Chapter VIII: Part 8

With reference to Alexandre,[168] I am already thoroughly informed, so that I can welcome him, as often as he calls, according to his deserts; and I shall have more weight in that cause, because it will not appear so much as if I were pleading my own case. Listen to a signal instance of his impudence. Once he ventured to enter our dwelling with the view of obtruding himself upon me in some way or other. When I happened to go down to the lower part of the house, there I caught him with the domestics. He bowed in a very courtly style, and put himself in the gesture of preparation to speak. I condescended to regard him neither by look nor by salutation. Nevertheless, I summoned one of them, of whom I requested that he would desire him to go away, for that we did not suffer those to remain on our premises who had been cast out of the Church of God. From that time he has not dared to present himself to me. Now let him come, he shall not find me unprepared. You will be amused, also, when you hear how Caroli was received at one of Bucer's lectures. He was treating of the passage about stoning the false prophet: when he had defined what was meant by the expression _Pseudo Propheta_, he said, that he was not a person who might teach somewhat beyond or independent of the word of God, but one who could welcome or approve of dogmas opposed to the word of God. He added an example concerning those who would imagine a certain place in which souls are purified, and he pronounced that doctrine to be absurd; but on account of that we ought not to condemn any one, provided he so professed it that he left it undetermined; but that he who maintains that the dead are aided by our prayers, was not only to be condemned of vain worship, but also of impiety. When he spoke these words, at one time he looked towards me, and at another he turned his eyes to Caroli. Now, however, since we have agreed with him, we must take care that he has no good ground of complaint against us, either on the score of consistency or sincerity. I may, nevertheless, somehow understand with what adroitness he has conducted himself with Rognac. He affords me an opportunity of speaking of the church at Metz, and what has happened there. He passes on thither, and seizes an opportunity of preaching. Instantly an official appears, who orders him to be cited. What passes with him thereupon I know not, except that shortly afterwards he withdraws. About fifteen days before, I had sent my brother thither. He lived with an excellent and most upright man, and kept very quiet. As soon as they got knowledge of it, they required of his master that he would send him away. He refused to do so. Then they turned their fury against my brother, and ordered him to depart the city within seven days. He replied, that it was both an unjust and unusual proceeding to pronounce against an unoffending man without hearing him. He therefore went to the magistrate, sought a hearing, was refused; appealed to the provost and his council, which consists of persons of some rank. He presented, according to custom, a petition and supplication, but he made nothing of it. Nor did they treat him only in this way, but they decided that no stranger in future, upon whom any suspicion might fall, should be suffered to remain. Briefly, I wish you to understand, that the way in that direction, for the present, is shut against the Gospel. Therefore, we must wait for a better opportunity, which I shall be always looking for. Those small vermin, _Malizi_ and _Crociati_, you cannot do better than constantly to crush and bruise them, which you may do without danger, for they can only spit spent venom.

[168] Alexandre, late minister of Thonon. He had been excommunicated
by the presbytery of Neuchatel for having deserted his charge.

That information which the French ambassador has received about the Edict[169] has been the doing of Bucer, who has underhand instructed Doctor Chelius[170] to write to him, that all our friends were greatly estranged from the king on account of that cruelty.[171] Not a word about the embassy. Bucer himself dictated the letter, and certainly, already we had almost begun to despair about it. The Landgrave had yielded, and the matter was already settled, unless the Elector of Saxony had stood out, who supposes that he does his duty well, provided he keeps himself at as great a distance as possible from all his adversaries. In the meantime, the pious who are endangered are deserted. The King of England had lately despatched an embassy to him, to excuse himself for having sent away his ambassadors and those of the Landgrave without having attained their object.[172] He alleged as a reason, that they did not appear to him to be furnished with a sufficiently ample commission. The Elector replied, that the proverb spoke truth which said, that loop-holes of escape are always to be found by those who wish to play fast and loose; for that the ambassadors had full power of entering into the treaty which he and his allies were willing to make with him. That he deceived himself if he could suppose that our friends could be induced to mix themselves up with all his peculiar controversies; they would not engage in any other alliance than such as would be for the sake of the Gospel. Besides, that the King had sufficiently displayed the temper of his mind when he published that impious Edict;[173] for that his conscience impelled him to this harsh language, nor could even he prevent the learned in his own dominions from denouncing so great impiety. The Landgrave, with no less constancy, more mildly replied, that he would smooth the way for him, if there was hope of mending the matter. The convention is now appointed for the 19th November, in which both embassies will be dealt with. Early yesterday a messenger arrived, although it is not yet known what it is about; the consultation, however, appears to be of importance. You can thence, also, conjecture what has so suddenly called them together. It will be a journey of ten days for our friends; for the others somewhat more, who have not yet had notice of it.

