Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

I have nothing of any importance to add to my letter of Sunday,
everything remaining here precisely in the same state. It is
determined to proceed, after Thursday, without any further
adjournment. A Privy Council is summoned for to-morrow, to which
_all_ the Privy Councillors are summoned; those of the Royal Family
by letters from the Lord President. The physicians are ordered to
attend, and questions will be put to them, to which they will be
to give their answers on Wednesday. It is then meant, that on
Friday, the Lord President in the House of Lords, and Pitt in the
House of Commons, should communicate these questions and answers,
but not as a message, from the Privy Council. We hope that
Parliament will be disposed to proceed, without any inquiry, by
themselves; but on the ground of the examination of the Privy
Council, a Committee is then to be appointed to search precedents,
so that it will be more than a week from this day before the
propositions can formally be made. They will, I believe, be nearly,
if not exactly, the same as I have already stated them to you. The
point, on the prudence of which you had doubts, is of such absolute
necessity, that I am sure, by a very little conversation, I could
satisfy you in a moment that it must be taken care of. It is
intended to say of the whole plan, that it is merely temporary,
adapted to the present circumstances, when we are obliged to act
after the King has been ill a very short time, and when there is
much uncertainty with respect to the nature of his complaint, and
an absolute ignorance as to its probable duration; that if, under
different circumstances, and after a longer and more defined
illness, Parliament shall think it necessary to make other
arrangements, that power must rest with them, which cannot, indeed,
be taken from them. This would, I think, cure your difficulty.

Pray tell Bernard that the sooner he returns the better, and that I
will engage to find him full employment.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

I hope Bernard is not necessary to you in Ireland, because I think
he is already seriously wanted here. He will tell you for what.

THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM TO LORD BULKELEY.

Dublin Castle, Dec. 2nd, 1788.
MY DEAR BULKELEY,

Many thanks for your very interesting and affectionate
correspondence, which I have not neglected from inattention, but
from anxiety, and from business, which you can easily figure to
yourself, and as easily excuse. Much of your Windsor anecdotes had
reached me from other quarters; but I could not, without very
accurate information, have given credit to details so very
unpleasant as some of those which I have heard. The messenger, who
will deliver this to you, is going to London; but I was anxious
that he should leave this at Baronhill, as I think it may be
doubtful whether you know that the new system of government is to
be proposed at the next meeting of Parliament; and that unless the
King's health should vary materially after the 28th (my last date),
there was no idea of a further adjournment. My brother will
probably have written to you, to press your attendance, and, in
that case, this will find you in London, as I shall order the
messenger not to leave it at Baronhill; but, if it should reach you
in the country, let me implore you not to lose this (perhaps last)
occasion of paying a debt to our master, which every principle of
private honour and public duty must make sacred to us. The only
object to which I look is, not to private power or ambition, but to
the means of waking our unhappy King, at some future period, to the
use, not only of his reason, but of his power. How this is to be
secured I cannot, in my uninformed situation, pretend to say; but I
have the fullest confidence on this head in Mr. Pitt, and if I
could imagine that he could suffer a consideration of private
situation to interfere on such a question, I should despise him as
much as I now love him. I can have no doubt, that as soon as His
Royal Highness is possessed of the power of dismissing us, we
shall feel the full weight of it, and to that you will believe me
most indifferent; but the subsequent scene must, in all events, be
so interesting, that I must wish every assistance to Mr. Pitt that
friends and countenance can give him. If this should be realized, I
shall not be long absent from you; and perhaps our Christmas pies
may be too hot for the new Government, if their folly and
intemperance should urge them to the steps which those immaculate
Whigs, Lord Loughborough and Sheridan, may suggest. Adieu. I am
almost too late.

Ever yours,
N.B.

Robert and I have made our peace. Pray carry Sir Hugh with you.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 3rd, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

It is now past four o'clock, and I am but just returned from the
Privy Council. The whole number that attended was above fifty,
including Lord North, Lord Stormont, Lord Loughborough, &c., &c.
Fox was not there, being confined with a flux, which he has got by
the rapidity of his journey. None of the Royal Family attended. The
physicians who were examined, were Warren, Baker, Pepys, Reynolds,
and Addington. The general questions that were proposed to them
were three:

1. Whether the King is now incapable of attending to business?

2. What hopes do you entertain of his recovery?

3. What do you conjecture may be the probable duration of his
complaint?

These are not the precise words, but the substance. They all
answered the first question decisively, that he is now incapable,
&c.

