Chapter XXVII (2)

WASHINGTON, May 16, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

Your letter by Mr. Magraw was received, and I designed to send an
answer by him, but he left here without my knowledge. On the 20th
of April, the day after the Baltimore riot, and again on Blue
Tuesday, the day before the arrival of the New York regiments, I
wrote to you. These letters will probably reach you some time, if
they have not already arrived; but I regret their miscarriage, as
they kept up a regular chain of Washington events from the date of
Lincoln’s first proclamation after the capture of Sumter, and
since that time incidents have passed so rapidly that I cannot
recall them in their order.

The fling of Mr. F. W. Seward about “negotiations” would merit a
retort if there were an independent press, and the state of the
times admitted discussion of such matters. The negotiations
carried on by Mr. Seward with the Confederate commissioners
through Judge Campbell and Judge Nelson will some day, perhaps, be
brought to light, and if they were as has been represented to me,
Mr. Seward and the Lincoln administration will not be in a
position to make sneering observations respecting any negotiations
during your administration. It was in reference to these that Jeff
Davis in his message spoke with much severity. You no doubt
observed his allusion to informal negotiations through a person
_holding a high station_ in the Government of the United States,
and which were participated in by other persons holding stations
equally high. I have understood that Judge Campbell was the person
alluded to, and that Judge Nelson and, perhaps, Judge Catron were
the other persons cognizant of Mr. Seward’s assurances respecting
the evacuation of Fort Sumter.

Mr. Holt is still here. Judge Black has been absent some weeks,
but returned night before last. Mr. Holt stays at home pretty
closely, and I have met him very seldom, though I occasionally
hear of his visiting some of the Departments. The state of affairs
is tolerably well detailed in the public prints. But no
description could convey to you the panic that prevailed here for
several days after the Baltimore riot, and before communications
were reopened. This was increased by reports of the trepidation of
Lincoln that were circulated through the streets. Almost every
family packed up their effects. Women and children were sent away
in great numbers; provisions advanced to famine prices. In a great
measure the alarm has passed away, but there is still a deep
apprehension that before long this city is doomed to be the scene
of battle and carnage. In respect to military operations going on,
or contemplated, little is known until the results are announced
in the newspapers. General Scott seems to have _carte blanche_. He
is, in fact, the Government, and if his health continues, vigorous
measures are anticipated.

For the last few days I have been moving my family, my former
residence being made unpleasant by troops and hospitals
surrounding me. In the present state of affairs, I do not like to
leave home, or I would pay you a visit, but no one knows what may
happen any day, or how soon the communications may be again
interrupted. Marching and drilling is going on all day in every
street. The troops that have arrived here are in general
fine-looking, able-bodied, active men, well equipped, and
apparently ready and willing for the service in which they are
engaged. Your cordial concurrence in the disposition to maintain
the Government and resist aggression gives great satisfaction, and
I am pleased to observe a letter from you in the _Intelligencer_
of this morning.

I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane. There are many
stories afloat among the ladies in the city that would amuse her,
but as they are no doubt told her by lady correspondents, it is
needless for me to repeat them. I hope you may continue in the
enjoyment of good health, and remain with sincere regard,

Yours truly,
EDWIN M. STANTON.

[TO J. BUCHANAN HENRY.]

WHEATLAND, LANCASTER, }
(Confidential.) Friday, May 17, 1861. }

MY DEAR JAMES:—

I have been quite unwell for the last fortnight, during the last
week I have been in bed; still, thank God, I believe I am now
convalescent, though, as yet I am exceedingly weak. I should be
glad to see you here on private and public business, but not if
your absence should operate seriously to your prejudice. We
should also be happy to see Mr. Schell here. The termination of
the late administration ought not to break up the bonds of
mutual friendship which it produced. There is no part of my
administration which was considered with greater care and
pursued with more firmness than that between the 6th November,
the day of Mr. Lincoln’s election, and the 4th of March last.
Although nearly all upon record, the public seem to have
forgotten it. It has become necessary now to revive the public
memory, and I know of no journal in the country so proper to do
this as the _Journal of Commerce_. Mr. Hallock, of that valuable
paper (I believe I am correct in spelling the name), has always
been a friend. I would thank you to call upon him, present him
my kind and grateful regards, and say that with his permission I
will send him some documents. There never was a moment of time
when my administration were not ready and willing to reinforce,
or attempt to reinforce, and supply Fort Sumter, if Major
Anderson had called for such reinforcement or supply. On the 6th
of November, when Lincoln was elected, the whole force at my
command was just five companies, and neither of them full. They
did not exceed in the whole three hundred men. The ——, however,
from a spirit of malignity, and supposing that the world may
have forgotten the circumstance, takes every occasion to blame
me for my supineness; it will soon arrive at the point of
denouncing me for not crushing out the rebellion at once, and
thus try to make me the author of the war...... No extent of
abuse, general or particular abuse, that —— could pour out upon
me would induce me to prosecute him; but this is an attempt to
bring not only my character, but my life into danger by
malignant falsehood. It would be one of those great national
prosecutions, such as have occurred in this and other countries,
necessary to vindicate the character of the Government.

