateful to God in not availing yourself of the advantage which the Lord presents to you rather than men.

[445] M. de Falais had intended at first to retire to Geneva. He
had afterwards decided to fix his residence at Strasbourg, where he
indeed established himself the following year.

For the rest, I do give you my assurance, that were I at liberty, and the Lord had not settled me here, or he had given me leave of absence for a season, I would not fail to come and visit you, to satisfy both your own wish and mine. As for seeing you, I have not, even now, lost the hope of that, not that I perceive any great convenience of opportunity on my part, but because I trust that our Lord will open up some way. Howsoever that may be, the chief point is, that we may be always conjoined together in him who is the Father of all unity, as I feel myself assured, and not merely for the two or three days which we have to live in the world, but eternally in his kingdom.

To conclude, Monsieur, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I pray the God of goodness to have you always in his protection, together with your family, increasing the gifts which he has put upon you, until he has brought you to the utmost perfection of his children.

Your servant, humble brother, and ever assured friend,

CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

CXX.--TO MADAME DE FALAIS.

Christian congratulations--hope of a speedy meeting.

_24th June_ [1544.]

MADAME AND WELL-BELOVED SISTER,--Although I have had a singular desire to see you, and that I am sorry to be disappointed in the expectation of seeing you, which I had entertained, notwithstanding I am thankful to our Lord for the opening which he has made for you, that without going to a greater distance he has allowed you to worship with a pure conscience, and free from the idolatrous pollutions in which you had been led captive. It is another blessing that you can set up the form of a Church, to worship in the Christian assembly, to be comforted by his word, and to receive the Holy Supper in pledge of his goodness, making thereby the protestation of your faith. The less expectation you had of being admitted to the enjoyment of such a privilege, the more you have occasion to rejoice when it is presented to you.

I hope that the individual whom we have sent you, the Seigneur David and myself, shall be according to your mind, for, as well in doctrine as in morals, he has a true Christian simplicity. Notwithstanding, however, my desire some time to enjoy your presence will still continue to linger about me, and I shall not lose hope. But this, at least, is well, that although absent the one from the other, we shall not leave off to converse in spirit, being united in Him who brings together things that are far asunder. Inasmuch as the messenger will, to some extent, supply the place of a letter, I will not trouble you with any further details; and therefore, Madame, and dearly beloved sister, after my humble commendation to your kind remembrance in prayer, I beseech the Father of mercies to open his hand more and more, and to impart his grace to you, continuing to uphold you as a chosen instrument of his glory, even unto the end.

I do not know what company you have at present with you, but if those whom the Seigneur David left there, with him whom they expected, should be there, I desire to be kindly remembered, as affectionately as possible. Not that I would wish to give you that trouble, but themselves can well receive and take in good part the recommendations which I wish to be presented to them. Again, I pray our Lord to guide you always, as he has done hitherto.

Your servant and humble brother ever,

CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

CXXI.--TO FAREL.[446]

[446] The sacramentary truce which was brought about in 1538, with
so much labour, between Lutheranism and the Reformed, was afterwards
broken, notwithstanding the efforts of Bucer, of Melanchthon, and
Calvin. Full of ill-humour against the memory of Zuingli, Luther
allowed no opportunity of invective to pass, in his writings,
against the doctrines of the Swiss Reformer and the Church of
Zurich, which he likened to the _heresies of Munzer and the
Anabaptists_. Desirous of maintaining peace among the Churches, the
ministers of Zurich at first abstained from all reply, in the hope
of soothing him by their silence, and avoiding direct collision with
the vehement spirit of Luther. But Luther having on many occasions
renewed his attacks, they considered it their duty to answer him in
an indirect way by publishing the works of Zuingli, with an apology
for his doctrine prefixed.--See _Hospinian, Historiæ Sacramentariæ_,
Genève, 1681, tom. ii. pp. 318, 322. Ann. 1544.

Renewal of the controversy regarding the Sacraments between the
German and Swiss Churches.