[169] This refers, doubtless, to the Edict which was published the
following year in France. It contained most rigorous clauses against
heretics.

[170] Ulric Chelius, a distinguished physician, the friend of Bucer.

[171] See notes 2, pp. 129, 150. The Protestant princes of Germany,
irritated by the persecutions directed against their brethren of the
Reformed Churches of France, threatened the rupture of all friendly
relations with the reigning sovereign, Francis I.

[172] Sec p. 125, note 2. These deputies had at first been most
graciously received by the King of England. They held frequent
conferences with his counsellors, at the house of Thomas Cromwell,
regarding the object of their mission--the foundation of a defensive
alliance between the German princes and the English monarch.
Henry appeared favourable to the project. This was, however, but
a political ruse; for, after having amused the deputies with fair
words and pretended negotiations, he allowed them to depart.--See
Seckendorf, lib. iii. sect. 19, parag. 73; and Burnet.

[173] The Act of the Six Articles, called the _Bill of Blood_,
promulgated the 28th April 1539. See Burnet, _Hist. Ref._ vol. i.
pp. 256-260.

Do you know what has happened to Count William?[174] While he wished to defend these valleys of the Alps against the assaults of the Comte de Montmian, he incurred the enmity of the Constable,[175] which has proceeded to that extent, that he forced himself away from Court without even taking leave of the King, having, however, previously resigned his offices. The story is tedious, therefore I cannot relate the whole of it.

[174] William du Bellay, Lord of Langey, and Viceroy of Piedmont,
then occupied by Francis I.

[175] Anne de Montmorency. He had been promoted to the office of
Constable in 1538, for his able defence of Provence against the
Imperialists.

The translation of my Epistle to Sadolet I was not able to compare throughout, for that employment required one whole day. I have looked over it, however, and having partially examined, I am able to form an opinion of it. It is not amiss. I am unwilling, however, that it should be published before it has been corrected. In some respects it is faulty; I fear, however, that should Antony Pignorius delay, some person may be beforehand with him, who has perhaps already finished it. For I did not waste a third part of the time in composing it which has passed away since he wrote that he had begun, nor do I doubt that this has been by the advice of Michael. The Secretary of Payerne has one of his brethren here. By way of return, he is educating his brother's son. He has entrusted him to the care of Gaspar, a good and worthy man. The mother is meanwhile very anxious, because she hears not a word about her son. Do, therefore, try and make him write briefly how he is getting on. All here salute you in the most friendly way; Capito, Bucer, Brito, the scholars of Claude, James with his comrade Enard, the whole of our household, where at present my brother is stopping with us. It will be better to keep this letter to yourself, than to let it go farther.--Yours,

CALVIN.

Salute for me respectfully all the brethren, your colleague Thomas and the others. I have not been able just at present to write to Michael. Do you, however, urge him to write, by the first opportunity, what has been done about the Psalms. I had commissioned one hundred copies to be sent to Geneva. Now, for the first time, I have been given to understand that this had not been attended to. It has certainly been very neglectful so long to delay informing me. I cannot at present get the Minutes. Within a few days you shall receive them.

(_Postscript, in French._)

You have sent me word by Alexander, that you have got for me _Pias Orationes Lutheri_, of which you make no mention. I beg you will let me know also about that.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLII.--TO FAREL.

Caroli--encounter between William du Bellay and the Constable
de Montmorency--preparation for an approaching Assembly in
Germany--negotiations with the King of England--salutations
addressed by Luther to Calvin--hope of an accommodation between
the Swiss and German Churches.

STRASBOURG, _20th November_ [1539.]