To the second, Warren gave an ambiguous answer; but said that the
majority of persons afflicted with _all the different species_ of
this disorder, recovered. An explanatory question was put to him,
which it took about an hour and a half to settle; whether, as far
as experience enabled him to judge, he thought it more probable
that the King would or would not recover. To this he said that he
had not, and he believed no one else had, sufficient data to answer
that question.

All the rest stated, though in terms more or less strong, that the
probability is in favour of recovery.

The time, they all declared themselves unable to speak to.

A question was put to them, to show the degree of experience each
had had in these cases. That of the three first appeared not to be
great; that of Reynolds more; and Addington stated the particulars,
which you already know, about his house at Reading.

On the whole, I think the impression of the examination was
universally more favourable than was expected.

After the Council was formally broke up, Pitt proposed, in
consequence of some things which had been thrown out by Lord
Stormont and Lord Loughborough, that it should be understood, that
any proposal for further examination in Parliament should be
resisted. After some conversation, this was acceded to; and Monday
settled as the day when these papers are to be taken into
consideration. A Committee is then to be moved to search
precedents, so that the motion itself cannot come on till Friday,
or more probably Monday se'nnight.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 4th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

Lord Sydney sends off this messenger with the proceedings of
yesterday's Council. I write a few lines by him, because I know you
would wish to hear from me, although I have, in fact, nothing to
say.

Our situation continues exactly as it was. The prevailing idea
seems to be that of a general dismission, and of an immediate
dissolution of Parliament. How far the examinations of yesterday
may operate with respect to this, it is impossible to say; but I
thought the Opposition people seemed evidently struck and
disappointed with them. If they do dissolve Parliament in such a
moment as this, when the physicians concur in declaring the King's
recovery probable, I am persuaded the cry will be as strong as it
was in 1784.

There is a report, that before the Duke of Portland would consent
to have any communication with the Prince of Wales, he insisted on
an apology being made to him, for some very rough treatment which
he received at the time of the question of the debts; and that this
apology has been made. This, however, I give you only as a report,
for the truth of which I do not vouch.

I enclose you a pamphlet, which you may perhaps think worth
reprinting in Ireland.

I hear as yet of no rats, but I suppose a few days will bring some
to light; though I cannot help thinking that the examinations of
yesterday _donneront a penser a Messieurs les Rats_.

I have not heard from you for almost a fortnight, and am impatient
to know that you receive my accounts; and to hear your opinions
upon them as they arise.

Pray send Bernard back as soon as you can. I cannot guess what his
motive was, for persisting so strongly in wishing to undertake two
such journeys at this season of the year; but he assured me, that
he had no wish to stay any time in Dublin.

The list, which you will see in the "Morning Post," of the Council
is accurate. It makes a curious medley.

James is come to town, looking very sturdy. He is now with me; and
has no other message to send, except to wish you all safe home
again.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stratton Street, Dec. 5th, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,

When I came home yesterday afternoon from the House, I wrote the
enclosed minute of proceedings--a practice I shall continue to
pursue until we meet, for your satisfactory information.

As to news, it consists in the rumour of a general change in
Administration. I confess that so hasty a step as is generally
talked of and believed, comes not within the scope of credit which
my mind is framed to. Political wisdom suggests a multiplicity of
reasons why the Prince of Wales should not act precipitately--nay,
why Mr. Fox, &c., should not act precipitately; unless, indeed, to
embroil the times, and seek occasions of profit and power from
their turbulency and vicissitudes, may be the plot of some
desperate men of the party. Of authorities for intentions of
change, my best is Colonel Stanhope, who, coming from the Duke of
Portland's the day before yesterday, mentioned that the arrangement
of the new Administration was finally settled in everything; but,
"that they had not yet succeeded in persuading the Duke of
Devonshire to go to Ireland."

