Chapter XXVIII (1)

1862-1864.

PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.

The residue of my task can be easily and best performed by tracing in his correspondence the course of Mr. Buchanan’s remaining years. As the letters quoted in the last chapter disclose, his tranquillity was disturbed only by his anxiety for the country, and by the attacks which were made upon his reputation. He lived through the whole of the war, through the first administration of Lincoln, the nomination of McClellan as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency, the second election of Lincoln, his assassination and the accession of President Johnson. The new and critical public questions that arose, the events that marked the wavering fortunes of the country, found him the same in feeling and opinion about the necessity for a complete suppression of all the military array of the Confederate States, and the restoration of the authority of the Federal Constitution. It would have been quite natural, if the mode in which he was treated had caused him to shut himself up in a stolid indifference to the success of the Federal arms. But his nature was too noble, his patriotism was too genuine, to allow the insults and injuries that were heaped upon him to affect his love for that Union in whose service forty years of his life had been passed. It is needless for me to enlarge upon the character of his patriotism; for it is attested by every sentiment and feeling that he was expressing from day to day in his most familiar and unpremeditated correspondence with his friends. But it is an important part of my duty to describe with accuracy the steps that he meditated and that he finally took, for the vindication of the course of his administration during the last five months of his term.

It has already been seen that soon after his retirement to Wheatland, he began to collect and arrange the materials for a defence; and that he was dissuaded from immediate publication by the friends who believed that he could not get the public ear. He withheld the publication of the book until the war was virtually over; and, in fact, he did not cause it to be published until some time after the Presidential election of 1864, for it was no part of his object to promote by it the immediate success of the Democratic party. What he meant to do was to leave behind him an exact and truthful account of his administration “on the eve of the rebellion.” The extent to which it obtained the public attention may be judged by the fact that five thousand copies of it were sold, mostly in the course of two years after its first publication, which was in the year 1866.[177] The sale was not as large as might have been expected, partly in consequence of the temper of the times, and partly because it was written in the third person, which made it a little less lively narrative than it might have been. But although his name was not put on the title page, the preface disclosed plainly that he was the author. It was entirely his own work. The style is clear and strong, and its accuracy has not been—indeed, it could not well be—seriously questioned. Its statements were chiefly founded on the public documents of the time to which they related, and the information furnished to him by the gentlemen of his cabinet who could assist his recollection. He did not make a direct use, by quotation, of those ample stores of proof which he held among his private papers, and which he left for the future use of his biographer.

Footnote 177:

The preface bears date in September, 1865; and the publishers
entered it for copyright in that year. But the imprint of the copy
which I have used bears date in the year 1866. Mr. Buchanan made
no arrangement with the publishers for any pecuniary profits on
this book, and never received any.

It will be seen from the letters which I am about to quote, that after the publication of this book, he intended to have prepared, under his own direction, a full biography, in justice, he said, to himself and the great men whom he had known and with whom he had acted. He continued through the remainder of his life to collect materials for this purpose. Various arrangements were made from time to time for carrying out this object, but none of them took effect, partly because of his increasing bodily infirmities, and partly because he could not have exactly the assistance that he needed. His intellectual faculties continued, as his correspondence abundantly shows, to be unimpaired to the last; and such was the tenacity of his memory, his vast experience, his fund of amusing as well as important anecdotes, and his thorough acquaintance with the politics of the time through which he had lived, that an historical work from his pen, or one written under his immediate direction, would have been of inestimable value. As it was, he collected a very great mass of materials for the elucidation of his own history and of the history of the country from 1820 to 1860. But these materials remained in an undigested state down to the time of his death; and when he executed his last will, he inserted in it a provision for the preparation of a biography, which did not take effect as he had designed, for a reason to which I have referred in the preface of the present work. He had acted history, had lived history, and he was eminently qualified to write history.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.]

WHEATLAND, January 3d, 1862.

MY DEAR HARRIET:—

I have received your favor of the 31st ultimo, directed to me as
the Hon. James Buchanan, and not ex-President Buchanan, which I
was glad to observe. In compliance with its request, I enclose you
a check......

There are things in Mr. Seward’s letter to Lord Lyons which will
furnish the British Government with a pretext to take offence, if
they so desire. When we determined to swallow the bitter
pill,[178] which I think was right, we ought to have done it
gracefully and without pettifogging.

No notice seems to have been taken of the publication of Mr.
Seward’s letter to Mr. Adams, of the 30th November. It may have
been well to write this letter, but to publish it under the
authority of the Government was unwise. It states: “I have never
for a moment believed that such a recognition [of the Confederate
States] could take place without producing immediately a war
between the United States and all the recognizing powers. I have
not supposed it possible that the British government could fail to
see this,” etc., etc. This will be treated as an impotent threat,
by that malignant anti-American journal, the _Times_, and possibly
by a portion of the British people.

