Chapter II: Part 2

Concerning my own affairs;--as yet I have not fixed upon a lodging, although there were many to be had if I had wished to hire, and also offered by friends, had I been willing to take advantage of the use of them. The father of our friend Coiffart offered his own house to me, with that kindness that you would have said there was nothing he desired rather than that I should take up my abode with his son. Coiffart himself, also, with many entreaties, and those not any way cold or distant, insisted often that he might have me for companion and comrade; nothing would I have rather embraced with outstretched arms than this invitation on the part of my friend, whose acquaintance how pleasing and profitable it is to me, yourself can testify, and which I would immediately have accepted had I not intended this year to attend Danès,[20] whose school is situated at a great distance from Coiffart's house. All friends who are here desire to be remembered to you, especially Coiffart and Viermey, with whom I am about to ride out on horseback. Greet your mother, your wife, and your sister Francisca. Adieu. I have begun a letter to the canon, which I shall finish on my return. If any inconvenience is occasioned by the delay I will make up for it.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Berne._ Vol. 450.]

[20] P. Danesius. P. Danès, the scholar of Lascaris and of Budé, the
learned Professor of Greek at the University of Paris.

III.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.

Thanks to Francis Daniel--salutations to Melchior
Wolmar--various messages.

MEAUX, _6th September 1529_.

I owe you thanks for having omitted no diligence in the care of our affairs, which I will not allow to pass unrequited when occasion shall offer. For I think it will so happen that at least I may be able to return a favour of the like kind, nor even then shall my name be expunged from your day-book; what is more, there is scarcely a single page that does not state me as your debtor. But if you think me worth the money, I make myself over to you in payment, with the usual legal proviso, that whatever is mine may also go along with the purchase. You must understand, moreover, that was the loophole opened to our barefaced solicitation, while you gave ready and seasonable aid, so that we can scarcely be in future anything but shameless suitors, unmindful whether we are solvent or no, for you do not confer benefits that you may make gain of them, but bestow your favours freely. In the meantime, however, I will take care that the inner chamber be well supplied with wine, if I see that it will be to our advantage, that you may not suppose anything to be rashly undertaken. Perhaps, in an indirect way, I appear to ask money, but do not you interpret me unkindly or twit me indirectly, unless, as you are wont, it is good humouredly in jest. You have done manfully in behaving with so much firmness towards that indolent Mæcenas; since he cannot now-a-days suit his manners to us, let him be your claw-back, and, puffed up and pompous, leave him to nurse his ambition. I envy Fusius the astrologer. Your road-book I return, which, with Lampridius, we may call the itinerary, and in the Greek ὁδοιπορικὴn. I do not add thanks, because words cannot do justice to its merit. Will you remember me to Melchior[21] if he is yet with you, to Sucquet and Pigney, also to our friend Curterius? Will you say to Sucquet, that I have occasion to use the Homer's Odyssey which I had lent him? and when you have got it, keep possession, unless indeed Ronsart who used to bring you my letters, to whom I had entrusted the business, has been beforehand.--Adieu, dear friend, my none-such.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Berne._ Vol. 450.]

[21] Melchior Wolmar, who was Calvin's master at the University
of Bourges, and the preceptor of Theodore Beza; called by the
Duke of Wurtemberg to the Professorship of Law in the University
of Tübingen; he died in retirement at Eisenach in 1561. Calvin
dedicated to him, August 1, 1546, his Commentary on the Second
Epistle to the Corinthians.

IV.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.

Domestic intelligence--departure to Italy of the brother of
Francis Daniel.

FROM THE ACROPOLIS,[22] _15th January 1530_.

[22] That is to say, Paris.

It was not in my power to reply sooner to your brother Robert's letter, because it was only delivered to me about the middle of November, and shortly after I had to undertake a journey of a fortnight. The illness of the messenger, who had been laid up for about twelve days with a dangerous complaint at Lyons, hindered the letter from reaching me sooner. Meanwhile the fair-time had gone by; which season having past, I had no opportunity of despatching a letter. With reference to your brother, the matter stands thus:--I have endeavoured, in every manner of way, to induce him to remain with us. When I ascertained that he had rashly and without any sufficient reason given up this, or resolved against it, I thought I ought to persuade him to betake himself homewards; and as he had sometimes said that any attempt of this sort would be in vain, I thought it better, for the time, to give way, until that warmth had in some degree subsided. As seemed to me, he had come somewhat to himself, when all of a sudden, while such a step never entered my thoughts, he decamped into Italy. I was expecting him and his companion at dinner, because that time had been appointed for touching on the subject. They did not make their appearance. When during the whole day they were not forthcoming, I began to suspect I know not what. On sending to the inn, word was brought back that he had already gone away. Peter,[23] whom you have known, who had accompanied them a mile or rather more, returned home about four o'clock. Wherefore, if anything has happened contrary to your wish and that of your relatives, you must not blame me, who have done my utmost that he might not withdraw to a greater distance from you, contrary to your wishes. Adieu; remember me to all. May the Lord preserve you all, especially your family.

[23] In the Latin, Petrus ad Vincula.

Will you take charge of the delivery of the letter to my sister Mary Du Marais?