I want you to bring on with you Wheaton’s Elements of
International Law—the seventh edition, and no other. I see it is
published for sale in Boston at $6, and presume it can be had in
New York. If the _Journal of Commerce_ publishes a tri-weekly
paper, please to have it sent on to me immediately. You might,
confidentially and quietly, consult with —— whom it is best to
employ to conduct this business in its preliminary stages.[174]

Yours affectionately,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

Footnote 174:

His purpose to institute a prosecution for libel was abandoned by
the advice of friends.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, May 19, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

You will see in the New York papers Judge Campbell’s report of the
negotiations between himself and Mr. Seward, to which I referred
in my letter of last week. They had been related to me by the
Judge about the time they closed. Mr. Seward’s silence will not
relieve him from the imputation of deceit and double-dealing in
the minds of many, although I do not believe it can justly be
imputed to him. I have no doubt he believed that Sumter would be
evacuated as he stated it would be. But the war party overruled
him with Lincoln, and he was forced to give up, but could not give
up his office. That is a sacrifice no Republican will be apt to
make. But this correspondence shows that Mr. Frederick Seward was
not in the line of truth when he said that negotiations ceased on
the fourth of March. The New York _Evening Post_ is very severe on
Judge Campbell, and very unjustly so, for the Judge has been as
anxiously and patriotically earnest to preserve the Government as
any man in the United States, and he has sacrificed more than any
Southern man rather than yield to the secessionists. I regret the
treatment he has received from Mr. Seward and the _Post_.

Nothing new has transpired here since my last letter. I am
perfectly convinced that an attack will be made, and a battle
fought for this city before long. With sincere regard, I remain,

Yours truly,
EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. HOLT TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

(Confidential.) WASHINGTON, May 24, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 21st inst. from the
hands of Mr. Magraw. I had previously observed with pain notices
in the public papers of your illness, and it is therefore with
great gratification that I learn you are convalescing, though
still confined to your room. I thank you sincerely for your kind
invitation to visit Wheatland, and regret much that it is not in
my power at once to do so. My engagements, however, are such that
I cannot leave Washington for the present, though I hope to be
able to see you in the course of the summer.

I would gladly give you any assistance in my power in the
preparation of the paper to which you refer, but fear any aid I
could render would be of little avail to you. I have preserved no
memoranda of the transactions you propose to treat, and although
my memory might be trusted as to their substance, it would in all
probability be at fault in regard to their details. In reference
to the latter, I would rather defer to your own recollection, or
to that of other members of the cabinet. As a historical document,
I concur with you that the preparation of such a document is a
“necessity;” but I cannot perceive that there is any reason for
haste in its completion, or any expediency in its early
publication. The country is so completely occupied by the fearful
and absorbing events occurring and impending, that you could not
hope at present to engage its attention. Besides, from what I have
observed in the public papers, I cannot discover that your
administration is being so assailed upon the points alluded to as
to require any elaborate vindication at your hands...... I suppose
you have seen the prominent Southern papers—including Governor
Floyd’s organ at Richmond—in which is set forth as his especial
glory the aid given to the revolution by the War Department during
the year 1860.

You have, I believe, copies of all of Major Anderson’s letters,
and it may be copies, also, of a part of those received from Fort
Pickens. As the fate of the latter fortress is still undetermined,
I doubt if the Government would give copies of any correspondence
in regard to it. Colonel Anderson’s letters and those to him from
the Government, during my brief connection with the War
Department, formed, I think, a sufficient defence of the policy
pursued during that time.

...... I have had two brief but satisfactory interviews with
Colonel Anderson. He is thoroughly loyal, and if he ever had any
sympathy with the revolutionists, which I am now far from
believing, I think the ferocious spirit in which the siege and
cannonade of Sumter were conducted crushed it out of him. We did
not discuss at all the policy of your administration in regard to
Sumter, but he said in general terms that he was satisfied all
that had occurred was providential—that the course pursued had
been the means of fixing the eyes of the nation on Sumter, and of
awakening to the last degree its anxieties for its fate: so that
when it fell its fall proved the instrumentality of arousing the
national enthusiasm and loyalty, as we now see them displayed in
the eager rush to maintain the honor of the flag. The approval of
his course, of which you speak, relates, I presume, to his defence
of Sumter. I have not heard that the administration has expressed
any formal censure of your policy.

Now that the South has begun an unprovoked and malignant war upon
the United States, accompanied by an insolent threat of the
capture of Washington, and with an open avowal that the only
Southern right now insisted on is the right of dismembering the
Republic, I am decidedly in favor of prosecuting the struggle
until the citizens of the seceded States shall be made to obey the
laws as we obey them. I believe it can be done. It will cost much
blood and many millions of treasure, but, if it cost billions, the
preservation of such a government would be well worth the
expenditure.

With kind remembrances to Miss Lane, I am

Very sincerely your friend,
J. HOLT.

[GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

NEW YORK, May 28th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Ever since I wrote you last I have been busy night and day, and am
a good deal worn down by my labors on the Union Defence Committee,
and by superintending the organization and equipment of nine
regiments, six of which I have sent to the field, leaving three to
go to-morrow and the day after. The post of Major General of
Volunteers was tendered to me by Governor Morgan, and I could not
decline without subjecting myself to the imputation of hauling
down my flag, a thing altogether inadmissible. So I am in harness
for the war, though the administration take it easy, for I have
not yet been accepted, and there are rumors that there are too
many Democratic epaulettes in the field. There seems to be no fear
at Washington that there are too many Democratic knapsacks. New
York has about 15,000 men at the seat of war, without a general
except Sanford, who has gone on temporarily. How is it, my dear
sir, that New York is always overlooked (or nearly always) except
when there are burdens to be borne? As to this Generalship, it was
unsought, and I am indifferent about it entirely. I am willing to
give my strength and my life, if need be, to uphold the Government
against treason and rebellion. But if the administration prefers
some one else to command New York troops, no one will acquiesce
half so cheerfully as myself.

I should be very glad if I could look in upon you, though it were
but for a moment; but if I am ordered South, I suppose I shall be
needed at once. My whole division will be in the field by Sunday
next.

Miss Lane has not made her promised visit. I will merely suggest
the inviolability of promises by keeping my own. I engaged to send
her a photograph for her second album, and beg to give her,
through you, the choice of a variety. I beg also to be most
cordially remembered to her. Our excellent friend, Mr. ——, wanted
a note or letter of Major Anderson’s, written at Fort Sumter, and
I take the liberty, not knowing his address, to send it to you.

I fear the impatience of the country may interfere with General
Scott’s plan of getting a large force on foot, disciplining it
thoroughly until October, and then embodying it, and marching
through the Southern country in such numbers as to render
resistance vain. Partisan movements without any definite result
only serve to irritate and excite to new effort.

I am, my dear sir, with best wishes, in which my wife unites,

Sincerely and faithfully your friend,
JOHN A. DIX.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, June 8, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

Your friends here are very much gratified by Judge Black’s report
of improvement in your health. The accounts we have had occasioned
a great deal of solicitude concerning you; but I trust that you
may now be speedily restored. I have not written to you for some
time because there was nothing to communicate that would cheer or
gratify you. While every patriot has rejoiced at the enthusiastic
spirit with which the nation has aroused to maintain its existence
and honor, the peculation and fraud that immediately spring up to
prey upon the volunteers and grasp the public money as plunder and
spoil has created a strong feeling of loathing and disgust. And no
sooner had the appearance of imminent danger passed away, and the
administration recovered from its panic, than a determination
became manifest to give a strict party direction, as far as
possible, to the great national movement. After a few Democratic
appointments, as Butler and Dix, everything else has been
exclusively devoted to Black Republican interests. This has
already excited a strong reactionary feeling, not only in New
York, but in the Western States. General Dix informs me that he
has been so badly treated by Cameron, and so disgusted by the
general course of the administration, that he intends immediately
to resign. This will be followed by a withdrawal of financial
confidence and support to a very great extent. Indeed, the course
of things for the last four weeks has been such as to excite
distrust in every Department of the Government. The military
movements, or rather inaction, also excite great apprehension. It
is believed that Davis and Beauregard are both in this
vicinity—one at Harper’s Ferry, the other at Manassas Gap—and that
they can concentrate over sixty thousand troops. Our whole force
does not exceed forty-five thousand. It is also reported that
discord exists between the cabinet and General Scott in respect to
important points of strategy. Our condition, therefore, seems to
be one of even greater danger than at any former period, for the
consequence of success by the secessionists would be far more
extensive and irremediable than if the Capital had been seized
weeks ago. Ould is reported as having gone off and joined the
secessionists. Harvey, the new minister to Spain, it is
discovered, was a correspondent with the secessionists and
communicated the designs and operations of the Government to Judge
McGrath. It is supposed he will be recalled. Cassius Clay has been
playing the fool at London by writing letters to the _Times_,
which that paper treats with ridicule and contempt. The impression
here is that the decided and active countenance and support of the
British government will be given to the Southern Confederacy. Mr.
Holt is still here, but I seldom see him. Judge Black is also
here. I should have visited you, but dare not leave town even for
one night. Our troops have slept on their arms nearly every night
for a week, anticipating attack. Hoping to hear of your
restoration to good health, I remain as ever,

Truly yours,
EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, June 12, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

I had written to you the day before your letter was received, and
am very glad to learn that your health is still improving. Shortly
after the 4th of March, I saw Mr. Weaver, and told him to let me
know in case there should appear any disposition to interfere with
him, and I would exert myself to have him retained. He expressed
himself so confidently of his security, that any interposition of
mine would have appeared gratuitous, if not impertinent. But
before your last letter reached here, he called and said he had
been removed. He said he did not desire to be reinstated in it,
preferring to enter the military service, and desiring a captain’s
commission. While I think his restoration might be accomplished,
the other is more doubtful, as it is generally understood that Mr.
Cameron has bestowed all the military posts. I shall, however, do
all in my power to accomplish what Mr. Weaver desires, on account
of the interest you take in his welfare.