You may tell Judge Roosevelt that I have been no little astonished
to find in the excellent _Journal of Commerce_ articles to prove
that the Federal Government possesses, under the Constitution, the
power to issue a paper currency and to make it a legal tender; and
this upon the principle that it has not been expressly prohibited.
They seem to have lost sight of the great principle that Congress
has no power except what is expressly granted or necessarily
implied.[179] Mr. Webster did once darkly intimate on the floor of
the Senate that Congress might authorize the issue of a paper
currency, and whilst it was opposed by the entire Democratic
party, it met no favor with the Whig party. Mr. Clay’s most
strongly urged argument against the Independent Treasury was, that
it might lead to a Government paper currency. I do not recollect
that in my day it was ever claimed, even by the most violent
consolidationist, that a creditor could be forced to take either
the paper of the Bank of the United States or the Government, in
payment of a debt. If the Judge has it convenient, I wish he would
look at my speech in favor of the Independent Treasury, delivered
in the Senate on 29th September, 1837......

Yours affectionately,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

Footnote 178:

The surrender of Mason and Slidell.

Footnote 179:

Mr. Buchanan must have referred to communications, not to
editorial opinions. The editorial views of the _Journal of
Commerce_ have always been opposed to the views which he
controverted.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO JUDGE WOODWARD.]

WHEATLAND, September 5th, 1863.

DEAR SIR:—

Until I received your note this morning, the fact that I had
written to you in July last had not for weeks recurred to my
memory. I expected no answer. I probably ought not to have written
at all on the subject of the Conscription Law. Had I reflected for
a moment that you were a Judge of the Supreme Court, as well as
the Democratic candidate for Governor, I should have refrained. My
abhorrence throughout life has been the mixing up of party
politics with the administration of justice. I perceived that in
New York the party were fast making the unconstitutionality of the
Conscription Law the leading and prominent point in the canvass,
and I wrote (I believe with good effect) to an able and
influential friend, guarding him against it, and referring to Mr.
Monroe’s opinion. At the same time it occurred to me that a word
of caution to you confidentially, _as a candidate, not as a
Judge_, might not be inappropriate.

I consider that on the result of your election vaster issues
depend, both for weal and for woe to our country, than on that of
any other gubernatorial canvass ever held in Pennsylvania. I am,
therefore, anxious for your success, and believe it will be
accomplished. My information, though not as extensive as in former
times, proceeds from honest and sound judging Democrats. It is
given voluntarily, and is generally, though not universally,
cheering.

I beg you not to answer this note.

Very respectfully yours,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO JAMES BUCHANAN HENRY.]

WHEATLAND, January 7, 1863.

MY DEAR JAMES:—

I have received your favor of the 5th instant, and am much
indebted to you for Mr. Adams’ oration. I send you the price.

Mr. Croswell has not written to me. It is now out of time for the
publication of an article in reply to Weed’s letter and the
election story. I do not believe that Mr. C. intends to publish
such an article; and I desire that nothing further should be said
to him on the subject. Let him do as he pleases.

I feel very solicitious about the course of Governor Seymour and
the New York Democracy. He will be surrounded by men of principle
in proportion to their interest. I know them well. I trust that
they may not produce a reaction. I have much confidence in
Governor Seymour himself, and regret that he has been obliged to
“back out” in regard to the Police Commissioners.

I owe you many thanks for your kind letter of the 24th ultimo. I
have been calm and tranquil under the abuse I have received, and
would be positively happy were it not for the troubles of the
country. I am much indebted to General Scott for his attack. My
vindication against his charges has been of great service to me
throughout the country south and west of New York. Of this I have
daily evidence. My statements have not, to my knowledge, been
attacked even by the Republican papers. I have no confidence in
the ——, knowing by whom it is controlled. But all things will, at
last, come right.

. . . . . . .
.

Harriet Buchanan is still here, but will return home to-morrow.

“The two Pollies” and Miss Hetty send you their kindest regards.

Yours affectionately,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.]

WHEATLAND, January 11, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received yours of the 9th instant, and can assure you I do
not entertain the least idea of making any publication at present,
but shall remain where you have placed me, on the rock of St.
Helena. I am content to bide my time, and not even give to the
world the official documents which I have collected and arranged,
although they would place me above reproach.

I think, under all the circumstances, the administration acted
wisely in surrendering Mason and Slidell. I say nothing of the
accompanying despatch of Seward or of the publication of his
letter to Mr. Adams.

Miss Lane has not yet returned from New York, and I know not when
to expect her.

From your friend always,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.]

WHEATLAND, January 28, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favor of the 23d instant, and had heard from
Miss Lane on the subject of the slippers. She has not yet returned
from New York. I desire to repeat my warm thanks to Miss King for
her valued token of regard.

I have just read the rhapsody of —— over the appointment of Mr.
Stanton......

I do most earnestly hope that our army may be able to do something
effective before the 1st of April. If not, there is great danger,
not merely of British, but of European interference. There will
then be such a clamor for cotton among the millions of operatives
dependent upon it for bread, both in England and on the continent,
that I fear for the blockade.

From my heart I wish Stanton success, not only for his own sake,
but that of the country. He is a great improvement on his
immediate predecessor. I believe him to be a truly honest man, who
will never sanction corruption, though he may not be quite able to
grapple with treason as the lion grapples with his prey. I would
rather he had not retained the assistant of the late Secretary and
appointed another of the same; but they are both keen and
energetic.