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Berne._ Vol. 450.]

V.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.

Calvin's first work--Commentary on Seneca's Treatise, "De
Clementia."

PARIS, _23d May 1532_.

Well, at length the die is cast. My Commentaries on the Books of Seneca, "De Clementia,"[24] have been printed, but at my own expense, and have drawn from me more money than you can well suppose. At present, I am using every endeavour to collect some of it back. I have stirred up some of the professors of this city to make use of them in lecturing. In the University of Bourges I have induced a friend to do this from the pulpit by a public lecture. You can also help me not a little, if you will not take it amiss; you will do so on the score of our old friendship; especially as, without any damage to your reputation, you may do me this service, which will also tend perhaps to the public good. Should you determine to oblige me by this benefit, I will send you a hundred copies, or as many as you please. Meanwhile, accept this copy for yourself, while you are not to suppose that by your acceptance of it, I hold you engaged to do what I ask. It is my wish that all may be free and unconstrained between us. Adieu, and let me soon hear from you. I wrote lately to Pigney, but he has not answered. To Brosse I wrote long ago, but to this time have no reply. He who will give Le Roy his copy will dutifully salute him.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Berne._ Vol. 450.]

[24] This is the book entitled, L. Annæi Senecæ Libri ii., de
Clementia, ad Neronem Cæsarem, Commentariis Illustrati. Paris, 1532,
in 4to. Calvin had dedicated this work to his old fellow-student,
Claude de Hangest, of the illustrious family of Mommor, now become
Abbot of St. Eloy at Noyon. The Epistle Dedicatory is dated from
Paris the 4th April 1532.

VI.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.

Calvin despatches copies of the Treatise "De Clementia" to
several persons--looks for lodgings in Paris.

PARIS, [1532.]

Both of your letters have reached me almost on the same subject, and nearly in the same words. I have attended to your commission about the Bibles, in procuring which there was more need of taking some trouble than of money. When I pack up my things I will put them along with my baggage. The affair is of that kind which I suppose may be deferred until that time. As for the rest, you must help me in your turn.

The Books of Seneca on Clemency are at last printed: they are at my own cost and labour. The money which has been expended must now be collected on all hands. Besides, I must look to it, that my credit stands secure. Do write as soon as you can, and let me know with what favour or coldness they have been received, and try also to induce Landrin to lecture. I send one copy for yourself; will you take charge of the other five, to be forwarded to Bourges for Le Roy, Pigney, Sucquet, Brosse, Baratier? If Sucquet can accept of it for the purpose of lecturing, his help will be of no small service to me. Adieu.

I have nothing to write to Duchemin, seeing that often as I have asked he returns no answer, nor shall I set out upon my journey until he write. What will it matter, if for some days I shiver in the cold while in search of a lodging for the body! Concerning Coiffart what else can I say, except that he is a selfish fellow?--Again, adieu.

Remember me to your mother and your aunt.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Berne_. Vol. 450.]

VII.--TO DR. MARTIN BUCER.[25]

[25] This letter is addressed to Dr. Bucer, Bishop of Strasbourg.
Martin Bucer, a very distinguished minister and theologian, was born
at Schelestadt in 1491, and was initiated by Luther himself in the
doctrines of the Reformed, which he introduced at Strasbourg, in
concert with Mathias Zell and Hedion. Of a moderate and conciliating
turn, he interposed continually between the Reformers of Germany
and of Switzerland, and made sundry efforts to induce them to
adopt a common symbol. "His learned writings and commentaries, his
disputations and conferences on unforeseen occasions, his goings out
and comings in for the sake of the Church's peace, will always make
known his remarkable erudition, great piety and zeal, joined to an
excellent disposition."--Th. Bezæ Icones, Genève, 1580. Compelled
with several friends to leave Strasbourg in 1549, on the advance
of the imperial army, he sought an asylum in England, and obtained
a chair in the University of Cambridge. He died there in 1551, and
was interred with extraordinary pomp. His body was disinterred under
the reign of Mary, and publicly burnt at the stake. In the reign of
Elizabeth his memory was honourably restored.

Recommendation of a French refugee in Strasbourg, who had been
falsely accused of holding the doctrines of the Anabaptists.

NOYON, _4th September 1532_.

The grace and peace of the Lord be with you by the mercy of God and the victory of Christ.