We have this morning disastrous news from Fortress Monroe. The
rumor is that the sacrifice of life at Bethel Bridge was very
great, and it is in a great measure attributed to the incompetence
of the commanding officer. There is much reason to fear that other
disasters from similar cause will occur. The recent appointments
in the army are generally spoken of with great disapprobation.
General Dix is very much chagrined with the treatment he has
received from the War Department, and on Saturday I had a letter
declaring his intention to resign immediately. He would, in my
opinion, be a serious loss to the service. The rumored appointment
of Cummings, of _The Bulletin_, as Brigadier General and
Quartermaster General, has produced very general dissatisfaction
and distrust. The appointment has been announced as having been
certainly made, but I do not believe that it has been.

I had a letter this week from your friend General Harney. He feels
himself very badly treated by the administration. Last month he
was ordered to Washington without any reason but suspicion of his
loyalty. Being satisfied on that point, he was restored to his
command, and is now again superseded, without any explanation, and
is disgraced by being left without any command.

Since this letter was commenced, the brother of General Butler has
arrived from Fort Monroe, and reports the whole loss of our troops
at fourteen killed and forty-four wounded. This is so greatly
below the former reports, which set down our loss at over one
thousand, that it affords great relief. There is great anxiety to
hear from Harper’s Ferry. The movement in that direction a few
days ago you have no doubt seen in the papers. Much apprehension
is felt here as to the expedition, and there is some uneasiness
lest an attack on this city will be induced by withdrawal of so
large a portion of the military force. Harvey’s treachery is much
talked of. The foreign indications by yesterday’s steamer are
considered more favorable than heretofore.

I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane; and with sincere
regard I remain,

Yours truly,
EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, June 20, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

On the day that my last letter was written, I had an interview
with Secretary Smith, in relation to Mr. Weaver, and explained to
him the nature of the service you had rendered to Mr. Lincoln, and
also the engagement that Mr. Doolittle had made _after_ that
service had been rendered, and as an expression of his sense of
the obligation. Mr. Doolittle had also placed a letter on file, as
he promised to do, but not making any explanation. I am gratified
to learn this morning that Mr. Weaver has been restored to his
clerkship, and also that he has received an appointment as first
lieutenant in the army, for which I applied on his behalf. You
will no doubt be pleased that the administration has properly
appreciated the favor you rendered.

Hoping that your health is still improving, I remain,

Yours truly,
EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. HALLOCK.]

(Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 29,
1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

My nephew, J. Buchanan Henry, informed me of the very satisfactory
conversation with you some time since. I should have written to
you some time ago but for my long illness. Since I have been able
to write, I have been making memoranda so as to present in one
connected view the acts of my administration since the troubles
commenced in South Carolina. When presented (but the proper time
has not, I think, arrived), they will, unless I am greatly
mistaken, prove to be a triumphant vindication in every
particular.

In the mean time, it is asked why I did not nip this great
revolution in its bud, by garrisoning the forts in the Southern
States and sending reinforcements to Forts Moultrie, Sumter and
Castle Pinckney, in the harbor of Charleston. I shall let General
Scott answer this question. I send you a copy of his “Views,”
addressed to the War Department, and finally published at length,
doubtless under his own authority, in the _National Intelligencer_
of January 18th, 1861. They are dated on the 29th and 30th
October, 1860, more than a week before the Presidential election.
After reading them, you will admit that they constitute an
extraordinary document. Indeed, they tend to prove what has been
often said of the gallant General, that when he abandons the sword
for the pen he makes sad work of it. They were extensively
published and commented upon in the South, but attracted but
little attention in the North. My present purpose, however, is
only to prove from them the utter impossibility of garrisoning
these forts.

You will observe that on the 29th October, he enumerates nine
of them in six of the Southern States; but he submits no plan
for this purpose, and designates no troops to accomplish this
great and extensive military operation. This it was his duty
to do as Lieutenant General. In writing, the next day, October
30th, he seems to have been struck with the absurdity of the
recommendation. In this supplement he states: “There is one
regular company at Boston, one here at the Narrows, one at
Portsmouth, one at Augusta, Ga., and one at Baton Rouge, _in
all, five companies only within reach_ to garrison or
reinforce the forts mentioned in the ‘Views.’” Five companies
containing less than 400 men to garrison and reinforce nine
fortifications scattered over six of the Southern States!