With my kindest regards to Mrs. King and Annie Augusta, I remain,
very respectfully,

Your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. JOHN A. PARKER.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 3, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favor of the 28th ultimo, and was grateful to
learn that you had arrived safely in New York. I am sorry to
believe that a letter from me would do you no good at Washington.
Nevertheless, it is proper I should state that when South
Carolina, in 1850 or 1851, invited Virginia to coöperate with her
in the adoption of secession measures, you were active and
efficient in procuring the passage of resolutions by the General
Assembly of your State, refusing to comply with the invitation. I
know that you went to Richmond for this purpose, on the advice of
the late Colonel King and myself, and I learned at the time, from
reliable sources, that you contributed much in producing this
happy result. I do not recollect the precise terms of the
resolutions either of South Carolina or Virginia.

Would that Virginia had persisted in this wise and patriotic
course! Had she done so, she might have become the happy
instrument of bringing back the cotton States and restoring the
Union. Her rash conduct in rushing out of the Union after these
States had, by assaulting and capturing Fort Sumter, commenced the
civil war, has done herself irreparable injury, as well as
inflicted a great calamity upon the whole country.

What have been your opinions concerning secession after 1851, and
until you left the United States, I cannot state, though I have no
reason to doubt their loyalty. You certainly never expressed any
different sentiment to me in all our intercourse. I need not say
that I am wholly ignorant of your present opinions or purposes on
this subject.

I need not assure you that it would afford me sincere satisfaction
to serve you. In case of need, I would advise you to appeal to Mr.
Lincoln himself. He is, I believe, an honest and patriotic man,
with a heart in the right place. The bad health of Mrs. Parker
will be a prevailing argument with him in favor of permitting you
to return to your family, after more than a year’s absence in the
public service, unless powerful reasons should exist against such
a permission.

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 10, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favor of the 5th instant. Glad as I would
have been to see Mr. Carlisle and yourself during the last week, I
was almost satisfied you did not come. The weather was very
unfavorable, and besides _mirabile dictu_! I had a sharp onset
from the gout. Your visit, I hope, will not be long delayed. The
birds already begin to sing at early morn, and the willows are
assuming the livery of spring.

And, so, Mr. Pearce thinks it is a matter of no importance that I
should go down to history as having put my hand into the Treasury
and drawn out $8000 more than was appropriated, to gratify my
personal vanity in furnishing the White House. Thus the fact
stands recorded in the proceedings of Congress, and in the debate
in the House it is made, by Mr. Stevens, a precedent for allowing
Mr. Lincoln to draw from the Treasury $11,000 more than was
appropriated. This is the staple of Mr. Stevens’s argument, the
Representative from my own district. And does Mr. Pearce suppose,
in opposition to these uncontradicted statements before the Senate
and the House, that any man will ever pore over the appropriation
bills to correct the error? Alas for craven fear!

Although I shall never again become an active politician I intend
to take care of Mr. Bright, should there be any necessity for it,
as I think there never will be. His day in Indiana was passed
before his last election to the Senate, if election it could be
fairly called. He can no longer block the way against the
elevation of such able, eloquent, and rising men as Mr. Voorhees.

In any other state of public affairs than the present, the
gentlemen of the cabinet referred to by Thurlow Weed would have
immediately contradicted his charge. Had it even been true, then
their honor would have required this. Since the origin of the
Government there has been no case of violating cabinet confidence
except one, and the great man who was betrayed into it by violent
prejudice was destroyed. It is moral perjury, and no cabinet could
exist if the consultations were not held sacred. The charge of
Thurlow Weed is, therefore, in effect, that some one member of the
cabinet has disclosed to him a cabinet secret, and authorized him
to publish it to the world. General Dix, now at the head of the
police in Baltimore, though worthy of a better place, is one of
the _dramatis personae_, though he was not in the cabinet until a
considerable time after Floyd had resigned. The very day after the
explosion in regard to Indian bonds, I informed Mr. Floyd, through
his relative, Mr. Breckinridge, that I would expect him to resign.
He did so, and informed me that Floyd appeared to be very much
struck with the information. Up until that time Floyd had been
uniformly opposed to the secession party. The escape of Major
Anderson, two or three days thereafter, from Fort Moultrie to Fort
Sumter at midnight, first spiking his cannon and burning his gun
carriages, afforded Floyd an opportunity, as he supposed, to
expire in a blaze of glory.

I am at a loss to know what to do in this matter. I know the enemy
wish to draw my fire in a straggling manner. I wish it, at once,
to embrace and refute the whole line of charges, and I know that
when the entire truth is told my enemies will be confounded, and
by the blessing of God I shall be safe at every point. I shall
decide nothing for two or three days. I may hear from some member
of the cabinet implicated. It would be strange if General Dix
should patiently submit to the charge, though not a member of the
cabinet at all at the time. You may read this letter to our friend
Carlisle, and converse with him on the subjects, of course,
confidentially.