Leisure to write would not have weighed as an argument to persuade me, any more than good advice, unless it had seemed right to deplore in a few words the unhappy lot of this excellent brother, which some friends of undoubted faith and credit have represented to me by letter. For whether you bear with me in my grief and sympathy, or whether I further him in his suit, I could not refrain from writing. The disposition and manners of the man I had known while he lived with us in France. He so conducted himself as to be beloved among the men of our profession, if any one was. Esteemed as such among men who were endowed with some degree of authority, and so as to be neither a shame nor a disgrace to them. At length, when he could no longer bow the neck to that voluntary bondage which even yet we bear, he departed to take up his residence with you, having no prospect of return. But, as the matter stands, it fell out, contrary to his expectation, like the shifting scene of a play, and he could find no settled abode whither he might betake himself. Thither, also, as I hear, he had hastened on account of his straitened means and household matters, that he might have the benefit of the assistance of friends whom himself had formerly assisted, until better times should come. Now, observe how far more powerful is calumny than truth. Some inconsiderate person, I know not who, among your people, whom I certainly do not presume to suspect of malevolence, had so prepossessed the ears of every one with his invectives, that they were shut to all explanation. There was, therefore, not a single person from whom he could extract a penny. Probably it was not intended by the person, whoever he was, who kindled the sparks of this tragedy, to destroy the character of a harmless individual. Nevertheless, however that may be, I can neither excuse him nor apologize to him, and do not hesitate to assert that he has been in error, to the great hardship and calamity of this individual. They cast upon him these reproaches, as is said, because he had fallen under suspicion of Anabaptism. Strange, indeed, unless the person was outrageously suspicious who spun out this conjecture from so slender evidence. In conversation I drew him intentionally to speak of this sacrament. He agreed in express terms so entirely with myself, that never have I met with any one who professed the truth upon this point more frankly. Meanwhile he suffers notwithstanding, nor does there appear any probability that these sinister rumours, which have already obtained a certain degree of credit, will soon be suppressed. I intreat of you, Master Bucer, if my prayers--if my tears, are of any avail, that you would compassionate and help him in his wretchedness. The poor are left in a special manner to your care--you are the helper of the orphan. Suffer him not to be reduced to such necessity as to be driven to extremity. You can help him, if you choose, in some one way or other, but rather do so yourself, according to your own discretion. I could not, however, hold my hand from going even beyond the bounds of ordinary restraint in supporting the cause of this individual. These for the present.--Most learned sir, farewell. Thine from my heart,

CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Protestant Seminary of Strasbourg._]

VIII.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.[26]

[26] Addressed--To Monsieur my brother and good friend, Monsieur
Daniel, Advocate at Orleans.

Various communications--a new work put forth.

[PARIS, 1533.]

I send you these collectanea of late events, on this condition, that, according to the best of your faith and duty, they may circulate among the friends, whom also you will respectfully salute for me, except Framberg, whom I have resolved to tame by my silence, seeing that I have not been able to coax him by gentleness, nor to get anything out of him by scolding. Besides, what is worse than all, when his brother came hither, he did not even send me a single greeting by him. I wish you would take charge of Michael's law suit, if by any means it can be brought to bear; but there is need of despatch. For whom, if you do all that is in your power, I shall have to thank you the same as if you had done the favour to myself. You will do the office of interpreter to the sisters, that you may not enjoy your laugh alone. I send you another Epitome of our Gymnasium, to which I had resolved to add as an appendix what had been broken off from those former Commentaries, if time had allowed.

Adieu, my brother and most trusty friend, your brother,

CALVIN.

I need not say that these are troublous times; they speak for themselves. Beware of incautiously communicating the Epitome.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Berne._ Vol. 141, p. 43.]

IX.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.[27]

[27] Letter without date of the month. Written, doubtless, in
_October_ 1533. On the testimony of Th. Beza, we know that Calvin
dwelt at this period in the College of Forteret at Paris. _Histoire
Ecclésiastique_, edit. de 1580, tom. i. p. 14; the same author, in
_Vita Calvini_. Already he preached the Reformed doctrine with much
skill and success. Implicated in the month of November following,
along with his friend Nicolas Cop, the Rector of the University of
Paris, he had to leave the capital in order to escape the pursuit of
which he was the object, and secretly repaired to Angoulême.

The Reformation in Paris--rage of the Sorbonne--satirical Comedy
directed against the Queen of Navarre--intervention of Francis
I.--deliberation of the Four Faculties--revocation of the
censure pronounced against the book entitled "The Mirror of the
Sinful Soul."

PARIS, [_October_] 1533.