Nearly the whole of our small army were at the time stationed on
the remote frontiers of our extensive country to protect the
inhabitants and emigrants against the tomahawk and scalping knife
of the savage; and at the approach of winter, could not have been
brought within reach for several months. They were employed for
this purpose as they had been for years. At the period when our
fortifications were erected, it was not contemplated that they
should be garrisoned, except in the event of a foreign war, and
this to avoid the necessity of raising a large standing army. No
person then dreamed of danger to the States. It is a remarkable
fact, that after months had elapsed, and we had, at the instance
of General Scott, scoured the whole country for forces to protect
the inauguration, all the troops we could assemble at Washington,
rank and file, amounted to six hundred and thirty. This fact is
stated by me in a message to the House of Representatives. To have
sent four hundred men to Charleston after the Presidential
election to garrison and defend three forts, an arsenal, a custom
house, navy yard, and post office, would have only been to provoke
collision. I believed that the public property was safer without
than it would have been with such an utterly inadequate force.
Besides, whoever was in Washington at the time must have witnessed
the strong expression of sentiment by the other Southern States
against any attack by South Carolina against the public property.
For the reason it was not their policy to make the attack. In my
message, therefore, of the 3d December, I stated: “It is not
believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States
from this property by force.” In this belief I was justified by
the event—as there was no trouble until after Major Anderson
retired from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, as he had a right to
do, first having spiked his cannon and burnt the gun carriages.

But I am proceeding beyond what I had intended, which was to state
the impossibility of reinforcing the forts with the troops “within
reach.” There are other very important questions arising out of
these transactions which, for the present, I forbear to touch.
They will all appear in due time. The _Journal of Commerce_, from
its very great ability and prudent character, exercises great
influence over the country. I do not intend, for the present, to
appear, either directly or indirectly, as an author. I have merely
deemed it advisable to recall your attention to facts, all of
which are of record, so that you might, if you should think it
advisable, be able to answer the question: Why did the late
President not send troops to the forts at Charleston and the other
Southern forts? I send you a copy of my message in pamphlet form,
from which I have never departed.

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

It is with great gratification that I am assured, from several
sources, that your health is improving. I was not aware, until I
received your letter, that you had been so ill, for I place but
little reliance on what the newspapers say.

After a long delay I received my appointment as Major General. The
President, whom I saw the day before yesterday, assured me that it
was not intentional, and that he had no other purpose than to
appoint me. I shall enter on my active duties in a few days.

Everything is quiet in this city. As late as last evening the
enemy was also quiet, and, I think, has no intention of advancing.
The weather is very warm, as it always is here in June, and the
season for active operations will soon be over, until after the
first frost.

I hope Miss Lane is well, and that your health may be completely
restored. I beg you to give her my kind regards, and to accept
assurances of my sincere respect. I am, dear Sir,

Unchangeably your friend,
JOHN A. DIX.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.]

(Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 13,
1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

My late severe illness has hitherto prevented me from
acknowledging the receipt of your kind letter of May last. Rest
assured that this delay did not proceed from any want of regard
for you or your family. On the contrary, I shall ever cherish the
most friendly feelings and ardent wishes for the prosperity of
both. I should be glad to hear from you as often as may be
convenient, and, although I recover my strength but slowly, I
think I may promise to be a more punctual correspondent.

The future of our country presents a dark cloud, through which my
vision cannot penetrate. The assault upon Fort Sumter was the
commencement of war by the Confederate States, and no alternative
was left but to prosecute it with vigor on our part. Up and until
all social and political relations ceased between the secession
leaders and myself, I had often warned them that the North would
rise to a man against them if such an assault were made. No
alternative seems now to be left but to prosecute hostilities
until the seceding States shall return to their allegiance, or
until it shall be demonstrated that this object, which is nearest
my heart, cannot be accomplished. From present appearances it
seems certain that they would accept no terms of compromise short
of an absolute recognition of their independence, which is
impossible. I am glad that General Scott does not underrate the
strength of his enemy, which would be a great fault in a
commander. With all my heart and soul I wish him success. I think
that some very unfit military appointments have been made, from
which we may suffer in some degree in the beginning, but ere long
merit will rise to its appropriate station. It was just so at the
commencement of the war of 1812. I was rejoiced at the appointment
of General Dix, and believe he will do both himself and the
country honor.

In passing North or South, I should be most happy if you would
call and pay us a visit at Wheatland. You shall receive a most
hearty welcome, especially if you should be accompanied by your
lady and Miss King.

With my kindest regards to them, I remain, very respectfully,

Your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

P.S.—Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to Mr., Mrs. and
Miss King.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

Your favor with the continuation of the historical sketch was duly
received. Last evening Judge Black and General Dix met at my
house, and we consulted together in regard to it. We concur in
opinion that a publication at present would accomplish no good.
The public mind is too much excited on other topics to give
attention to the past, and it would only afford occasion for fresh
malignant attacks upon you from ——. His day, I think, is rapidly
passing; and, at all events, a stronger impression will hereafter
be produced when the public feeling is more tranquil. The
narrative appears to me to be a clear and accurate statement of
the events of the period to which it relates, with one exception
of no material consequence, in respect to which the recollection
of Judge Black, General Dix and myself is somewhat different from
the statement. Speaking of the order to the Brooklyn not to
disembark the forces sent to Pickens unless that fort were
attacked, you mention it as having been made with the entire
unanimity of your cabinet and the approval of General Scott. That
he approved it is fully shown by Mr. Holt’s note to you; but our
recollection is that in the cabinet it was opposed by Judge Black,
General Dix and myself. I do not know that there is now any reason
to question the wisdom of the measure; it may have saved Pickens
from immediate attack at that time; and I have understood that
General Scott says that Pickens could not have been successfully
defended if it had then been attacked, and that he speaks of this
as a blunder of the Confederates. In this view the wisdom of the
measure is fully vindicated; and at the time it was supported by
the Secretary of War and Secretary of the Navy, to whose
Departments the subject appertained.