Miss Lane desires to be very kindly remembered to you.

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

P.S.—I forgot to observe that the escape of Major Anderson from
Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter took place on Christmas night, 1860,
but Weed has it in February, 1861. Floyd left the cabinet in
December.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 10th, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favor of the 6th, and am rejoiced that Annie
Augusta is about to be married, with your approbation. I need not
say how heartily I wish that she may be happy......

That Stanton is an able and an honest man there can be no doubt. I
wish him success with all my heart and soul, and he promises very
fairly......

Apropos—you speak of Bright’s expulsion from the Senate. I will
copy a letter which I have just written to Senator Saulsbury, who
sent me his speech upon the subject.

“(Private.)

“MY DEAR SIR:—

“Many thanks for your able speech on the expulsion of Mr. Bright.
I have read it with much interest. The question was purely
judicial, and ought to have been so considered. Still, even in
this point of view, there was room for honest differences of
opinion. Whilst I had reason to believe at the time that Mr.
Bright sympathized with the ultras of the cotton States in
condemning my absolute refusal, in December, 1860, on the demand
of the self-styled commissioners from South Carolina, to withdraw
the troops from South Carolina, yet I had no idea, until I read
his letter and late speech, that he remained in the same state of
feeling after the inauguration of the hostile Confederacy.

“I had always entertained the warmest friendship for Mr. Bright,
and manifested this on every proper occasion whilst I was
President, and therefore felt deep sorrow when I saw the letter to
the President of that Confederacy, recommending a gentleman whose
business it was to dispose of a great improvement in fire-arms;
and this it now appears, was so much a matter of course with him,
that he has forgotten he had ever written such a letter.”

I thank you for the extract from the _Star_ containing an account
of Mrs. Lincoln’s party. I am glad there was no dancing. I had
refused this, even on the carpet, to the earnest request of the
Prince of Wales. The reasons are obvious why balls should not be
given in the White House.

Your conversation with Stevenson was strange. If there be any
member of Jeff Davis’s cabinet in favor of reconstruction, Hunter
must be the man.

I trust that our late victories may be the prelude to those more
decided, and that ere the spring opens we may be in such a
condition as to afford no pretext to England and France to
interfere in our domestic affairs.

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. BOYD.]

(Private.)

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 17, 1862.

MY DEAR MADAM:—

I was happy to receive your note of the 10th instant. It reminded
me of earlier and happier times, which I trust may speedily
return. If I could be instrumental in restoring peace to the land
in the manner you suggest, or in any other manner, this would fill
my heart with joy. But I see not what can now be done by any man
in the North. The Confederate States commenced this unhappy war
for the destruction of the Union, and until they shall be willing
to consent to its restoration, there can be no hope for peace. We
should hail their return under the Constitution with delight. But
the idea of a recognition of their independence, and a consequent
dissolution of the Confederacy which has rendered us prosperous
and happy in peace and triumphant and glorious in war, cannot be
entertained for a moment. This would be the death knell of their
own safety and welfare, and would destroy the prestige and
character of our country throughout the world.

With every wish for your happiness, I remain, very respectfully,

Your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. STANTON.]

(Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February
25, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have thought it a duty of friendship to inform you that the two
letters which you describe in yours to me of the 16th May last, to
wit: that of “the 24th of April, the day after the Baltimore
riot,” and that written “on the Blue Tuesday, the day before the
arrival of the New York regiments,” never reached me. I hope they
may not be in improper hands.

I deem it my right to ask for a copy of the orders issued by the
Secretary of War to the commander of the Brooklyn about the last
of January or beginning of February, 1861, by which the safety of
Fort Pickens was secured, together with the telegraphic despatch
which preceded them, addressed to Messrs. Hunter, Slidell and
Bigler (I believe), of the Senate. Your particular attention must
have been drawn to this subject a few days after the 4th of March,
1861, because in your letter to me of the 14th of that month you
state your recollection to be, that Mr. Holt and General Scott
concurred with me in that arrangement, which you say, “when
proposed in cabinet was approved by Judge Black and myself.”

Although you now belong to an administration which has manifested
intense hostility to myself, and whose organ, at least in this
State, is the _Philadelphia Press_, yet, notwithstanding our
changed relations, I wish you all the success and glory in your
efforts to conquer the rebellion and restore the Union, which your
heart can desire. If I might be permitted to intimate a word of
advice, it would be to write as little as possible for the public
eye. Let your actions speak for themselves, and so far as I can
judge, they have spoken loudly in your favor.

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 26th, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favor of the 21st instant, and owe you many
thanks for your prompt and successful attention to my requests.
You do all things well. It is strange that Mr. Fessenden should
have doubted as to the propriety and necessity of correcting his
assertion that I had expended $8000 more in furnishing the White
House than had been appropriated by Congress for this purpose.