Although I have beside me a forest of materials which furnish most satisfactory evidence of what is written, yet I will restrain my pen, that you may have rather the leading features than a long narrative; to which were I to give way, it would grow almost into a goodly volume. On the first of October, at which time of the year the boys who pass out of the grammar class into that of the dialectics, are wont, for the sake of practice, to act a play, they performed one in the Navarre Gymnasium, which was unusually pungent with the sprinkling of gall and vinegar. The persons brought upon the stage are--a Queen,[28] who, in womanly fashion, was taken up with spinning, and wholly occupied with the distaff and the needle; then the fury Megæra[29] appeared, bringing lighted torches near to her, that she might throw away the rock and the needle. For a little while she opposed and struggled; but when she had yielded, she received the gospel into her hand, and straightway forgets all she had formerly grown into the habit of, and almost even herself. Last of all, she becomes tyrannical, and persecutes the innocent and unfortunate by every method of cruelty. Many other devices were introduced in the same style, most unworthily indeed against that excellent woman, whom, neither indirectly nor obscurely, they tauntingly revile with their reproaches. For a few days the affair was suppressed. Afterwards, however, as Truth is the daughter of Time, the whole matter being reported to the Queen, it seemed to her that it would set a very bad example and encouragement to their wantonness, who are always gaping after something new, if this impertinence were allowed to pass unpunished. The prefect of police, with a hundred officers, proceeded to the Gymnasium, and by his orders, surrounded the building, that no one might slip out. He then entered with some few of his men, but did not succeed in finding the author of the drama. They say, that he had little expected such a proceeding, and had made no provision in the event of it; but that, being by accident in a friend's room, he heard the noise before they could get sight of him, and so hid himself away until an opportunity of escape presented. The prefect in command of the police captured the boyish performers; the master of the Gymnasium, meanwhile, resisted this proceeding; in the midst of their wranglings, stones were thrown by some of the boys. The prefect, nevertheless, keeps hold of his prisoners, and forced them to explain what parts they had acted in the scene. When the author of the mischief could not be apprehended, the next thing was to inquire after those who, when they could have hindered, had permitted the performance, and had so long concealed the whole affair. One who is distinguished above the rest in authority and name, (for he is the great master Lauret,[30]) sought that he might be imprisoned more respectably in the house of one of the Commissaries, (as they call them.) Another of them, Morinus, the second after him, was ordered to keep at home. Meanwhile, the inquiry goes forward. What has been discovered I know not: he is now summoned to appear on a citation of three short days, as they now phrase it. So much for the Comedies. Certain factious theologues have perpetrated another exploit equally malignant, and perhaps almost as audacious. When they searched the shops of the booksellers, among the books which they brought away, they seized the book which is called _Le Miroir de l'Ame Pécheresse_,[31] the reading of which they wish to prohibit. When the Queen was informed of it, she called on the King her brother, and told him she had written the book. By letters addressed to the masters of the Paris Academy he required them to certify to himself whether they had examined the book, and whether they had classed it among those of unsound religion; that if they considered it such that they would give him the reason of their opinion. Referring to the whole procedure, Nicolas Cop, the physician, at present the rector, stated the affair to the four colleges of arts, of medicine, of philosophy, of theology, and of the canon law. Among the masters of arts whom he first addressed, he inveighed in a long and bitter oration against the doctors, because of their rash and arrogant behaviour towards her majesty the queen. He advised them not to interfere in any way in a matter of so much danger, if they did not wish to incur the displeasure of the king, nor to array themselves against the queen, that mother of all the virtues and of all good learning. Lastly, that they ought not to take the blame of this offence upon themselves, lest they should encourage the presumption of those who were always ready to enter upon anything under cover of the pretext that it was the deed of the academy to which they had committed them, without the academy being at all aware of it. It was the opinion of them all that the act ought to be disavowed. The theologians, canonists, and physicians, were of the same mind. The rector reported the decree of his order; next, the dean of the faculty of medicine; third, the doctor of canon law; fourth, the faculty of theology. Le Clerc, the parish priest of St. Andrew, had the last word, on whom the whole mischief was laid, others retiring from him out of sight. First of all he praised, in lofty expression, the uprightness of the king, the undaunted firmness with which hitherto he has conducted himself as a protector of the faith. That there were some busy-bodies who endeavoured to pervert this excellent person, who also were in league together for the destruction of the sacred faculty; that he, however, entertained the confident expectation that they would not succeed in their wishes, and that, in opposition to such firmness as he knew the king to possess. That as regarded the matter in hand, he was indeed appointed by the decree of the academy to that office; that nothing, however, was less intended by him than to attempt anything against the queen, a woman so adorned by godly conversation as well as by pure religion, in proof of which he adduced the reverence with which she had observed the funeral rites in memory of her deceased mother;[32] that he held as forbidden books, both those obscene productions,--_Pantagruel_ and the _Forest of Loves_, and others of the same mint; that, in the meantime, he had put aside the book in question as liable to suspicion, because it was published without the approval of the faculty, in fraud and contravention of the arrêt, whereby it was prohibited to put forth anything concerning the faith without the advice and approbation of the faculty; that, in a word, this was his defence, that what was called in question had been done under warrant and commission of the faculty; that all were partakers in the offence, if there was any, although they might point blank deny it. And all this was spoken in French, that all might understand whether he spake the truth; they all cried out, however, that he pleaded this pretended ignorance by way of excuse. There were present also the Bishop of Senlis, L'Etoile, and one of the prefects of the palace. When Le Clerc had made an end of speaking, Parvi[33] said, that he had read the book,--that he had found nothing requiring expurgation unless he had forgot his theology. Finally, he required that they would give out a decree by which they might satisfy the king. Cop, the rector, announced that the academy did not acknowledge that censure as it stood; that they did not approve nor homologate the censure by which the book in question was classed among the prohibited or suspected books; that those who had done so must look to it, on what ground they were to defend the proceeding; that letters would be prepared in due time, whereby the academy might excuse itself to the king, and also return thanks for that he had so kindly addressed them in a fatherly way. The royal diploma was produced, by which permission is granted to the Bishop of Paris to appoint what preachers he pleases to the different parishes, where formerly they were chosen at the will of the parishioners; the chief influence being enjoyed by those who were most obstreperous and possessed by a senseless furor, which they consider zeal, such as never fired Elias, with which, however, he was zealous over the house of God.--Farewell.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Berne_. Vol. 141.]