So far, however, as your administration is concerned, its policy
in reference to both Sumter and Pickens is fully vindicated by the
course of the present administration for forty days after the
inauguration of Lincoln. No use was made of the means that had
been prepared for reinforcing Sumter. A Republican Senator
informed me a short time ago that General Scott personally urged
him to consent to the evacuation of both Sumter and Pickens; and
it is a fact of general notoriety, published in all the papers at
the time and never contradicted, that not only the General, but
other military men who were consulted, were in favor of that
measure.

Whatever may be said by ——’s malignity now, I think that the
public will be disposed to do full justice to your efforts to
avert the calamity of civil war; and every month for a long time
to come will, I am afraid, furnish fresh evidence of the magnitude
of that calamity. The impression that Mr. Weaver had received an
army appointment proved to be a mistake; it was another Weaver who
was appointed. General Dix is still here. He has been shamefully
treated by the administration. We are expecting a general battle
to be commenced at Fairfax to-day, and conflicting opinions of the
result are entertained. With sincere regard, I remain as ever,

Truly yours,
EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, July 26, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

Three days ago I received the enclosed letters, under cover
addressed to me. Upon reading the first sentence, I perceived
there must be some mistake, and turning over the leaf saw that the
address was to Judge Black, and I therefore return them unread. I
should have handed them to him, but have not seen him since they
were received, and am informed that he left here some days ago.

The dreadful disaster of Sunday can scarcely be mentioned. The
imbecility of this administration culminated in that catastrophe;
an irretrievable misfortune and national disgrace never to be
forgotten are to be added to the ruin of all peaceful pursuits and
national bankruptcy, as the result of Lincoln’s “running the
machine” for five months.

You perceive that Bennett is for a change of the cabinet, and
proposes for one of the new cabinet Mr. Holt, whose opposition to
Bennett’s appointment was bitter and intensely hostile. It is not
unlikely that some change in the War and Navy Departments may take
place, but none beyond those two Departments until Jeff Davis
turns out the whole concern. The capture of Washington seems now
to be inevitable; during the whole of Monday and Tuesday it might
have been taken without any resistance. The rout, overthrow, and
utter demoralization of the whole army is complete. Even now I
doubt whether any serious opposition to the entrance of the
Confederate forces could be offered. While Lincoln, Scott, and the
cabinet are disputing who is to blame, the city is unguarded, and
the enemy at hand. General McClellan reached here last evening.
But if he had the ability of Cæsar, Alexander, or Napoleon, what
can he accomplish? Will not Scott’s jealousy, cabinet intrigues,
and Republican interference thwart him at every step? While hoping
for the best, I cannot shut my eyes against the dangers that beset
the Government, and especially this city. It is certain that Davis
was in the field on Sunday, and the secessionists here assert that
he headed in person the last victorious charge. General Dix is in
Baltimore; after three weeks’ neglect and insult he was sent
there. The warm debate between Douglas’s friend Richardson and
Kentucky Burnett has attracted some interest, but has been
attended with no bellicose result. Since this note was commenced,
the morning paper has come in, and I see that McClellan did not
arrive last night, as I was informed he had. General Lee was after
him, but will have to wait a while before they can meet.

Yours truly,
EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, August 31, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I am sorry that any cause has prevented you from paying me a
visit. I trust your kind purpose will not be long suspended. The
memory of your last visit causes Miss Lane and myself to be
anxious that it should be repeated. I rejoice to learn that you
and yours are all in good health. May this precious blessing be
long continued to you and them.

I agree with you that nothing but a vigorous prosecution of the
war can now determine the question between the North and the
South. It is vain to talk of peace at the present moment. The
Confederate States, flushed with their success at Bull’s Run,
would consent to nothing less than a recognition of their
independence, and this is impossible to grant under any
conceivable circumstances. I have much faith that General
McClellan is “the coming man.”

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[HON. RICHARD COBDEN TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

MIDHURST, SUSSEX, Sept. 5, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

It is rather more than two years since I had the pleasure of
seeing you, and in that interval, what events have occurred!

I think it is no exaggeration to say that there are few Americans
who have been more deeply and painfully interested than myself in
the deplorable civil conflict which is now raging on your
continent.