I am very happy to learn that you intend to pay us a visit, and
this “before a great while;” and you were entirely correct in
informing our friend Carlisle that he would, also, receive a
cordial welcome. The sooner the better; but the country now
presents its most gloomy aspect. It is covered by snow, and this
is not sufficient to enable us to sleigh. In a day or two, I hope,
the snow will disappear. Please drop a line to me two or three
days before your departure from Washington, so that I may
certainly be at home on your arrival and send for you to
Lancaster......

Your interview with Stanton was entirely satisfactory. Whenever I
choose to dissipate all the slanders against my administration,
this can be done effectually. It is strange, passing strange, that
the barefaced falsehood of the stealing of arms by Floyd (who is
certainly no better than he ought to be), which was nailed to the
counter more than a year ago by the Report of the Committee on
Military Affairs from Mr. Stanton, should have been repeated again
and again, until it is now almost universally believed. I observe
in Colonel Maynadier’s letter, published in the _National
Intelligencer_, a statement of what is the truth in regard to
Floyd. He was persistently and openly opposed to secession and the
seceders, and was not on terms with their leaders until the
exposure of his connection with the abstracted bonds. Informed at
that time it was expected he should resign, he retired with a
flourish, under the assumed cover of being a violent secessionist
and therefore unwilling to remain longer in the cabinet.

Bright has got what he deserved, though the precedent may be and
doubtless is dangerous. He was thoroughly in league with Davis, or
at least in their hostility to myself. His attack upon me in his
speech was without any foundation, and was doubtless intended to
enlist Republican votes.

Miss Lane desires me to renew to you “the assurance of her
distinguished consideration.”

Ever your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

P.S.—Maynadier, in his letter dated February 3d, 1862, to the
Potter Committee, says: “He (Floyd) had recently published over
his own signature [this was probably about November, 1860], in a
Richmond paper, a letter on this subject [secession] which gained
him high credit at the North for his boldness in rebuking the
pernicious views of many in his own State.” I do not wish you to
hunt for this letter. Its worth would not be equal to the trouble.
It was, I believe, published in the _Richmond Examiner_, though
possibly the _Enquirer_. It would now be a great curiosity.
Nobody, I presume, in Washington, files these papers.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO JUDGE BLACK.]

WHEATLAND, March 4, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favor of the 1st instant, but, I regret,
without the opinion. I am happy to say you are entirely mistaken
in supposing that I suffer from low spirits. I am astonished at my
own health and spirits, and the zest with which I enjoy the calm
pleasures with which Providence has blessed me. It is true that I
regret I had not called the attention of the public nearly a year
ago to certain historical facts furnished by official documents,
which would have relieved me from imputations affecting my
character and, in some degree, that of my party; but I excuse
myself by the consideration that I was too unwell to suffer my
mind to play with a healthy and vigorous action. I am not at all
astonished to learn that _your_ “_views and mine are so far out of
accord_,” and that in my administration I first conceded too
much to the South, and afterwards too much to the present
administration. My policy was well matured, at least by myself,
and was clearly and distinctly presented in the messages of
December, 1860, and January 8th, 1861. From these I never
consciously swerved. The first was approved by every member of the
cabinet except Thompson and Cobb, and to the last I believe there
was no objection. After a full and careful review, I would not, if
I could, alter this policy in any particular. I should have been
glad could you have taken time to run your eyes over the paper
delivered to you by Mr. Glossbrenner, and to have informed me of
any mistakes which, in your judgment, I may have made in regard to
facts. Our opinions may be at variance, but I should be truly
sorry to present ourselves in opposition to each other in regard
to matters of fact.

As to my course since the wicked bombardment of Fort Sumter, it is
but a regular consequence of my whole policy towards the seceding
States. They had been informed over and over again by me what
would be the consequences of an attack upon it. They chose to
commence civil war, and Mr. Lincoln had no alternative but to
defend the country against dismemberment. I certainly should have
done the same thing had they begun the war in my time; and this
they well knew. I am not conscious that the bad conduct of the
South toward me, sustained, I believe, by Bright alone of the
Northern Senators, has prejudiced my judgment against them. He has
got his reward, though perhaps not in a very legitimate manner.

I hope you may be able to find the paper, the last sheets of which
were handed to you by Mr. Stanton. It would be a great loss to me.

On your postscript in relation to General Cass I shall not remark,
further than to say it is not in accordance with my recollection.

Notwithstanding our misunderstandings, I hope we may ever continue
to be friends. Towards you my heart is in the right place. If I
should publish against your advice, it will be because throughout
my life I have refuted slander on the spot, when worthy of
refutation, without regard to consequences. I think I owe this to
the Democracy of Pennsylvania, which is now exhibiting
unmistakable symptoms of a new and vigorous life, and indications
of a continued attachment to myself.

I presume I need scarcely invite you to pay me a visit. This I
promise, however, that if you will come and bring Mrs. Black
along, I shall not introduce any subject which will give you pain,
or on which we can possibly differ.

From your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO HON. ISAAC TOUCEY.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, March 19, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I cannot deny myself the pleasure of expressing the great
satisfaction I have felt in perusing your testimony before Hale’s
committee. I never saw it until a few minutes ago. I knew well how
unjust the charges were against you, and anticipated your
triumphant vindication whenever you should be called upon to make
it, and, therefore, it is not more conclusive than I had expected.