[28] Margaret of Valois, sister of Francis I., Queen of Navarre, one
of the most distinguished women of her age, both by the generosity
of her character and the graces of her understanding. Inclined by
the bent of her mind towards reform, by the devout breathings of
her soul, of which we find the expression in her poetry and in her
letters, she made use of her influence with her brother, the French
monarch, to abate the persecution directed against the disciples
of the Evangel, and her generous conduct more than once aroused
the fury of the Sorbonne against her. Calvin, exiled from France,
had recourse on more than one occasion to the influence of this
Princess, and addressed very free exhortations to her. See, in this
collection, the letter of Calvin to the Queen of Navarre, of the
28th April, 1545.

[29] Megæra. This Megère was an allusion to Gerard Roussel, preacher
to the Queen of Navarre, one of the most zealous missionaries of the
Reformation at Paris. (_Megæra_--_Mag. Gerardus._) This information
we have from the celebrated John Sturm, in a letter to Bucer, which
shews that the introduction of Megæra was a play upon the name:
"Nuper in Gymnasio Navarrico novus quidam ... ποιήτης Reginam
introduxit, quæ se in disciplinam diaboli traderet, una cum
sacrifico quem Megeram appellant, alludens ad nomen Magistri
Gerardi."--Letter of Nov. 1533, printed in Strobel, _Histoire du
Gymnase de Strasbourg_, p. 109.

[30] This Lauret is designated, in the letter of Sturm above cited,
as a man of great erudition and of much influence, "_homo potens et
rex sapientum_."

[31] _The Mirror of a Sinful Soul_: a mystical poem, wherein the
Queen of Navarre acknowledges no other Mediator than Jesus Christ,
and no other righteousness than his expiatory death. This book,
which first appeared in print at Alençon in 1531, reprinted in 1533
at Paris, forms part of the poetical collection published under the
title, "Marguerites de la Marguerite des Princesses, très illustre
Reyne de Navarre." Lyon. 1547. 2 vols. in 8vo.

[32] Louise of Savoy, regent of France during the captivity of
Francis I. at Madrid. She died in 1531. After having favoured for a
time the doctrines of the Reformers, this cunning and cruel princess
gave the signal for the most ruthless persecution of the preachers
of the Gospel.

[33] William Parvi, Bishop of Senlis and confessor of the king. He
had translated into French the _Livre d' Heures_ of Margaret of
Valois, suppressing at the same time from the book a great number of
pieces addressed to the Virgin and to the saints.

X.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.[34]

[34] Without date. After an attentive examination of this letter
we believe it to refer to the first months of the year 1534, while
Calvin resided with his friend Louis du Tillet at Angoulême. It is
known that the young Reformer, while he was obliged to retire from
Paris, after the discourse of his friend Nicolas Cop, (November
1533,) found an asylum in the house of Du Tillet, and spent several
months at Angoulême in solitude and retirement. It is from that
town, designated under the Greek name of _Doxopolis_, that he wrote
to his friend Francis Daniel, in praise of the kindness of his host
(Louis du Tillet) and of the peaceful retreat which Providence had
prepared for him.

Retirement of Calvin to Angoulême.

DOXOPOLIS, [1534.]

Without having anything particular to write I can at any time play the gossip with you, and so fill up a letter. Yet why should I intrude upon you with my complainings? The chief matter which, in my opinion, is of sufficient interest to be communicated to you at present is that I am getting on well, and taking into account the constitutional weakness and infirmity which you are well aware of, am also making some progress in study. Certainly, also, the kindness of my patron may well quicken the inactivity of the most indolent individual, for it is such that I clearly understand that it is given for the sake of letters. So that I must all the more endeavour and earnestly strive that I be not utterly overwhelmed under the pressure of so much generous kindness, which somehow constrains me to exertion. Although, indeed, were I to strain every nerve to the utmost I could never make any adequate, or even inadequate return, so great is the amount of obligation which I would have to encounter. This inducement, therefore, must keep me continually mindful to cultivate those common pursuits of study for the sake of which so great a value is put upon me. If permitted to enjoy in repose such as this--the interval, whether I am to consider it of my exile or of my retirement, I shall conclude that I have been very favourably dealt by. But the Lord, _by whose Providence all is foreseen, will look to these things_. I have learned from experience that we cannot see very far before us. When I promised myself an easy tranquil life, then what I least expected was at hand; and, on the contrary, when it appeared to me that my situation might not be an agreeable one, a quiet nest was built for me, beyond my expectation, and this is the doing of the Lord, to whom, when we commit ourselves, Himself will have a care for us. But I have already almost filled my page, partly with writing, partly with blotting.--Adieu, greet whom you will.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Berne_. Vol. 450.]

XI.--TO CHRISTOPHER LIBERTET.[35]

[35] Christopher Libertet or Fabri, of Vienne in Dauphiny, a worthy
minister of the Church of Neuchatel. At an early period he entered
into friendly relations with Calvin, was in 1536 pastor of the
congregation at Thonon, took part the same year in the disputation
at Lausanne, and was recalled in 1546 by the Church of Neuchatel,
which he served until the time of his death, in 1563, with equal
wisdom and faithfulness.

Calvin in Basle--revision of the Bible of Robert
Olivetan--treatise on the Immortality of the Soul.