For a long time I have been eagerly on the lookout for your opinion about the minutes of reconciliation with Caroli. That personage has not returned, and there need be little doubt that he seeks to nestle in that quarter; and assuredly it was no bad determination for him to arrive at. The kitchen of a courtier smokes very freely, and you are aware he has a quick scent in that direction. I am afraid, however, that he may not long continue with those who do not like to be out of favour with the King. Whatever shall happen, if he keeps his promise, it will be our duty, by the observance of all due civility, to have at least deserved well at his hand. The state of the affair as to Count William stands thus:[176]--After the Comte de Montmian had broken violently into the valleys of the Alps, and had inflicted many wrongs upon the good brethren, the Count complained in earnest about them to the Constable, and did not hesitate to use threats. The latter wished at first to calm the temper of the Count, and to soothe his kinsman by cajoleries. The Count thereupon spoke more angrily, until at length the other also began to wax fierce. Hence there has grown up an undissembled hatred on both sides. The Count instantly thereupon, by a letter, which he allowed me to peruse, threw up the alliance in which he had previously been engaged with the Comte de Montmian. He said, that it appeared to him wicked and villanous, if, as was reported, he had invaded those valleys and had plundered a peaceful inoffensive race of men. An answer was returned on the part of Montmian, in which he said that the Count was a base liar. He added, also, that those people suffered no more than they deserved, on account of their rebellion against God and the King. The Count, with all speed, despatches a person by whom he challenges his adversary to single combat. In his progress, the messenger is told of the death of the adversary. In the meantime the Constable defends the adversary of the Count, ... who provoke him with all manner of affronts. Treated after this fashion, the Count throws up the[177] ... service of the King. And lately he received a letter from his Majesty, along with the defamatory libel of his opponent. To the King he replied, that he had a defence prepared in answer to all that was objected against him, if only he was allowed to speak the truth without offence to the court; for that he ... against the Constable, whom they had discovered to be the source of all the mischief. Most assuredly he poured forth all his bitterness against him; and that he might not appear to do anything covertly or underhand, he despatched four or five copies, which were to be presented to the Dauphin, to the King of Navarre, and others. Among other things which he has been forced to hear, that story was cast up to him about his brother, who they say defiled the holy cup. He replied, that it was a falsehood; if it had been true he himself would have punished such an outrage, nor could he have escaped with impunity after such an act of sacrilege, either at Basle or here, or at Geneva: that the enemies of the Gospel, however, invent many stories, for the purpose of grieving and annoying us, and that this was one of them. He loves both of his brothers very much. When I lately supped with him, and one of the superior clergy of the cathedral was present, who it is thought will one day be bishop, he spoke in a friendly way of both. I stayed nearly two days with him, that I might write his letters.

[176] The Memoirs of Du Bellay furnish no information in regard to
the discussions which are treated of in the close of this letter,
and of which the Waldenses of Piedmont were the subject. William du
Bellay was governor of Piedmont, which had recently been subjugated
by Francis I., and did honour to himself by the generous protection
which he extended to the Waldensian Churches.

[177] This word, as also several others, is effaced in the original.

On the 19th of this month the Convention is appointed to meet, as I have already written to you.[178] The chief point for deliberation will be, what they ought to advise now that the Emperor has given them the slip. There are very many and great surmises of war. The Margrave-Elector of Brandenbourg[179] has summoned Philip, and has written to the Landgrave that it is his intention to receive the Gospel and to root up Popery. While the truce has lasted, therefore, we have acquired no small accession. It is doubtful as to Gueldres what may happen. He has betrothed his sister to the King of England,[180] and within a few days will send her away. The English King has courteously entertained the ambassadors of our princes. What more can I say? Never was there a time of greater preparedness for the reception of the Gospel. When the Emperor heard of the marriage he tried to induce the King, by means of Duke Frederic,[181] brother of the Elector-Palatine, to take the Duchess of Milan, whereby, uniting their influence, they might recover the kingdom of Denmark. The English King replied briefly, that not only would he never attempt anything against the King of Denmark, but that he would assist him and his allies as a duty to which he was bound. He then advised Frederic that he should unite with us and bring his brother also into the League. And the more to encourage him, he promised that he would bring it about that the Palatine's interest should be espoused by the King of Denmark. Our friends will now undoubtedly press forward. Bucer has been summoned by the Landgrave: it is doubtful whether for the purpose of proceeding thither with the deputies or not. Our friend Sturm has a commission from the Senate to look after the interest of the brethren. Accordingly, when I was requested by him to do so, I have briefly pointed out what appeared to me the best method of proceeding. I send you a short copy of it, although it has somewhat cooled the inclination of Bucer, as he understood afterwards that the report was false, which having reached us by your letter, we inconsiderately spread abroad. For you will remember you had written, that some one had been burnt at Paris. Two persons have been here, who steadily deny the fact. Be careful, therefore, for the future, that you write nothing but what you have ascertained as certain. Besides, Bucer was all the more displeased, because he had already written to the same purport to the Landgrave. I have already stated what I thought of the royal edict. If it really was supposititious, as I very much fear it was, how greatly must it weaken our credit! I have certainly regretted to have spoken of it on such insufficient information. Let us, therefore, be more wary for the future, by which means our authority will have more weight and be more effectual for the help of the brethren. Believe me, I do not fail, whenever an occasion presents itself, to render all the aid in my power, which I merely mention, because many suppose me to be asleep, because not always boasting.

[178] That meeting took place at Arnstadt, a town of the Thuringi.
See Sleidan, lib. xii. p. 347.