Forney set the report afloat that I was engaged in writing a
history of my administration, life, and times. There is no truth
in this; but it is true that I have collected and arranged the
necessary documents, which might be put in form at any moment, to
justify all my proceedings in regard to the South, since the
election of Mr. Lincoln. Your testimony alone was wanting to make
them perfect. I wish very much I could see you. I could scarcely
ask you to pay me a visit, unless you should take this on your
way, should you have occasion to visit Washington. I need not say
how cordial would be our welcome to Mrs. Toucey and yourself.

How strange have been the fortunes of your colleagues Holt, Dix,
and Stanton! I was somewhat mortified when Holt accepted an
auditorship under Cameron to investigate Fremont’s accounts. I
have a warm regard for General Dix, and think he deserves a better
place than the head of the Baltimore police, where he can acquire
no glory. I wish he were in the field at the head of a proper
command.

My health is excellent, considering my age and late severe
illness. I am contented, and should enjoy myself very much but for
the troubles of the country; still my spirits are cheerful. After
a careful review of all that I have done, or omitted to do, since
the unfortunate 6th of November, 1860, I can lay my hand on my
heart, and say that I have nothing to repent of. Our constant
agreement in all important measures is a solace and comfort, and
endears you to me in a peculiar manner. May you and yours be ever
prosperous and happy.

With my warm and respectful regards to Mrs. Toucey, as well as
those of Miss Lane, I remain,

Your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.]

WHEATLAND, April 2, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your kind letter of the 31st ultimo. I had duly
received yours of the 20th, and ought to have answered it, but
truly had nothing to say. Besides, I excuse myself by the
agreeable anticipation that I expect soon to enjoy the pleasure of
seeing you.

I am glad you brought the attention of Judge Black to Weed’s
letter. I have heard from him since, and expect every day to see
him...... A statement was made by an official of Government in a
foreign newspaper, that they [members of my cabinet] had one after
the other offered me the grossest insult. Had such a scene
transpired in my cabinet, they should not have been in office
fifteen minutes. I do not distrust the friendship of Judge Black.
On the contrary, I have no doubt of his devoted attachment, but I
presume he is unwilling to stand alone in the contradiction of the
slander. General Dix might, perhaps, join him; but let it pass, my
time will come.

I am decidedly in favor of prosecuting the war with vigor to a
successful termination; but still I consider it bad policy
unnecessarily to exasperate the Southern people. The insult
offered to the memory of Mr. Calhoun, by changing the name of Fort
Calhoun to Fort Wool, will sink deep into the hearts of the people
of the cotton States—men, women, and children. It was my fortune
to differ from this great and pure man on many important
questions, but his character was so elevated that Clay and Webster
and others pronounced eulogies upon him in the Senate and in the
House after his decease. He died ten years before the commencement
of the troubles, and even before the compromise of 1850. I do not
think the administration will derive much honor from having
attainted his memory. But “_de gustibus non est disputandum_.” Had
he been living, I do not think we should be involved in our
present difficulties.

We live in the hope of soon seeing you. This is a charming spring
day, and the country begins to assume the livery of early spring,

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.]

(Private.) WHEATLAND, May 17, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I take the chance that this acknowledgment of the receipt of your
acceptable letter of the 15th may reach you before you leave for
New York. I wish you would pass this way either going to or
returning from that city; but this would be too much to ask. This
country is now clothed with rich and beautiful verdure. The next
time you come, and I trust this may be before long, pray bring
your trunk with you.

I have neither seen Judge Black nor heard from him since you left
us. I hope none of my friends will trouble him again about the
Thurlow Weed letter.

In all free countries, fidelity to the head of the government on
the part of the members of his cabinet, whilst belonging to his
political family, has ever been considered both a point of honor
and duty, and has rarely, if ever, been violated. Whilst at
liberty to contract new political engagements, if they should
betray to their new friends or the public what had transpired in
the old cabinet, without the consent of its head, they would be
held justly infamous. If, therefore, the statement made by Weed
were as true as it is infamously false, the irresistible
implication would be that he had received the information from a
member of the cabinet, and thus all of those implicated would be
exposed to the charge until it was brought home to the guilty
individual.

Thurlow Weed is understood to be an agent of the Government. To
serve them he abandoned his position as head of the lobby in the
New York legislature and went to Europe. Whilst in London, he
publishes a letter in a London journal and attaches his own name
to it, stating that Messrs. Stanton, Holt, Dix and Black had
grossly insulted me in cabinet council, and had used expressions
to me which, if true, would have caused their instant removal. Is
this falsehood, proceeding from a _quasi_ official source,
contradicted by any of them?..... Notwithstanding all, I except
Judge Black. I believe his heart is in the right place......

Miss Lane intends to leave here for New York on Thursday next, and
will be at James Henry’s. She would be much gratified to meet you
there.

I fear the carriage is a bad speculation.

From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO MR. LEIPER.]