BASLE, _11th September_, [1534.[36]]

[36] Without year. This letter, written before the publication
of the Bible of Robert Olivetan, refers evidently to the year
1534. Under the necessity of leaving France in order to escape
persecution, Calvin had retired to Basle, where, in the year
following, he composed his book, "De l'Institution Chrétienne."

When our friend Olivetan[37] had intimated, by the letters which he wrote about the time of his departure, that he had put off his intended publication of the New Testament to another time, it appeared to me that I might make the revision which had been promised at my leisure, and reserve it to another time. Meanwhile other studies engaged my attention, and I thought no more of the matter, or rather sank down into my wonted languor. As yet, I have scarcely got my hand to work upon it, and besides, the volume which I sent will be necessary in the collation, and yet, though it was brought three months ago, it has not yet been put together. This has not occurred through any indifference on my part, but partly by the slowness of the binder, whom, nevertheless, we have not ceased to call upon daily, partly also because when it was brought to me at first we required a supply of paper to the extent of six sheets, which could not be had immediately. Henceforward, however, I shall set apart an hour every day to be bestowed on this work. And should I throw together any remarks, I will not deposit them with any other person than yourself, unless Olivetan on his return shall anticipate you. Further, word has been brought me by some one, I know not whom, at your request, that you did not entirely approve of some things in my treatise on the Immortality of Souls.[38] So far from being offended because of your opinion, I am greatly delighted with this straightforward plainness. Nor does my perversity reach to such a degree as to allow myself in a freedom of opinion, which I would wish to take away from others. That I may not, however, vex or annoy you unnecessarily, by fighting the same battle over and over again, I wish you to understand that the book has been recast by me. Some things have been added, others left out, but altogether in a different form and method. Although some few things have been omitted, I have inserted others, and some things I have altered. As for that essay which I had given Olivetan to read, it contained my first thoughts, rather thrown together in the shape of memoranda or common places, than digested after any definite and certain method, although there was some appearance of order. That new book (for so it must be called) I would have sent you, had it been read over again by me. But since it was written out by Gaspar, I have not looked into it. Farewell; may the Lord have you in his keeping, and enrich you always with his own gifts.--Yours,

MARTIANUS LUCANIUS.[39]

[37] Peter Robert Olivetan, related to Calvin, and translator of the
Bible into the French language. Banished from Geneva in 1533, he had
retired to Neuchatel, where he published successively (1534-1535)
his translation of the New and of the Old Testament. This work,
undertaken at the request of the Vaudois of Piedmont, had been
revised by Calvin.

[38] This is the treatise which is entitled, "_Psychopannychia,
qua refellitur eorum error qui animas post mortem usque ad ultimum
judicium dormire putant_."--Paris, 1534, 8vo. This treatise,
translated into French by Calvin himself, has been inserted, with
a preface of the author, "_à un sien amy_," in the "_Recueil des
Opuscules_," p. 1.

[39] A pseudonyme which Calvin sometimes made use of in his Latin
correspondence.

Some how or other it has so happened that in the hurry of writing I omitted what by no means I had intended. It was to exhort you and the other brethren in a few words, but most heartily, to the cultivation of peace, for the preservation of which you ought all of you to strive the more earnestly as Satan watches intently for its overthrow. You can scarce believe how much I was shocked at hearing of that new uproar about the lepers, set agoing by him of whom I would never have suspected such a thing. But at length he vomited out the poison with which he was sweltering from long dissimulation, and having fixed the sting, like a viper fled away. Be not wanting, on your part, I entreat you, so far as lies in you, which, indeed, I was confident would be the case of your own accord, but I was willing at the same time to interpose my prayer for peace.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of the Company of Neuchatel._]

XII.--TO FRANCIS DANIEL.[40]

[40] This is the first letter of the Reformer after his settlement
at Geneva. Having left his retreat of Basle in the end of the year
1535, he had made a rapid tour in the north of Italy, and revisited
France, which he had left in the month of July on his return to
Switzerland. Not being able, without danger, to traverse Champagne
and Lorraine, he went back to Basle by the way of Geneva, (August
1536,) when he was detained in that town by the entreaties of Farel.
Afterwards he accepted the office of Professor of Theology, and
attended the disputation of Lausanne on the 1st of October, which
was followed by the establishment of the Reformation in the Pays de
Vaud, conquered by the Seigneury of Berne from the Duke of Savoy.

Calvin in Geneva--translation into French of the "Christian
Institutes"--disputation of Lausanne--establishment of the
doctrines of the Reformation in the Pays de Vaud.

LAUSANNE, _13th October 1536_.

That you may not, according to old use and wont, lay a long and clamorous accusation against my indolence, seeing that whole three months have passed away during which you have received not a single letter from me, accept now a brief statement as to the state of matters upon the whole. For some days

I was detained at Geneva by the brethren, until they extracted from me a promise to return; then after that, I brought back my relative Artois[41] to Basle, and gave offence to several churches in the course of my journey, by whom I was requested to stay with them for a little while. In the meantime, the August fair was over, which was the most favourable opportunity for the conveyance of letters. Furthermore, as soon as I got back to Geneva, a violent cold attacked me, which afterward settled upon the upper gum, so that there was scarce any relief even after nine days, and after having been twice bled, with a double dose of pills and several fomentations. Nor is it yet completely shaken off. During that lost opportunity, although there was abundant leisure for writing, and the way or channel of correspondence was not entirely closed, yet I was kept continually occupied upon the French version of my little book;[42] and the almost certain expectation began then to arise, that the letters might reach you enriched by that acquisition, rather than that they should come empty handed. But before my intention could be fulfilled, the day fixed for the disputation at Lausanne had already arrived,[43] at which my presence was required; and at the same time I saw the November fair approaching, which I considered to be a more convenient time for writing, and therefore it seemed to me better to wait for that opportunity. So much to stop your expostulations.