[179] Joachim II., Margrave-Elector of Brandenbourg, (1534-1571.)
After having shewn himself all along faithful to the cause of the
Emperor, this prince established the Reformation in his States.

[180] Henry VIII. sought again at this time the alliance of the
Protestant princes of Germany. He espoused (Jan. 6, 1540) Anne of
Cleves, whom he repudiated some months afterwards.

[181] This prince, who at this time still wavered between
Catholicism and the Reformed doctrines, succeeded his brother as
Elector-Palatine, in 1544, and completed the work of the Reformation
in his State.

Crato, one of our engravers, lately returned from Wittemberg, who brought a letter from Luther to Bucer, in which there was written:[182] "Salute for me reverently Sturm and Calvin, whose books I have read with special delight." Now, consider seriously what I have said there about the Eucharist; think of the ingenuousness of Luther: it will now be easy for you to see how unreasonable are those who so obstinately dissent from him. Philip, however, wrote thus:--"Luther and Pomeranus have desired Calvin to be greeted; Calvin has acquired great favour in their eyes." Philip has informed me at the same time by the messenger, that certain persons, in order to irritate Luther, have shown him a passage in which he and his friends have been criticised by me; that thereupon he had examined the passage, and feeling that it was undoubtedly intended for him, had said at length:--"I hope that Calvin will one day think better of us; but in any event it is well that he should even now have a proof of our good feeling towards him." If we are not affected by such moderation, we are certainly of stone. For myself, I am profoundly affected by it, and therefore have taken occasion to say so in the preface which is inserted before the Epistle to the Romans.[183] If you have not yet read Philip on the Authority of the Church, I desire you may read it. You will perceive he is much more considerate than he appeared in his other writings. Capito, Bucer, Sturm, Hedio, Bedrot, and others, salute you most lovingly. Do you also salute respectfully all the brethren.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[182] Here is the passage of the letter of Luther, containing a
flattering allusion to the letter of Calvin to Sadolet: "Bene vale,
et salutabis D. Joannem Sturmium et Joannem Calvinum quorum libellos
cum singulari voluptate legi. Sadoletum optarem ut crederet, Deum
esse creatorem hominum etiam extra Italiam. Sed hæc persuasio non
penetrat corda Italorum, cum tam soli præ cæteris exuerint plane
humanum sensum præ superbia."--Dr. Martin Luther's _Briefe_, edit.
de Wette, tom. v. p. 411.

[183] The preface of this Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans is
dedicated to Simon Grynée, and contains an eulogium of Melanchthon,
of Bucer, and of Bullinger, accompanied with the following
reflections:--"God never designed in such a way to exercise
liberality towards his servants, as that each should be endowed with
a full and perfect understanding on every point; and doubtless, in
this respect, he intended, in the first place, to keep us humble,
and next of all to keep up and maintain the desire and the exercise
of brotherly love and communion. On this account, since such is the
case, we have no reason to expect, in this present life, to see what
would otherwise be so desirable, that in the understanding and the
exposition of certain passages of Scripture, there ever can be among
us an out-and-out entire agreement, (in allusion to the sacraments,)
yet we ought to be particularly careful, when we do depart from the
opinion of those who have written before us, that we do so without
being carried away by the silly appetite for saying something new,"
&c.--_Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans_, Geneva, in 4to, 1562.

XLIII.--TO FAREL.

Persecutions in France--policy of Francis I. and Charles
V.--ecclesiastical discipline--University regulations at
Strasbourg--illness of Farel.

STRASBOURG, _31st December 1539_.

To-day, immediately after sermon, Fatin[184] intimated that he was about to leave, when I had been invited to sup with a friend; whence I returned long after eight o'clock, much refreshed. You must, therefore, expect a letter from me, as from one who am scarcely sufficiently free and disengaged for writing. I am sorry that that holy brother is deceased, as becomes me. Since, however, it has so happened, I rejoice that the messenger has confirmed your letter about his death, whereby I can more certainly aver that it is so. The sentence had not been executed upon Michael so lately as the end of November, at which period the care of his safety was commended to me by letter. Our friend Sturm has returned from the convention: it is not known what has been done. We conjecture, however, that this silence betokens somewhat of importance. He has brought word, that the proposal had been made about the brethren: but it seemed to many, that the present was a very unsuitable time to send an embassy which could have no other effect than to sour the temper of the King. Those two sovereigns appear to have agreed together to attempt the doing of great things.[185] The Emperor is enrolling an army not far off from this. The pretext is, the cities which have revolted, but it seems that the great pressure of the war is to be directed upon Gueldres.[186] But he will neither be abandoned by the King of England nor by the Elector of Saxony. What alliance he may have entered into with our friends, or whether there be any, is uncertain. Two ambassadors have been sent to the Venetians, the Marquis of Guasta and Marshal Annebault, to reclaim the towns which they have seized upon belonging to the duchy of Milan.[187] They rather seem to me to be heralds, than the messengers of peace. Either all conjectures deceive, or in a short time we shall see the whole of Europe in a state of war, for already the seven cantons are said to murmur. There is no hope of peace for our friends except that which shall have been obtained by war.