WHEATLAND, May 27, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favor of the 22d, and am always rejoiced to
learn that you are healthy and happy. Neither of us can say:—

“That in our youth we never did apply
Hot and rebellious liquors to our blood,”

though, with the blessing of Providence, we both enjoy “a green
old age.” If we have not been abstemious, we have been temperate,
and used the blessings in our way without abusing them.

Miss Lane is now absent. She left here on Thursday last on a visit
to her uncle at Oxford Church, and her cousin, James B. Henry, on
Staten Island. You always live in her kind memory.

I feel more and more deeply every day for the sad condition of our
country. May the Almighty Governor of the world pardon the
national sins and corruptions of this people, and restore the
Constitution and the Union, and perpetuate our civil and religious
liberties! Without His interposition, I can see no determinate end
to our troubles.

My health is as good as usual. Ever your friend,

Very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MISS SEATON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, June 23, 1862.

MY DEAR MR. BUCHANAN:—

My father, at my request, allows me to be his deputy in
acknowledging, with many thanks, your kind and interesting
letter relative to the graceful note and gift from the Prince of
Wales. He desires me to say that he thinks it would be well to
publish the Prince’s letter, as the fact of your having received
it has been made public; while the cordial and friendly
sentiment expressed by the Prince for the American people, and
for yourself as their chief, would undoubtedly be welcomed by
the country. My father thinks that, so far from there being any
impropriety in making the letter public, justice to the Prince
seems rather to make it necessary; and he will be happy to make
the _Intelligencer_ the medium of communicating it, should you
so desire. Pray let him know, or, rather, may I not say, let
_me_ be the recipient of your decision, for I have not yet had
the pleasure of placing your autograph among my otherwise
valuable collection, where it would hold, I need not say, a
choice place, not only from the warm personal regard I entertain
for you, dear Mr. Buchanan, but from the fact that I consider
you the last constitutional President we shall ever see. At a
moment when passion whirled the country to frenzy, you had the
true courage to refrain—to abide within the limits marked out by
the Constitution for the Executive. Were you still with us, I
for one believe that we should not now be engaged in this
fearful fratricidal strife. Let me not, however, enter upon this
saddest of themes; how sad you, in your peaceful home, can
hardly conceive; and you and Miss Lane may congratulate
yourselves at not being made unhappy by the sight of a conflict
which has uprooted society here, separated friends and families,
severed the dearest ties. Your reign was a peaceful one; would
that it were just beginning.

I am glad to assure you of the continued health of my parents, who
are in the possession of all that makes old age valuable—love,
reverence, and troops of friends, among whom they have so long
numbered you as one best appreciated. We rejoice to learn that you
bear the honors of your years so well, and I trust that you may
continue to possess the blessing of my father’s activity and
youthfulness of spirits, which are a marvel to us all, although
his next birthday will ring out seventy-seven! I hope that Miss
Lane is still as lovely and charming as I always thought her. Tell
her that when —— sailed last week for England, I regretted that he
was not accompanied by one whom I should be well pleased to see
our representative just now at Balmoral.

I suppose we can hardly expect ever to see you here; yet I hope
that we may meet again; but if not, your sweet message induces me
to think that I shall be still kindly remembered. Pray let it be
so. What a volume I am sending you; can you pardon me for such an
infliction?

With warm regards to yourself from my parents, and my cordial
remembrance to Miss Lane, believe me, dear Mr. Buchanan,

Always very sincerely yours,
JOSEPHINE SEATON.

The following is the letter of the Prince of Wales to Mr. Buchanan, referred to by Miss Seaton. It was written while the Prince was on his travels in the East. The full length portrait of himself, which accompanied it, painted by Sir John Watson Gordon, remained at Wheatland until Mr. Buchanan’s death. It is now the property of Mr. Johnston.

[THE PRINCE OF WALES TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

JAFFA, March 29, 1862.

DEAR MR. BUCHANAN:—

Permit me to request that you will accept the accompanying
portrait as a slight mark of my grateful recollection of the
hospitable reception and agreeable visit at the White House on the
occasion of my tour in the United States.

Believe me that the cordial welcome which was then vouchsafed to
me by the American people, and by you as their chief, can never be
effaced from my memory.

I venture to ask you, at the same time, to remember me kindly to
Miss Lane, and believe me, dear Mr. Buchanan,

Yours very truly,
ALBERT EDWARD.

[MR. DERRICK TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 5, 1862.

DEAR SIR:—

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
2d inst., enclosing a check for $100, as a contribution to the
fund for the Pennsylvania Soldiers’ Relief Association, and to
express to you the thanks of the committee of that association,
appointed to solicit contributions, for your very liberal and
unsolicited donation. I am, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,
A. H. DERRICK.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. WM. FLINN.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 12, 1862.

DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favor of the 10th instant, and you will
please to accept my thanks for the two missing numbers of the
_Globe_ and the _Congressional Directory_. Be good enough, also,
to present my acknowledgements to Mr. Shiel for the _Directory_,
and say I appreciate it highly as a token of his regard. By the
same mail I received a copy of the Blue Book under the frank of
Mr. Hunter, and directed in the handwriting of good Mr. Faherty. I
presume you caused this to be sent; but whether or not, you need
give yourself no further trouble in this matter.