[41] Calvin had left Noyon accompanied by his brother Antony and his
sister Mary, who went to settle at Basle. Bèze, _Calvini Vita_.

[42] The book here referred to is no other than the _Institution
Chrétienne_, first published in Latin, (Basle, 1536, in 8vo.) Calvin
thought of giving a translation of that work. The first known
edition of the _Institution Chrétienne_ in French bears date 1540.

[43] The disputation of Lausanne, in which Farel, Viret, and
Calvin took part began the 2d October, and lasted seven days. The
narrative of what took place may be found in Ruchat, _Histoire de la
Réformation en Suisse_, edit. 1836, vol. iv. pp. 161-163.

The talk of the disputation above mentioned has, I understand, been spread so far and wide, that I do not doubt some whiff of it has reached your city. The disputation was appointed by a decree of the Council of Berne, accompanied by a solemn Edict,[44] whereby the Senate declared, that it was free to every one, and _that_ without the dread of being called in question, to state whatever might concern the matter of disagreement upon the point of religion. They considered that this was the most likely method, by which publicly to expose the unskilfulness of those who try to oppose the Gospel, and that thus they might render of no avail the triumph arising out of this new authority which they have accepted at the hand of the Duke of Savoy. Already, in many places, the idols and altars of Popery have begun to disappear, and I hope it will not be long before all remaining superstition shall be effectually cleared away. The Lord grant that idolatry may be entirely uprooted out of the hearts of all. I do not describe to you the precise form in which the disputation presents itself, because it is not easy to do so in a brief explanation, and also because I trust it will some time or other be published. To-morrow, if the Lord will, I set out for Berne, about which affair you shall hear from me by other letters; and I am afraid it will be necessary for me to hasten forward as far as Basle: which inconvenience, however, I shall endeavour if it be possible to avoid; more especially taking into account the state of my health, and the very unseasonable time of the year. If those idle bellies with you, who chirp together so sweetly in the shade, were only as well disposed as they are talkative, they would instantly flock hither to take on themselves a share of the labour, to which we must be inadequate, since there are so few of us. You can hardly believe the small number of ministers compared with the very many churches which need pastors. How I wish, seeing the extreme necessity of the Church, that, however few they may be in number, there were at least some right-hearted men among you who may be induced to lend a helping hand! May the Lord preserve you.--Yours,

MARTIANUS LUCANIUS.

[44] Edict of July 16, 1536. Ruchat, _Histoire de la Réformation_,
vol. iv.; Pièces Justificatives, No. II.

Remember me, I entreat you, particularly to your mother and sister, your wife also, if you think proper, your kinsmen, and all the rest.

[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Berne._ Vols. 141 and 142.]

XIII.--TO MEGANDER.[45]

[45] Gaspar Grossmann, (Megander,) from Zurich, minister of the
Church of Berne. In 1537 he presided in the Synod of Lausanne, where
the errors of Caroli were condemned, and in the following year
became pastor of the Church at Zurich.

Calvin and Caroli encounter each other--prayers for the
dead--the Genevese clergy accused of Arianism--need of a synod.

GENEVA, [_February 1537_.[46]]

[46] Letter without date, written evidently a little before the
meeting of the Synod of Lausanne, which took place about the middle
of the month of May 1537.--Ruchat, _Histoire de la Réformation en
Suisse_, tom. v. p. 24-40.

Grace to you and peace from the Lord.