[184] Minister of the Church of Neuchatel.

[185] The truce of Nice had for the moment reconciled Charles V. and
Francis I.

[186] The Duke of Cleves had been put in possession of the town of
Gueldres, notwithstanding the protestations of the Emperor, and with
the tacit approbation of the French King.

[187] The King of France and the Emperor equally put forth
pretensions to the possession of the Milanese.

Concerning the discipline, you do well to press it; but when the subject is well weighed, I do not know whether it can be established unless with the consent of the churches. It is therefore much to be wished, that some time or other the Churches may assemble to deliberate about that matter. We see, indeed, how very necessary it is. There was some slender form of discipline at Basle. What did exist has been half swamped in the midst of these disputes. So far have Myconius and Grynée advanced in that championship, which they imagined, in the defence of Christian liberty. If we can deliberate together, let us try whether somewhat may not be accomplished. Capito will write to the Bernese as you have requested, and I will address our brethren. I think I have already written to you with considerable prolixity on the case of Caroli. Although I entertain no hopeful expectation concerning that individual, nevertheless I am prevented, by the consent of the Church, from despairing of him altogether. Let us wait and see how he conducts himself where he now is. Rognac has promised me by letter that he would come hither within a few days; then, I shall ascertain all about him. Should we be able to convict him of unfaithfulness, he can have no ground to hope henceforward to be entertained by us. Gaspar is more distractingly anxious than he ought to be on account of having incurred some amount of debt, in order somewhat to prolong his studies. At this present time he has no money wherewith to maintain himself for only two months, the time which he had fixed for himself. If somehow or other so much could be raised for him, it would be doing him a service. Michael, the bookseller of Geneva, has informed me that he has sent hither the remainder of my books, with my brother's wearing-apparel. If they come to you, will you open the package, and if you can sell any of the books, dispose of them? Will you undertake the charge of forwarding those which remain to Basle as soon as possible? Furthermore, since he complains that my book does not sell, and that he is overburdened with more copies than he can get rid of, I have written in reply that he might send a hundred copies to you, which I take on my own account. If he shall have done so, will you let me know immediately? I have rather chosen to involve myself in this difficulty than that my credit should be put in peril. But after this he may seek some one else who for his sake alone may undertake so much trouble. I experience here the same insolence as you yourself so much complain of. Some rules for the Academy have lately been made, by which the discipline will be tightened in the case of such as are here for the sake of study. Among our French friends, even among those who live with me, some are quite frantic. To-morrow it will be intimated to them that they may depart unless they choose to obey; and I have no doubt that they will avail themselves of the intimation. Whence you understand how well disposed they can have come hither, that is, that they may have more licence. Wherefore it is the rather to be watchfully looked to by us, that the reverence and authority due to the Church may not be wanting, in order to subdue those lewd and mischievous desires; although, nevertheless, I see that some allowance must be made for the folly of mankind; nor ought the rigour of discipline to be stretched so far that they may not play the fool on some occasion. Greet for me most kindly all the brethren. Excuse me also to Cordier, because for the present I cannot reply to him.--Yours,

CALVIN.

* * * * *

Although I have omitted what ought to have been done in the first place, to congratulate you on your restored health, it was not because I rejoice the less on that account; for while I reflect how much of the greatest importance may depend on one little man, it is not possible for me not to be in a more than ordinary degree anxious about your life. Therefore, from the time that the report of your illness was brought hither, I have not enjoyed one pleasant moment until I heard you had recovered. On that account I experienced the like joy from hearing by the messenger good news of your health, as he enjoys who is delivered from a long continued sickness.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLIV.--TO FAREL.

Further mention of Caroli--discussion with Hermann the
Anabaptist--good understanding of Charles V. and Francis
I.--alarm of the German Princes--some detail of the propositions
addressed to Calvin.

STRASBOURG, _6th February 1540_.