Miss Lane regrets very much that she was not at home during your
visit, but hopes that it will not be long until you repeat it.

I am glad to learn that Miss Jones has made so good a match. I
hope her father may be prosperous and happy. I have not heard from
him nor of him since a few days after you left Wheatland.

I wish I had some news which might interest you. The suspense was
dreadful whilst the fight was proceeding near Richmond, and I felt
greatly relieved when I learned that General McClellan and our
brave army had escaped destruction. His strategy was admirable,
but I am at loss to know why he did not occupy his present
position from the beginning. Mystery yet hangs over the whole
affair, though I feel very confident that when all is unravelled
McClellan will be justified.

With my kindest regards to Mrs. Flinn, I remain always

Truly your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 12th, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have not answered your letter of the 1st instant, awaiting the
answer of Stackpole and Pierre; but as they have not yet come to
hand, I presume I need not expect them. I shall be right glad to
see them, though much obliged to you for your prudent caution.

I am glad to learn that Senator Wright talks of paying me a visit
on his return to Indiana. You may say to him that if he should, he
shall receive a cordial welcome.......

We felt the deepest anxiety during the fight before Richmond, and
I felt a heavy pressure removed from my heart when we learned that
McClellan and his brave army were safe. Without doubt his change
of position in the face of a superior army evinced great skill in
strategy; but why was the wrong position originally selected? I
still feel great confidence in McClellan, and with all my heart
wish him success. Still, there is a mystery in the whole affair
which time alone can unravel.

Please to remember me most kindly to Messrs. Carlisle and Riggs.
How happy I should be to see both, or either of them.......

Mr. Shunk was here a few days ago, who came from Judge Black’s in
company with our C. J. Lowry. The Judge had too bad a headache to
leave home, and therefore sent his son-in-law.

Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you.

From your friend always,
JAMES BUCHANAN.

[SIR HENRY HOLLAND TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

BROOK STREET, LONDON, July 18th, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Your letter, which I received through Lord Lyons, was very welcome
to me, as an expression of your friendship and regard—even the
more welcome, in this sense, from its coming amidst these
troublous and ungenial times, when all old feelings and relations
seem to be perverted or put aside. I scarcely know whether it is
more pleasurable or painful to look back to those few happy days
at Washington in October, 1860. Pray tell Miss Lane, with my
affectionate regards, that I have not written to her lately, from
a difficulty in writing at all to America during the present state
of things. No letter could be written without referring to them,
and no such reference could be made without pain; nor could any
comment be possible, where every issue to this unhappy struggle is
shrouded in such perfect darkness. I have letters now lying before
me from Mr. Everett and Thurlow Weed (the latter dated as late as
the 5th July, from New York), and I see from both how completely
events have belied all calculation, and how little is seen, or can
safely be conjectured, as to the future. Lord Lyons, too, has been
breakfasting with me this morning, and we have been talking at
length over all the recent and present events of the cabinet at
Washington and the armies in the field. He professes the same
inability to form a judgment as to the issues of the war. The
universal opinion here is (and it has been mine from the very
outset) that it must end in separation, in some form or other, and
that the really important point now is, what shall be the border
line. I have the conviction (which I expressed in a former letter)
that the course followed during the last few months of your
Presidency was that best fitted to avert this misfortune, had it
been possible to do so. All succeeding events, even down to these
late terrible battles in front of Richmond, confirm me in this
impression. It was well worth the effort made to win the South
back, by gentle and generous means. The issue, thus far, shows how
completely an opposite course of action has failed of effect. I
will quit this subject, however, the rather so, as I have but a
few more minutes in which to write, and the mail goes to-day.

The Prince of Wales has returned from his long journey in Egypt,
Syria and Greece, in thorough health, and with great benefit in
every way. He has been a great comfort to the Queen since his
return. The Queen is in good health, but still deeply sorrowing
over what is hardly less a grief to the country than to herself.
She does her public work admirably, as usual, but wishes no public
appearances this year. I received from her, three days ago, two
beautiful and affecting volumes connected with the memory of the
Prince Consort. Your letter came to my hands while I was writing
to thank her for them.

We are all prosperous here, save the distress in the cloth
manufacturing districts, from the want of the raw material. It
seems likely that Parliament will have to make some provision
against the probable increase of this distress, as the year goes
on.

Last year I went to Constantinople, and Athens, and some parts of
Asia Minor. This year I shall first pay some visits in the extreme
north of Scotland (the Duke of Sutherland, Edward Ellis, etc.),
and then go into Spain. Lady H. and my daughter go to Switzerland
for a few weeks.

I must hasten to a close. Again let me ask you to keep me in Miss
Lane’s remembrance, and to believe me ever, my dear sir,

Yours very faithfully,
H. HOLLAND.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.]

WHEATLAND, July 25, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have received your favors of the 10th and 23d instants. Miss
Lane is greatly indebted to you for your photograph, which has
been placed in her book.