The subject is so distressing to my feelings, that I avoid as much
as possible all correspondence with my American friends. But after
the friendly reception which I experienced from you at Washington,
I should be sorry if our intimacy were to be impaired owing to any
neglect on my part. I have been abroad nearly the whole time since
my return from the States, chiefly in France and Algiers, but am
now settled down at home. My health is improved, and if I can be
quiet and avoid public meetings, I hope to continue to escape from
a return of my bronchial affection.

I hope you are well, and that you will be good enough to let me
hear from you. Or if you cannot find time to write, pray let me
have a letter from my amiable young friend, your niece, to whom I
beg to be most kindly remembered.

I will not enter on the subject of your domestic troubles. My
experience in our Crimean war led me to the conclusion that from
the moment when the first drop of blood is shed reason and
argument are powerless to put an end to war. It can only be
terminated by its own self-destroying and exhaustive process.

This, however, I will say, that of all the questions ever
subjected to the ordeal of battle, that which is the ground of
quarrel between the Northern and Southern States of your Union
seems the least adapted for the arbitrament of the sword.

I feel very anxious that nothing should arise to put in jeopardy
the relations between England and your country.

I remember listening with great satisfaction to General Cass,
whilst I was at Washington, when he narrated to me the
satisfactory settlement of the various questions in debate between
the two countries, and I will venture to offer the opinion that
history will do justice to the successful foreign policy of your
administration. (It would be very presumptuous in me, a foreigner,
to pass judgment on your internal policy.)

Should it happen that you are in communication with General Cass,
will you kindly remember me to him?

The subject of the blockade is becoming more and more serious. I
am afraid we have ourselves to blame for not having placed the
question of belligerent rights on a better footing. I remember
that after the Congress of Paris had agreed to abolish
privateering, Mr. Marcy proposed to go a step further, and exempt
private property altogether from capture. This was objected to, I
believe, by our government; afterwards, I remember, your
newspapers advocated the abolition of blockades altogether. I have
the impression that your government, I mean your Presidency, would
have agreed to the Paris declaration, with the addition of a
clause for making private property (not contraband of war) sacred
at sea, and another clause doing away with blockades altogether,
excepting as regards articles contraband of war—am I correct in
this supposition?

Mr. Bright is well, but, like myself, feels your civil war almost
with the sorrow of a private affliction.

Mr. Milner Gibson is on a yachting excursion. He has grown a
little stouter and somewhat grey with the cares of office.

Believe me, yours very sincerely,
R. COBDEN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO HON. GEORGE G. LEIPER.]

WHEATLAND, September 4th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have this morning received your favor of yesterday. I rejoice to
learn that when you visit me you will be accompanied by two of
your grand-daughters; and the sooner the better. We shall give you
and them a most cordial welcome.

In regard to any public use of the opinions expressed in my
letter, in favor of the prosecution of the war, I would rather,
for the present, you would withhold them. Of course I have kept no
copy and know not how they are expressed. Every person who has
conversed with me knows that I am in favor of sustaining the
Government in a vigorous prosecution of the war for the
restoration of the Union. An occasion may offer when it may be
proper for me authoritatively to express this opinion for the
public. Until that time shall arrive, I desire to avoid any public
exhibition.

When a private letter of mine was published some time since,
condemning the desertion of the flag by the officers of the army
and the navy, you know it was made the occasion to abuse me by the
Black Republican papers. Knowing our relations of intimate
friendship, it would be said that we had concocted a plan to bring
me before the public in self-defence in an indirect manner.

Ever your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[JUDGE BLACK TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, September 9th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

There seems to be a dead pause here in everything but making
appointments and contracts. If there is to be a battle, nobody
knows it, not even those who are to fight it, unless by
conjecture. But it is not easy to see how it can be avoided very
long. The ground that Beauregard leaves McClellan to stand upon is
getting narrower every day. But each has a wholesome fear of the
other. It is terrible enough to think of the momentous interests
at stake upon the issue. And that issue may be determined by the
state of the weather, the condition of the ground, or the
slightest blunder of an officer.

Mrs. Gwynn, it seems, was not arrested. I told you I did not
believe either that she had been arrested or given the cause of
accusation which was alleged against her. It was another lady of
the same name—Mrs. Gwynn of Alexandria—who sewed up plans and
documents in shirts, unless, indeed, the whole story is a fable
invented by that “perfectly reliable gentleman” who has been
engaged in furnishing lies for the newspapers as far back as I can
remember.

Mr. Glossbrenner furnished me a fair copy of the _paper_ before I
left York. I shall soon have it in shape. I have already made some
progress in it.

My regards to Miss Lane, and believe me

Yours truly,
J. S. BLACK.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. JOHN B. BLAKE.]

WHEATLAND, September 12th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your kind favor of the 7th instant, and owe you
many thanks for it, as well as for Mr. Stanton’s report. It puts
to rest the assertion that a single columbiad or cannon ever
reached the Southern States in 1860 or 1861, and they are not
fighting us with our own weapons. Floyd’s order was arrested
before its execution. About the small arms, there does not appear
to be any thing out of the usual course of administration and
distribution. They were ordered there so long ago as December,
1859.