I entreat you, my dear brother, when I expostulate with you, chide you, get warm with you, accuse you, that you may take it all the same as if you were dealing thus with yourself. Concerning Caroli, the Lord will give counsel, in whose case, if there has been anything sinful on our part, the Lord can correct it. Our friends also acknowledge, that they were more lenient than they ought to have been. But because there is not among us that severity of discipline which ought to exist, they have been compelled to deal more indulgently with him than they could have wished. Especially that error hath deceived us all, that we supposed he had been reconciled to you. For we received him on the condition that all the engagements should remain binding by which he had been received to favour again by you at Bonneville. If he shall return, let us take care that our gentle treatment of him may not prove hurtful to you. Where he is at present, I do not know that he could do any harm, even if he would. Should he speak reproachfully of us, he will not, as I expect, be very likely to be hearkened to. For I am already aware that he thinks better of you than rashly to entertain any accusation. Myself, also, that I may acknowledge the truth, have recommended him to Rognac, but simply on this ground, because he had repented, because he had returned to us, because, having acknowledged his offence, he had sought and obtained pardon, because we hoped that he had cordially returned to us. Thereupon I requested that, if he did not conduct himself otherwise than became the servant of Christ, the estrangement which had taken place might not be prejudicial to him. He has not come to Rognac; therefore, he has not availed himself of that recommendation. There, however, Alexandre has been received into favour by Robert Vallis, in whose family you know that he was formerly. When he had afterwards been sent hither, I wrote to Rognac that I could not conscientiously receive him into my house, nor have anything to do with him. He courteously excused himself, as having sinned through ignorance, not having been aware that he [Alexandre] had been excommunicated. He is coming here, however, with his wife this Lent. Then I will make strict inquiry about Caroli. What you complain of, that the sacred ministry has so miserably dwindled away in that quarter, is too true. Wherever you turn your eyes, you may find innumerable causes of lamentation. And while, of a certainty, I see no way of putting an end to it, my courage would entirely fail me, if this single thought did not sustain me, that whatever may happen, the work of the Lord is never to be deserted. Notwithstanding, in the midst of so many evils, the Lord from time to time bestows somewhat that refreshes us. Hermann, who disputed against us at Geneva, besought me to appoint a day for conferring with him. In regard to infant baptism, the human nature of Christ, and some other points, he now acknowledges that he had fallen grievously into error. There are some other things in which he still hesitates. But this affords good hope, when so many difficulties have been taken out of the way. Count John has at length presented his boy, rather big for his age, to be baptized. I have long borne with his weakness, since he told me that he thought he had good reasons for delaying. At length he said, that he no longer cared for those whose perverseness could by no means be worn out or subdued.

That which has been reported with you about the passage of the Emperor, is fabulous.[188] Our friends had a person there who might keep an eye on all that was going forward. It is certain that there was no discussion of serious matters. A day, however, was fixed, in the beginning of March, when the Emperor and the King are to meet at Amiens.[189] If they can agree together, we may well be apprehensive of their conspiring for our destruction. Ferdinand will be present, who is already well advanced on his journey. The rumour goes that the Duke of Savoy,[190] also, is on his journey through Italy, that he may come into Germany by the Tyrolese Alps, and certainly there will be little hope of recovering his rights if these two sovereigns settle the business in his absence. Our friends have put the Emperor in mind of his promise. Meanwhile, however, they are as boisterous and unmanageable as if war had already been declared. The former month they appeared too indolent. At this present it is marvellous how stirring they are, and how greatly excited. Nevertheless, in the midst of such commotions as these, I am so much at my ease, as to have the audacity to think of taking a wife. A certain damsel of noble rank has been proposed to me, and with a fortune above my condition. Two considerations deterred me from that connection--because she did not understand our language, and because I feared she might be too mindful of her family and education. Her brother, a very devout person, urged the connection, and on no other account than that, blinded by his affection to me, he neglected his own interests. His wife also, with a like partiality, contended, as he did, so that I would have been prevailed upon to submit with a good grace, unless the Lord had otherwise appointed. When, thereupon, I replied that I could not engage myself unless the maiden would undertake that she would apply her mind to the learning of our language, she requested time for deliberation. Thereupon, without further parley, I sent my brother, with a certain respectable man, to escort hither another, who, if she answers her repute, will bring a dowry large enough, without any money at all. Indeed, she is mightily commended by those who are acquainted with her. If it come to pass, as we may certainly hope will be the case, the marriage ceremony will not be delayed beyond the tenth of March.[191] I wish you might then be present, that you may bless our wedlock. As, however, I have troubled you so much more than I ought during the past year, I dare not insist upon it. If, however, any one of our brethren should have a mind to visit us, I would prefer that it were at that time, when he could supply your place; although, nevertheless, I make myself look very foolish if it shall so happen that my hope again fall through. But as I trust the Lord will be present to help me, I express myself as though I spoke of a certainty.--To return to public affairs. Since the Emperor has declared to our Princes, through the Archbishop of Lunden, that he had not given up the idea of having a Diet, that they may not be caught unawares, they have desired that some competently learned men of skill and judgment should be present at Smalkald, to lay down the method of procedure. Bucer proceeds thither before the 20th of the present month.