_A-propos_ of Ireland. Accustomed to speculate on historical
points, the _precedent_ seems to me eventful, indeed, on that side
of the water. The times, indeed, are perilous, and must be met
everywhere with wisdom and firmness. At all times, I am ever, my
dear Lord, in truest affection of friendship, your devoted and
obliged friend, &c.,

W. YOUNG.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 6th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I have great pleasure in being able to tell you that, in addition
to what you will have seen in the examination taken before the
Privy Council, a Dr. Willis, whose name you will probably have
heard, saw the King yesterday, and that his opinion is still more
favourable as to the prospect of recovery. I have but just seen
Pitt, who has been at Kew this morning, and saw Willis there. This
general information is all that he had then to mention; but if
there should be any particulars of any importance, I will let you
know them. I am much mortified by receiving half a dozen Irish
papers together this morning without a word from you, as the
speculations on your side of the water are by no means indifferent,
or uninteresting here.

The papers will have told you what passed in the two Houses. It was
too late for me to write; nor, indeed, was Viner's nonsense worth
sending. Fox looked ill, and spoke worse than I ever have heard
him. His object was to beat about, and feel the pulse of the House
with respect to further examination. I do not think he received
much encouragement; but they are so anxious to mend this part of
their case by cross-examining the physicians, that I am inclined to
think they will try it. This opinion of Willis's is some temptation
to us to allow it; but, on the whole, I think it better resisted.
I should be quite clear about it, if it was not from a fear that
some individuals may be caught by the notion of parliamentary
dignity, and that our first division may thereby be less favourable
than if it was taken on any direct question of party.

I send you a note which Wilberforce put into my hands. If the thing
cannot be done, pray send a separate and very civil letter about
it; because this Sir J. Coghill is one of his chief friends in
Yorkshire, and he particularly desires to be able to send him a
civil answer.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

The next day, immediately after this favourable report from a physician whose experience in this particular branch of practice gave great weight to his opinions, Thurlow began to veer round again to the Ministry. "Whatever object he might at one time have had in view," says Mr. Grenville, "he has now taken his determination of abiding by the present Government." Thurlow, in short, was exactly the man the King believed him to be, and always kept in the sun.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 7th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

There is nothing particularly worth mentioning to you with respect
to Willis, more than what I told you in my last letter. He
expressed himself very strongly to Pitt as to his hopes of the
King's recovery, and said that there was no symptom which he saw in
him, or could learn from the other physicians, which he had not
seen much stronger in other people who have recovered. He has, I
understand, already acquired a complete ascendancy over him, which
is the point for which he is particularly famous. He had the
boldness yesterday to suffer the King to shave himself in his
presence. The King was much more composed than he has ever been,
slept uncommonly well the night before last; said in the morning
that he found himself much better, for that Dr. Willis had settled
his mind; and was remarkably quiet the whole of yesterday. The
account this morning is also, I understand, very favourable. I have
just seen a man who saw a note of Willis's dated late last night,
in which he says that he is confident the King would do very well.
He is to continue entirely with him, and to have the complete
management of him. The other physicians are, however, to see him,
in order to keep him in bodily health.

It is quite ridiculous to see how angry the Opposition are at the
report of the physicians, and particularly at what Warren said,
which, I understand, was very different from what they had
expected. They go so far as to say, that if Fox had been present he
would not have dared to give such an evidence. They hope to mend it
by a subsequent examination before a Committee of the House: the
object of Willis being examined is so great, that I think we shall
consent to something of this sort. Not only his opinion will have
great weight, but it will also make the others very cautious what
they say in opposition to it.

The behaviour of the two Princes is such as to shock every man's
feelings. What do you think of the Duke of York's having a meeting
of the Opposition at his house on Thursday, before the House of
Lords met, and then going down there to hear the examinations read?
After that, they closed the day, by both going in the evening to
Brooks's. The truth is, that the Duke is entirely in his brother's
hands, and that the latter is taking inconceivable pains to keep
him so, in order that he may not see what a line is open to him if
he had judgment to follow it.

The assurances of support which Pitt receives from all quarters are
much beyond the expectations which we had formed. It is also clear
that, whatever object Thurlow might at one time have had in view,
he has now taken his determination of abiding by the present
Government, and supporting their measures with respect to the
Regency. I imagine that Lord Stafford and Lord Weymouth have
chiefly influenced his resolution--their line having been clear and
decided from the beginning.