[_10th October 1544._]

What you have been advising of late, I mean, for me to go to Zurich to admonish the brethren, I do not see what good that would do. In the first place, I am not aware wherein they have sinned, seeing that I have never read any either of their letters or books which have so much enkindled the rage of Luther. Already I fear the sort of answer they may return. They will not fail to dwell upon the marvellous patience wherewith they have hitherto endeavoured to smooth him down. For even Bullinger himself, when he was complaining to me some months ago, in a letter, about Luther's unkindness, highly commended his own forbearance and that of his friends. Besides, if even I should come thither thoroughly well informed as to all the particulars of the case, and that I should be able to keep them within bounds, so as not to give rise to any future controversy, I should still come but little speed in this business. For at present the danger arises not so much from them as from Luther. He must be pacified. Will this be screwed out of the Zurichers, that they be brought meekly to entreat Luther? It ought to have been looked to long ago that they should not stir that filthy puddle. But who among ourselves had foresight enough for that? Let us, therefore, make known our request unto the Lord, who alone can apply the healing remedy to this disease. It will certainly occasion a serious and ruinous conflagration, but let us await the issue.

You will read what I have written to Scriffius; and you will write to Toussain, unless you judge it advisable rather to send my letter. Adieu, my brother; may the Lord preserve you. Salute all friends.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

CXXII.--TO BULLINGER.

New appeal to the Seigneurs of Zurich, in favour of the
Waldenses of Provence--Luther's invectives against the Swiss
Reformer--remarkable judgment in regard to his character--his
injustice pardoned in consideration of the eminent services
rendered by him to the cause of Christ.

GENEVA, _25th November 1544_.

You will receive from this brother who has delivered to you my letter, a crown-piece and two silver testons; for this, if I remember correctly, was the amount that remained. Excuse me, I pray you, for not having sent it sooner. As for the reason why this brother has been sent to you, by those of Neuchatel, he will himself tell you. There is, in my opinion, no difficulty, or very little, indeed, if any, in the case. But the perverseness and importunity of one individual compel them to be troublesome both to you and to ourselves. They have in their meeting a man belonging to that class of doctors, from which, hitherto, not a single good man has ever yet come forth, one who has never ceased from time to time to pester them with some troublesome affair or another. There are two causes which urge him on in this course. For he seems born to contradict, and because he is not so very highly esteemed by others as he rates himself, it is after this fashion that he takes his revenge. Had he been in our Church, he would easily have been restrained. For we had a means of breaking him in quite ready at hand. But where he is, he has the Prince's deputy by whom he is countenanced. For it is thus, that men of this sort of pretension secure and fortify themselves with defences, so as to work mischief with impunity. That you would, all of you, do of your own accord what I am now about to ask, I am well aware. Nevertheless, I would entreat of you, that in so sacred a cause you may reach forth a helping hand to the brethren; that is, that you would support them by your authority, and train them by a right method that they may bridle up that Ishmael. This much have I written, not because it might be supposed to be needful, but rather to please our brother.

There is another affair, besides, in which I wish very specially to implore your aid. There are brethren in Provence, for whom you are aware that we have always taken much pains.[447] Nor were they any way undeserving that we should do so; for they are a people so harmless, and withal so piously disposed, that their peace and safety ought to be the peculiar care of all good men. It is now three years bypast, since they were so far advanced as to have presented to the Parliament of Aix a confession of faith, pure and simple as we could have set it forth ourselves. And besides, that you may not suppose that such a step was taken from some sudden impulse, which might immediately have evaporated, whenever they have been called to account concerning it they have constantly stood firm to their profession. In the meantime, however, they were cruelly harassed. After they had been exposed for some time to the savage tyranny of their enemies, they obtained at length of the King that he would appoint a commission, who might hear evidence and report truly upon the whole case. The King commissioned two persons, whose duty was to make inquiry; he wished to take the entire cognizance of the cause to himself, and so to pronounce an award. The tenor of the commission was, that the persons who were to be sent were to inquire particularly, and take special knowledge concerning their doctrine and morals, both in public and private. This the brethren have no dread or anxiety about. For they have so conducted themselves toward all around them as to have an unexceptionable testimony to their sterling worth, even from their adversaries.[448] As for their doctrine, they are about to present their confession of faith, clear and sincere, to the King as he has required, which document comprises, and that distinctly, far more points than can be alleged against them. At this present time, both the bishops, the royal officers, and even the parliament itself, are striving with all their might to set aside the royal commission; if it be quashed, they will then be exposed to the fury of lions and wolves, that they may spend their rage upon them. Indeed, their adversaries are mainly desirous that they may have full license to discharge all their fury upon these wretched people. If the commission be received and acted upon, even in that event they will not have escaped the danger. For in three small towns,[449] and in very many of the villages, they profess the pure doctrine of the Evangel. In one little town they have thoroughly cleansed the parish church from all its defilements, and there they celebrate the Supper and Baptism in the same manner as we do. The more immediately the danger is impending over them on either side, they are all the more on that account to be succoured by us; in this their wonderful steadfastness, especially, to which should we be found wanting, we would be chargeable with the basest cowardice. You must also take into account that it is not their cause alone which is here concerned; but either a way will be opened by their destruction to the cruel persecution of the godly throughout the whole kingdom, or, according to this method, he will assault and break up the Evangel. What can we do, therefore, but strain every nerve that these godly brethren may not, through our short-coming in duty, become the victims of such cruelty, and that the door may not for a long time be shut against Christ? I have desired beforehand to warn you of the likelihood of this coming to pass, that if sooner or later they fly to you, you may have inclined the hearts of all your friends to render them all the help they can. One or other of these two things will have to be done, either the King must be sought unto, that he may allow them to enjoy the benefit which has been already granted, or his anger must be appeased, if it shall have begun to wax hot against them.