It must be already well known to you how much mischief Caroli[47] has of late stirred up; he has devised a method, forsooth, by which it is possible to aid the dead by prayer, not that their sins may be remitted, but that they may be raised up as expeditiously as possible--certainly a piece of very necessary information, especially at the present time, when we are pressed by so many difficulties. The ambitious man wished to recommend himself to the public, in whose esteem he does not rank very high, by some novelty, as if that had been any thing new which has long ago been propounded by different authors. Nevertheless he impudently claims the praise of the discovery, from whence it is evident, with what purpose he has been induced to put forth this dogma. But even were we to yield to his eager desire of popularity, that false applause which he demands, of what consequence would that be, when it shall have been clearly proved that the device was not only over curious and trifling, but also silly, as I pledge myself that I will show? But setting aside all consideration of the truth as well as falsehood of the dogma, it is not possible to excuse his extreme malice and dishonesty in the spreading of it abroad. While he had Viret present, there was not a word about that matter. He paid us a visit,--immediately thereon a rumour follows. The matter speaks for itself, that he had remarked upon the absence of his colleague with the view of disturbing the peace of the Church. To this must be added, that upon your own motion it was agreed, by the judgment of all the brethren, that nothing should be brought before the people in an unusual manner, or without having been previously considered, unless many were advised with before hand. You are aware how just and reasonable that is, and how well adapted for promoting the unity of doctrine. By this decree we were well assured that our Churches would be most seasonably guarded against being cut up by dissension. But this troublesome fellow, as if he did not care to what extent he might disturb the Church of Christ by his rashness, at the same time thus sets at defiance the law and judgment of the whole Church. Even if he had not hitherto led a dissolute and altogether irrational life, he ought, by this time, to have considered that a different kind of behaviour must now be adopted by him. But even now, how does he proceed? Never have I heard anything more outrageous; so that it was evident he was doing his best to carry on the war against us. So great was his mental excitement, such the fierceness of exclamation, so bitter were his expressions. Viret was the first to come back; but when that had no effect, at the request of the brethren, I myself also interposed. In the presence of your deputation he positively refused, in the most supercilious manner, to give any explanation of his proceeding; then he complained that my anxious care in bringing the matter under your notice was nothing less than a base conspiracy to ruin him, when most assuredly it is quite certain, that I never entertained any enmity towards him, and that Farel and Viret had never found fault with him except on account of his immoral conduct. But Viret refuted all his quirks and calumnies with so much cleverness, that being manifestly detected, he might be considered as convicted upon this point. That he might, therefore, appear to have got the better of us in something or other, he accused the whole meeting of Arianism. I rose up immediately and brought forward the confession in our Catechism, which is repeated in our public letter to your college. Even this did not quiet him, but he declared that we would be suspected in that matter, until we subscribed the creed of Athanasius. I replied, that it was not my practice to approve any thing as the words of God, unless upon due consideration. Here observe the rabid fury of the little ass. Thereupon he cried out, that it was an expression unbecoming a Christian man. The deputies said that there was need of a General Assembly where these matters might be discussed, which they also undertook that themselves would see to. Neither can I in any adequate degree express in words, nor can you conceive, the imminent peril to the Church if that measure be any longer delayed; therefore I do not think we ought to wait until the deputies make good their promise, but rather that these measures must be referred to you and to your colleagues. In that view of the question, the public letter has been addressed to your college. But, in truth, my very worthy brother, you can do most in this affair yourself, and ought, in virtue of the power which belongs to your place, above every other person, to strive for it to the uttermost. You appear to me to be specially required, seriously to turn your attention to this business. You can hardly believe how sorely the foundations which have hitherto been laid have been affected by this one blow, while, in the meantime, the unskilful are told, that we are not agreed among ourselves upon the doctrine of religion, nor can there be a doubt that more serious consequences will ensue presently, unless we apply the suitable remedy. Already certain of our people are called impostors, who not only concealed that they pray for the dead, but have confidently affirmed that they do not. Further, the peasants object, that we ought to be agreed among ourselves before we endeavour to bring others to be of our mind. Think with yourself what may be expected to arise from such preliminaries as these. Moreover, this stigma with which that wicked calumniator has branded us must not be allowed to stick, so as that the seamless robe of the Gospel may utterly be rent asunder by the reproaches of the ungodly. It ought, therefore, to be carefully looked to, that all the ministers speaking the French language, who are under the government of your republic, may be enforced to attend the council, where all controversies of this sort are to be decided. We must lose no time, however, and also strive, if by any means that can be obtained, that it may meet before Easter. There are, besides, some other matters which it may prove of no inconsiderable advantage to have settled before that time, as, indeed, we hear some muttering about, I cannot tell what, of an incrusted body of Christ, with which absurd folly it is requisite that we grapple in due time. Do you, therefore, according to your piety and prudence, see to it that you be not wanting in a matter of so great moment, and arrange at once for the meeting before Easter. We have compared your directory for the ceremonies,--translated by Maurus[48] at our request, with ours, and find no difference except that it is more concise. I brought it with me lately to Lausanne, as there was some prospect that I might also visit Berne. It seemed to me, however, to be better to wait for the day of assembly, when we can go over it at our leisure. Pray do not hesitate to write, both concerning that and the calling of the synod, at which our ministers will willingly attend.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[47] Peter Caroli, of Rosay in Brie, doctor of the Sorbonne,
known by his disputes with Farel and with Calvin. His unsettled
disposition, as well as interested motives, led him towards the
work of the Reformers; he sought the friendship of Le Fevre of
Etaples, at Paris, and in 1534, went to Geneva, where the license
of his manners drew upon him the censures of Farel and also of
Viret, against both of whom he vowed thenceforward an irreconcilable
hatred. Called afterwards as minister to Neuchatel and to Lausanne,
he attacked the doctrines of the Reformers, maintained the necessity
of prayers for the dead, and saw his doctrine condemned in the Synod
of Lausanne. (May 1537.) Banished by the Senate of Berne, he retired
to France, went back to the Church of Rome, and died miserably in
that city, after an agitated and wandering career.

[48] Is this Maurus Musæus, a French gentleman, who was converted to
the Gospel, the friend of Bucer and of Œcolampadius? We are here
left to loose conjecture in the absence of positive testimony.

XIV.--TO VIRET.[49]