On the other hand, there seems great reason to believe that the
Prince of Wales is inclined to go to all the lengths to which that
party are pushing him. They have for several days been spreading a
report that he has expressed a determination not to accept of the
Regency under any restrictions or in any manner at all short of
regal power; and that the Duke of York was commissioned by him to
have declared this on Thursday, if anything had been said that
could at all have led to it. The story of to-day is, that the three
Royal Dukes have assured him of their resolution to refuse it if
tendered to them on similar terms, and that they have authorized
Fox to say this in the House of Commons. There is no knowing what
sort of effect this may produce with respect to the measures of the
present moment: that must depend entirely on the sort of turn that
the people in general may take upon it at first. But it is very
evident that by such a step the Prince will do himself a permanent
mischief which he will never be able to repair, and which we shall
probably all of us have much reason to regret. It is quite clear
that, having once proposed these restrictions, as thinking them
necessary for the interest of the King (and on that ground only
could we propose them), no other motive whatever can be a
justification for abandoning them, as long as there can be found
one individual or set of individuals who will undertake to carry on
the Government, and as long as Parliament continues to think the
proposal right and equitable. What all this may produce, God only
knows. Our reliance can only be on the discharge of what we owe to
the King in gratitude and duty, and in the decided manner in which
we have put all considerations out of the question which can
personally affect our own interests.

In the midst of all this confusion, and while his sons and brothers
are struggling to gain entire possession of his authority, the King
may recover his reason. What a scene will present itself to him!
and how devoutly must he pray, if he is wise, to lose again all
power of recollection or reflection.

The struggle was now beginning in earnest between the Ministers and the Prince of Wales. The point at issue apparently narrowed itself to the restrictions; but there lay beneath this question of royal expediency a great constitutional principle, which was gradually developed in the progress of the subsequent debates. It was not alone that Mr. Fox and his party demanded the Regency without any limitations whatever, but that they demanded it as a right; setting up the doctrine that when the Sovereign, from any cause, became incapacitated, the Heir Apparent had an indisputable claim to the executive authority during the continuance of the incapacity, just as he would have on the demise of the Crown. It was strange enough that this doctrine, which Mr. Pitt denounced as "treason against the Constitution," should have been maintained by the avowed champions of popular liberty; and that it should have been reserved for the Ministers of the King to defend the interests of the people against the encroachments of royalty. Mr. Pitt asserted that the right of providing a remedy for the suspension of the regular powers of Government rested solely with the people, "from whom," he added, "all the powers of Government originate." The language he held upon this occasion is remarkable not only from its constitutional soundness, but for the perspicuity with which it states the actual question in contest, stripped of all disguises and evasions. "To assert an inherent right in the Prince of Wales to assume the Government, is virtually to revive those exploded ideas of the divine and indefeasible authority of Princes, which have so justly sunk into contempt and almost oblivion. Kings and Princes derive their power from the people; and to the people alone, through the organ of their representatives, does it appertain to decide in cases for which the Constitution has made no specific or positive provision." It will be seen that in the end the Prince of Wales was obliged to abandon his claim of right, and that the steadfastness of Pitt finally secured the recognition of the principle which placed in the hands of Parliament the settlement of the conditions under which His Royal Highness was to enter upon the Regency.

This glance at the subject is a little in advance of the correspondence; but it will be useful as a key to the points of discussion thrown up in its progress. The fulness and freshness of the letters, written daily, and containing the most minute history of those proceedings that has yet appeared in print, requires such slight elucidation as to render it undesirable to interrupt their continuity by commentaries, except where it may become necessary to direct attention to some special matter.

Both parties were now gathering their allies around them, and preparing for a contest which was not very creditable to the political character of the Opposition. In the meanwhile a third party was forming, which, trying to reconcile hopeless antagonisms, ran its head against a crotchet, resisting the restrictions on the one hand, and supporting Mr. Pitt, as Minister, on the other, for the sake of his popularity and transcendant abilities. This line of conduct is justly described by Mr. Grenville as "absolute nonsense."