[447] See pp. 187, 228, 270, 273, 283, 308. Suspended by
Letters-patent of the King, and by the humanity of the President
Chassanée, the execution of the sentence of the Parliament of Aix
was furiously demanded by the new President of that Court, Jean
Menier, Baron d'Oppède, supported at Court by the Cardinal de
Tournon.

[448] William du Bellay, in his quality of lieutenant of the King
at Turin, charged with the duty of making a report to Francis
I., renders a very striking homage to the piety and purity of
the Vaudois.--De Thou, _Hist._, lib. vi. They obtained the same
testimony from the pious Bishop Sadolet, who took them under
his protection, and pleaded in vain their cause at the Court of
Rome.--De Thou, _ibidem._--_Hist. des Martyrs_, lib. iii. p. 140.
A doctor of the Sorbonne, having put some questions to some of the
children in one of their villages, upon the Catechisin, was so
struck by their answers, that he acknowledged, says Beza, "never to
have derived so much benefit in all the disputations he had been
engaged in, as he had learned from these little children."--_Hist.
Eccl._, tom. i. p. 42.

[449] Cabrières, Merindol, et Lourmarin, in the present Department
of Vaucluse.

I hear that Luther has at length broken forth in fierce invective, not so much against you as against the whole of us.[450] On the present occasion, I dare scarce venture to ask you to keep silence, because it is neither just that innocent persons should thus be harassed, nor that they should be denied the opportunity of clearing themselves; neither, on the other hand, is it easy to determine whether it would be prudent for them to do so. But of this I do earnestly desire to put you in mind, in the first place, that you would consider how eminent a man Luther is, and the excellent endowments wherewith he is gifted, with what strength of mind and resolute constancy, with how great skill, with what efficiency and power of doctrinal statement, he hath hitherto devoted his whole energy to overthrow the reign of Antichrist, and at the same time to diffuse far and near the doctrine of salvation. Often have I been wont to declare, that even although he were to call me a devil, I should still not the less hold him in such honour that I must acknowledge him to be an illustrious servant of God. But while he is endued with rare and excellent virtues, he labours at the same time under serious faults. Would that he had rather studied to curb this restless, uneasy temperament which is so apt to boil over in every direction. I wish, moreover, that he had always bestowed the fruits of that vehemence of natural temperament upon the enemies of the truth, and that he had not flashed his lightning sometimes also upon the servants of the Lord. Would that he had been more observant and careful in the acknowledgment of his own vices. Flatterers have done him much mischief, since he is naturally too prone to be over-indulgent to himself. It is our part, however, so to reprove whatsoever evil qualities may beset him, as that we may make some allowance for him at the same time on the score of these remarkable endowments with which he has been gifted. This, therefore, I would beseech you to consider first of all, along with your colleagues, that you have to do with a most distinguished servant of Christ, to whom we are all of us largely indebted; that, besides, you will do yourselves no good by quarrelling, except that you may afford some sport to the wicked, so that they may triumph not so much over us as over the Evangel. If they see us rending each other asunder, they then give full credit to what we say, but when with one consent and with one voice we preach Christ, they avail themselves unwarrantably of our inherent weakness to cast reproach upon our faith. I wish, therefore, that you would consider and reflect on these things rather than on what Luther has deserved by his violence; lest that may happen to you which Paul threatens, that by biting and devouring one another, ye be consumed one of another. Even should he have provoked us, we ought rather to decline the contest than to increase the wound by the general shipwreck of the Church. Adieu, my much honoured brother in the Lord, and my very dear friend. Salute reverently in my name all the brethren in the ministry. May the Lord preserve you, and more and more increase his own gifts in you. My colleagues very kindly salute you.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._--Opera, tom. ix. pp. 239, 240.]