[188] The town of Ghent having revolted, Charles V. sought
permission from the French King to pass through France, in order to
suppress more promptly the revolt. Francis consented, and, on the
faith of his word, Charles did not hesitate to traverse the states
of his rival. His expedition was a triumph. The two sovereigns made
their formal entry into Paris, January 1, 1540.

[189] Amiens. The interview proposed in that town between the two
monarchs did not take place.

[190] Charles, Duke of Savoy, dispossessed of the greater part of
his territory by Francis I.

[191] The marriage of Calvin with Idelette de Bure did not take
place till the following month of August.

Adieu, much longed-for brother. May the Lord preserve you and all the others your colleagues, whom salute most lovingly in my name, especially Cordier, my preceptor, Thomas, Onerus, and Nicolas. Our friends have requested to be kindly remembered. This letter I send you by Brito, (the Breton,) whom I could have wished to have retained here a year longer, if I were not forced to approve his reasons.--Yours,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLV.--TO FAREL.

Impressions of Calvin on his recall to Geneva--rigorous
application of discipline in his church--news of Germany, of
France, and of England.

STRASBOURG, _29th March 1540_.

I have already waited so long for your letter that I may well doubt whether I ought to wait any longer. My anxious wish to hear from you kept alive my expectation, and shall even yet sustain my hope for some few days; but if at length my hope shall give way, you will see how indignantly I have borne this disappointment; and your neglect is all the less to be tolerated, because Geneva at this present time affords you such abundant material for correspondence. Du Tailly, however, has written to me, and yet I do not clearly understand from his expressions what has been the catastrophe of this drama. Michael, also, the printer, has communicated to me at Blecheret, that my return thitherward might be brought about; but rather would I submit to death a hundred times than to that cross, on which one had to perish daily a thousand times over. This piece of information I have wished incidentally to communicate to you, that to the utmost of your power you may set yourself to oppose the measures of those who shall endeavour to draw me back thither. And that I may not appear to be looking in one direction and rowing in another, I will lay open my mind to you whenever at any time you ask me to do so. We are as yet in a state of suspense as to the marriage,[192] and this annoys me exceedingly, forasmuch as the relations of that young lady of rank are so urgent that I may take her unto myself, which, indeed, I would never think of doing, unless the Lord had altogether demented me. But because it is unpleasant to refuse, especially in the case of such persons, who overwhelm me altogether with their kindness, most earnestly do I desire to be delivered out of this difficulty. We hope, however, that this will very shortly be the case; and during the next four or five days another engagement will turn away my mind from the subject, and itself will engross all my attention.

[192] See the preceding Letter.

In this place hitherto many individuals were in the habit of making a rash approach to the sacrament of the Supper. On Easter-day, when I gave out the intimation that we were to celebrate the Supper on next Lord's-day, I announced, at the same time, that no one would be admitted to the table of the Lord by me, who had not beforehand presented himself for examination. The greatest difficulty will arise in correcting that silly eagerness to press forward which has taken possession of some Frenchmen, so that it can scarcely be driven out of them. You are aware of those regulations that have been made for the Academy, that the young men confining themselves to the distinction of the student's gown must lay aside the wearing of a sword, that they must give up their names to the rector, and such like. Now, in order to evade these rules they renounce entirely the profession of the belles-lettres; but as this bears upon it the face of manifest contumacy, I have resolved on no account to allow it, for I would rather that the whole of them should go away than that they should remain at the expense of discipline. Leo Juda[193] lately requested of me to allow him to publish, in German, with the addition of my name, the first of those two Epistles which I wrote four years ago;[194] that one, indeed, (I mean the one in which I am made to coax and flatter the Popish bishops,) he has published at this fair-time without the name. The answer I gave was very friendly, but at the same time, contained some rather cutting admonition. A little before that I had written almost to the same purpose to Bullinger. If it shall succeed I will let you know the course I may take. Our friends are hitherto at a standstill as to what they intend to do. The reason of their offputting is because they have not as yet received any certain return by way of answer from the Emperor, who, however, begins to be much more tractable. The meeting of the King of England with our sovereign has somewhat tamed his arrogance, which may have considerable influence in changing the whole of his measures.[195] He made use of this sophism, that he would not bind himself to the King by promise on any account, but that he would inflate him with empty hopes for the future. Already the King seemed to himself to have possession of Milan. Lately, however, when the Emperor's inclination was put to proof by the ambassador, he found that it was not easy to bring him that length. It is said, indeed, that in everything he has given the King his choice, provided only that he does not ask Milan. On that account, therefore, it is that the Constable is gone to him, and if he does not get what he seeks, we suspect that they will be more ready to go to war than ever. Neither, indeed, will the King of England, in such a crisis of affairs, yield in any point, much less the admiral, who is now restored to his former post of honour and favour. Before few months are over we shall see, if I am not mistaken, a wonderful change of scene, but, in the meanwhile, the Lord must be entreated that in this turn of affairs he would both hasten forward the decision and also confirm the resolution of our friends. May the Lord keep you all in safety, continually under his protection. And foremost of them all, adieu, my very excellent and right trusty brother. Capito, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, and my brother, salute you. Nicolas and the others do not know that I am writing.

CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 259.]

[193] Minister of the Church of Zurich.

[194] They are the two letters entitled: Epistolæ duæ, prima
de fugiendis impiorum illicitis sacris, et puritate Christianæ
religionis; secunda de Christiani hominis officio in sacerdotiis
papalis ecclesiæ vel administrandis vel abjiciendis. Genevæ, 1537,
in 8vo.

[195] This interview, which had been proposed to be held at Calais,
in reference to fresh matrimonial projects of Henry VIII., did not
take place, (see Hume, cap. xxxii.,) and after apparent hesitation
on the part of the English monarch between an alliance with Francis
I. and one with the Emperor, he turned to Charles V., sacrificing
at once the friendship of the King of France and that of the German
Princes.

XLVI.--TO FAREL.

Reconciliation of parties at Geneva--insufficiency of the
ministers of that Church--Policy of Charles V.--courageous
attitude of the Protestant Princes--favourable news from
England--cruel persecutions in France--Ecclesiastical discipline
in the French Church at Strasbourg.

STRASBOURG, _Month of May 1540_.

Because I promised to write you fully about every thing, in order that my promise at least in some measure may be fulfilled, I have set aside the whole of this day to you. You will receive, therefore, full and weighty performance, unless perhaps unexpectedly I shall be called away. Concerning the state of the Church at Geneva, we can discourse more at large, when you shall come hither. That news was indeed most delightfully welcome, when I heard that a stop had been put, somehow or other, to these janglings and contentions.[196] For I have always thought no good was to be expected of that unhappy city so long as it laboured under that fatal malady. I could only desire that their reconciliation may prove to be in the Lord. For, as you say, unless Christ is the bond of our agreement it will be cursed. Where is the advantage, then, of union out of Christ? since we know that all such combinations shall be broken up by God. As for me, I do not yet see that they have respect to the will of the Lord as they ought. Indeed, they do not sufficiently reflect upon their past conduct, and as they have no thought of correcting the mischief, now that a reconciliation has been brought about among themselves, nor show any anxiety to make their peace with God, I fear that they will, in the long run, suffer the penalty of that kind of security. They have, it is true, given some show of penitence, in that, after so much discord, they have returned to a good understanding; but they have not yet put on that disposition which they ought to cherish. It is however something, that they have begun to be curable, even although they be not yet quite restored to health.

[196] The citizens of Geneva, perceiving at length that their
divisions were ruinous to their country, resolved in a General
Council, assembled Feb. 1, 1540, to be at agreement with each
other, and to live in unity together. The recall of the banished
ministers put the seal to this reconciliation.--Ruchat, _Hist. de la
Réformation_, vol. i. p. 137.

About the preachers, I cannot yet venture to decide, except that I always find them to be much wanting. But in so far as you consider that the publication of my reply to Sadolet, which has been printed there, is a proof of their being nowise evil-disposed, in that you are deceived, if others have written me the truth. For they have declared that the preachers who opposed it made amends, as far as lay in their power, but that the Senate yielded against their will. And yet I do not attach much weight to that, provided they so conduct themselves in the discharge of duty, that they prevent every occasion of interference either by me or on the part of others. For although, in as far as regards myself, it is of no consequence whatever, for that very reason, I do not care by whom it is that the work of the Lord is carried forward, provided that it is well done; but they are deceived in thinking that they can get on very well without help, seeing that they are scarcely got half-way on their journey, even with the aid of many helpers. As for what I always express, that I am horrified at the mere mention of a recall, for that you know that I have good enough reason. Nor am I so entirely frightened by the consideration that they so obstinately refuse you, although I confess that to me that is the highest consideration of all. But there are many others which it is unnecessary at present to mention, and may better be delayed until your arrival. The farther I advance the more distinctly do I behold out of what a whirlpool of danger the Lord has delivered me.