I have never received the bound copies of the Public Documents of
the 35th Congress, though I recollect that Mr. Glossbrenner or
some other person told me before I left Washington that Mr.
Wheeler was boxing them up for me. I expect to see Mr. G. in a few
days, and shall inquire of him.

I owe you very many thanks for the order you have obtained from
Mr. Smith for the documents of the 36th Congress; and please to
present my kind regards to Mr. Kelly.

We must, I presume, soon hear of a battle or of a retreat of the
Confederate forces. Our all is embarked on board a ship which is
approaching the breakers. This is no time to investigate why she
was brought into this sad condition. We must save her by an united
effort. We must prosecute the war with the utmost vigor. May God
grant us a safe deliverance and a restoration of the Union!

Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you.

Your friend always,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

P.S.—Pardon me for having omitted to acknowledge your favor of the
8th August, in answer to mine of the 5th. General Twiggs has sent
me another insolent and threatening letter, in which he exults in
the fact that my likeness had been ordered from the Rotunda. I
know not know what will become of it. It is condemned as a
likeness by good judges.[175]

Footnote 175:

[MR. HOLT TO MR. WM. B. REED.]

(Private.) WASHINGTON, September 16th, 1868.

DEAR SIR:—

I did not at once reply to your note of the 11th instant, because
of a belief that a copy of the order dismissing Twiggs would
answer your purpose. Learning, however, from a telegram in the
hands of Doctor Blake that you prefer I shall respond formally to
your inquiry, I have done so. Should you make any public use of
this communication, I beg that you will see personally to a
correction of the proofs.

If you will examine Mr. Buchanan’s correspondence you will
probably find one or more abusive letters from Twiggs on the
subject of his dismissal. They might assist you in establishing
“the truth of history.”

Very respectfully your obedient servant,
J. HOLT.

P.S.—The Government did all in its power to protect itself from
Twigg’s meditated treachery by relieving him from his command, _as
soon as its apprehensions in regard to him were excited_, and if
it failed it was because, owing to the disturbed condition of the
country, the order was slow in reaching him, and because when it
did reach him, availing himself of the temporary absence of his
successor, _he disobeyed the order and surrendered a Department of
which he had no longer the command_.

J. H.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.]

WHEATLAND, September 18, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I am gratified to learn, by your favor of the 13th, that your
visit here was agreeable to yourself and Miss King, and we,
therefore, trust that it may be soon repeated. I need not say that
both Miss Lane and myself will be most happy to see you both
again, and give you a cordial welcome.

You recollect the correspondence between Mr. Holt and Mr.
Thompson. The last letter of Mr. Thompson to Mr. Holt was
published in the tri-weekly _National Intelligencer_ of March
19th, 1861, and was dated at Oxford on March 11th. Mr. Holt, I
believe, replied to this letter; but, if so, I cannot find his
reply in the _Intelligencer_. I should be much obliged to you if
you could procure me a copy of this reply. Poor Thompson! He
committed a sad wrong against his country, from which he can never
recover. He had been the devoted friend and admirer of Mr. Holt,
but in the end he afforded just cause to that gentleman for his
severe answer.

How Mr. Holt came to be so far mistaken, in his letter of May 31st
to Kentucky, as to state that the revolutionary leaders greeted me
with all hails to my face, I do not know. The truth is that, after
the message of the 3d of December, they were alienated from me;
and, after I had returned the insolent letter of the first South
Carolina commissioners to them, I was attacked by Jefferson Davis
and his followers on the floor of the Senate, and all political
and social intercourse between us ceased. Had the Senate confirmed
my nomination of the 2d January of a collector of the port of
Charleston, the war would probably have commenced in January,
instead of May. I am collecting materials for history, and I
cannot find a note from Mr. Slidell to myself and my answer
relative to the very proper removal of Beauregard from West
Point.[176]

I think I must have given them to Mr. Holt. He was much pleased
with my answer at the time. If they are in his possession, I
should be glad you would procure me copies. They are very brief.
The ladies of Mr. S.’s family never after looked near the White
House.

I think I can perceive in the public mind a more fixed, resolute
and determined purpose than ever to prosecute the war to a
successful termination, with all the men and means in our power.
Enlistments are now proceeding much more rapidly than a few weeks
ago, and I am truly glad of it. The time has passed for offering
compromises and terms of peace to the seceded States. We well know
that, under existing circumstances, they would accept of nothing
less than a recognition of their independence, which it is
impossible we should grant. There is a time for all things under
the sun; but surely this is not the moment for paralyzing the arm
of the national administration by a suicidal conflict among
ourselves, but for bold, energetic and united action. The
Democratic party has ever been devoted to the Constitution and the
Union; and I rejoice that, among the many thousands that have
rushed to their defence in this the hour of peril, a large
majority belong to that time-honored party.

I sat down to write you a few lines, but find that my letter has
swelled into large proportions.

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

Footnote 176:

See the correspondence, _ante_.

[FROM JOSHUA BATES.]

LONDON, September 20, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—