[450] In a recent publication, entitled, "Short Confession
concerning the Supper," (Kurzes Bekenntniss vom Abendmahl,) Luther,
renewing his invectives against the _adversaries of the Sacrament_,
had insulted the memory of Zuingli, and had not even respected
that of the learned and pious Œcolampadius.--Hospinian, _Hist.
Sacrament._, tom. ii. pp. 326-331. Grievously annoyed by these
violences, Melanchthon would have fled into retirement to get rid
of the sad spectacle of the disorders which rent in pieces the
Reformed Churches. He wrote to Bucer, the 28th August 1544, "I have
written to you about our Pericles, who has again begun to thunder
most vehemently on the subject of the Lord's Supper, and has written
a fierce attack, in which you and I are beaten black and blue. I am
a quiet peaceable bird, nor would be unwilling if I may depart out
of this prison-house, if our disturber shall constrain me."--Ph.
Melanchthonis _Opera_, edit. of Breitschneider, tom. v. p. 464.

CXXIII.--TO MELANCHTHON.[451]

[451] See the two preceding letters. Roused by the Lutheran
intolerance, kept up by a hot controversy, the quarrel about the
sacraments disturbed the Reformed Churches, and furnished weapons to
their adversaries. While Calvin deplored these excesses, addressing
himself by turns to Bullinger, to Melanchthon, to Luther himself,
he made vain efforts to bring about an accommodation between the
parties.

Explanations relative to the publication of the book
"Against the Nicodemites"--appeal to the authority of
Melanchthon and Luther--troubles arising from ecclesiastical
discords--announcement of the Council of Trent--policy of
Charles V. and of Francis I.--convocation of a Synod at Melun.

_21st January 1545._

In few words I will explain the reason why this young and pious nobleman[452] has, at my request, undertaken this journey to you. I had published a little treatise in the French language, wherein the dissimulation of those persons was reproved, who, notwithstanding they have been privileged in having the light of the Evangel, yet nevertheless do not abstain from any of the Popish rites which they know to be accursed and full of sacrilege.[453] You would perhaps rather prefer that I remitted somewhat of that too precise severity. But you will recognize the justice of my treatment of the point when you shall have well weighed and considered the question. When I heard that many persons complained about my strictness, and especially persons of that class, who consider it a proof of superior wisdom to care for their personal safety, I wrote an Apology,[454] which has made their ears tingle even more severely than did the former book. Many other persons, with whom religion serves instead of philosophy, look down with serene contempt upon the whole of this. Such others, however, who are earnest God-fearing persons, are at least so far advanced, that they begin to feel dissatisfied with themselves. But since the question seems to them to be perplexed, they remain somewhat in doubt as to this point, until they shall be confirmed by your authority and that of Dr. Luther. And indeed I am rather afraid that they consult you on this account, because they expect that you will be more indulgent to them than I.[455] Whatsoever may be their motive for doing so, because I feel thoroughly persuaded that you will give them faithful and wholesome counsel according to your sincerity, and in conformity with your singular prudence, I willingly undertook to do what they asked me, which was, that I would take the trouble to send a fit person to you. Because, moreover. I concluded, that it would be of great importance that you should know accurately what my views are, but also, that the reasons which have induced me to come to these conclusions might not be unknown to you, I have taken care to have the treatise turned into Latin.[456] And although it may have been somewhat forward in me to set about this, yet, notwithstanding, I would request you as a friend, that you do not refuse to submit to the trouble of perusing them. So highly do I esteem your judgment, as indeed is proper, that to me it would be very disagreeable to set about anything which you would not be likely to approve. I know, indeed, that with your benign courtesy, you allow of many things in the practice of others which you do not permit to yourself, but we must look well to it, that what we do is lawful, and that we do not set loose where the Lord has bound. Neither, truly, do I ask you to agree with me in all things, which would certainly be impertinent; or that on my account you should turn aside from the free and simple statement of your own opinion, but merely that you would not refuse the trouble of a perusal. Certainly I do desire that we were so entirely agreed, that not even in the most trifling expressions there may seem to be any disagreement. But to you it rather belongs to lead the way, than to have respect to what may be pleasing to me. You see how unceremoniously I treat you; nor indeed am I under any apprehension that I may exceed the bounds of due respect; for by the experience I have had of your special kindness and good-will toward me, I know how far I may go.

[452] Claude de Senarelens, of a noble Savoyard family, which had
settled in the Pays de Vaud, after having embraced the Reformation.

[453] This is the _Traité de fuir les Superstitions_. Geneva, 1544.
Inserted in the _Recueil des Opuscules_, p. 758.

[454] _Excuse aux Faux Nicodemites._ Genève, 1544. _Recueil des
Opuscules_, p. 789.

[455] The German theologians were indeed less strict. However,
says Beza, they admitted, with Calvin, that it is impossible to
serve two masters, and therein condemned those who were called
Nicodemites.--_Hist. Eccl._, tom. i. p. 49.

[456] This is the title:--De vitandis superstitionibus quæ cum
sincera fidei confessione pugnant, una cum J. Calvini excusatione
ad Pseudo-Nicodemos, cum duabus epistolis ad ministros Ecclesiæ
Tigurinæ. Geneva, 1545. The second edition of this work appeared in
1549, enhanced by the approbation of Melanchthon, of Bucer, and of
Peter Martyr. Calv. _Opera Omnia_, tom. viii.

With regard to Dr. Martin there will be somewhat more of difficulty.[457] For so far as I could understand by report, and by letters from different persons, the scarcely pacified temper of the man might, on very slight occasion, break out into a sore.[458] On that account, therefore the messenger will shew you the letter which I have written to him, that on examination of the contents, you may proceed as you think advisable, that nothing may be attempted therein either rashly or unadvisedly, which may hereafter produce unpleasant consequences. I am aware that you will do all that you can worthily accomplish to the utmost of your power, in every thing seemly and befitting. But what may have been the contentions which have exercised you there, and what may have been the result of them, I have never been able to learn with certainty, except that I hear an atrocious libel hath gone forth, which would prove like a lighted torch to kindle a new conflagration, unless, on the other hand, the Lord restrain within bounds the resentment of certain parties, who would otherwise be more fierce and peevish than they ought to be, as you well know. But what else can we expect, when they are provoked to such a degree? When I reflect how much, at so unseasonable a time, these intestine quarrels divide and tear us asunder, I almost entirely lose courage. A merchant of Nuremberg, who was travelling this way, shewed me lately a certain apology of Osiander,[459] of which, on his own account, I felt greatly ashamed. For what good purpose could it serve to assault the Zuinglians every third line, and to attack Zuingli himself in such an unmannerly style; and not even to spare Œcolampadius, that holy servant of God, whom I wish that he resembled, even in being half as good, in which case he would certainly stand far higher in my esteem than he does? I do not demand that he should allow his name to be defamed with impunity in silence; but I would like that he might abstain from contemptuous reproaches of those men whose memory ought to be held in honourable esteem by all the godly. Therefore, for the same reason for which I blame the impudence of that fellow by whose verses he complains that he has been slandered,--therefore, also, I desire to see in himself some moderation and prudence, or rather a more sound and correct judgment. O God of grace, what pleasant sport and pastime do we afford to the Papists, as if we had hired ourselves to do their work! But I make myself disagreeable by recounting these evils to you, and increase your sorrow when you are not able to get them healed. Let us, notwithstanding, mourn together, since it well becomes us to take earnestly to heart the misfortunes of the Church. In the meantime, let us cheer up our spirits with this hope, that to whatsoever extent we may be oppressed and harassed, we cannot be utterly overwhelmed among the great sea billows.

[457] See note 2, p. 432.

[458] In a letter written at this period, Bucer made a humble
remonstrance to Luther, representing to him, that if the theologians
of Zurich had somehow incurred his indignation, he ought, however,
to have had some consideration for the imperial towns of Upper
Germany, and the cantons of Berne and Basle, who had given him no
ground of complaint, and who had always remained faithful to the
thought of a Christian alliance.--Hospinian, _Hist. Sacramentar._,
tom. ii. p. 331.

[459] Andrew Osiander, professor of theology at the University of
Königsberg, was of a presumptuous and violent spirit; he put forth
rash doctrines on the nature of Christ, on justification, and
exaggerated, in the Roman Catholic sense, the Lutheran dogma of the
Supper. He died in 1552. Melchior Adam, _Vitæ Theolog. Germ._, pp.
226-240.