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 9th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

The messenger who carries this is sent for the purpose of
collecting proxies. It is, you know, necessary that they should be
renewed every session; for which reason I have desired that a blank
proxy should be directed to you, which I suppose you will fill up,
as before, with Fortescue's name. He is quite eager (especially for
him), and came up to town for the first day. I think there is every
reason to hope that we shall not stand in need of this sort of
canvass, either for the House of Commons or the House of Lords; but
you will certainly agree with me, that no pains are superfluous
when such points are in question.

I do not learn that there is any foundation for the report which I
mentioned to you of the round-robin entered into by their Royal
Highnesses. The partizans of Opposition are, however, still
circulating, with great industry, the idea that the Prince of Wales
has positively declared his resolution not to accept the Regency
under any restrictions whatever. I take this, however, to be
nothing more than a bully, intended to influence votes in the House
of Commons. If, however, he should be so desperate, I should hope
there would be every reason to believe that the Queen would be
induced to take the Regency, in order to prevent the King's hands
from being fettered for the remainder of his life. Nothing has yet
passed with respect to this subject. Pitt has seen her once; but
the conversation was nothing more than general, although with the
greatest civility, and even kindness, on her part towards him.

We receive every day new professions of attachment; and I do not
yet hear of any one individual of any consequence whom we shall
lose, except, probably, the Duke of Queensbury. The Duke of Grafton
has declared himself explicitly. There is no longer any doubt of
Thurlow; and there never has been any of Lord Stafford, Lord
Weymouth, &c. Lord Lonsdale is still uncertain, and so is, I
believe, the Duke of Northumberland--though this will have been
brought to a point by this time. The general idea is, that he has
connected himself with the Independents, of which there was some
appearance last session. It is said that they mean to support Pitt
as the Minister, but to oppose any restrictions on the Regent. This
is not the less likely to be their conduct, on account of its being
absolute nonsense.

With respect to individuals in the House of Commons, there are
several who have long been wavering, and who have sent the most
positive assurances of support.

There is every reason to believe that the country will continue
entirely with us, and that addresses will be presented from all
parts to the Regent, to continue the Government. I am afraid that,
in point of time, nothing can be done of that sort in Ireland,
without exposing you to much embarrassment.

I conceive that our Regent will probably be appointed, the Bill
passed, &c., &c., by about the 10th or 12th of January, and that we
shall then immediately be dismissed. You certainly must remain till
your Parliament has met and appointed the Regent for Ireland,
because there is no one else who can vacate your commission; and I
think the contrivances which you once mentioned for avoiding it,
are liable to great objections. Now, you will observe, that the
addresses from Ireland could not be presented to the Prince of
Wales till he was Irish Regent, and that it would be a very awkward
thing to have the people there addressing him to continue you in
Ireland, after you had declared your own resolution to quit it in
consequence of the removal of your friends here. I wish you would
consider all this attentively, because, if these difficulties could
be removed, it would certainly be very desirable that it should
appear as far as possible to be the united sense of all the three
kingdoms, as well as of both Houses of Parliament, and of the King,
that the present Government should remain; and that these Whigs
should recommend the dismission in the teeth of all these.

Willis sent last night a note to Pitt about his attendance at the
Committee to-day. In a postscript, he tells him that he thinks the
King better and more composed than he has been since he has
attended him.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

A new question and a new embarrassment now arose, as to what was to be done about the Regency in Ireland. It was natural enough that the Prince of Wales should be popular in Ireland as a _pis aller_, on account of the known antipathy of the King to the Catholic claims; and it was apprehended that the Irish Parliament, acting independently of English precedent, would declare itself in favour of an unlimited Regency. The anxiety to which Lord Buckingham was exposed by this disturbing prospect (some people went so far as to cast the horoscope of an Irish revolution), and by the delays in the receipt of intelligence, owing to the imperfect and irregular means of communication existing between the two countries, betrayed him into some expressions of impatience, against which Mr. Grenville remonstrated with his habitual temperance and good sense, throwing out at the same time some sound suggestions as to the course it was desirable the Lord-Lieutenant should pursue. There are no qualities in these letters, wherever reference is made to the conduct of public men in great crises, more worthy of unmixed admiration than their practical sagacity and complete self-control.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 10th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

Your messenger having been, as he says, four or five days at sea,
has just brought me your letter of the 2nd. I cannot avoid
expressing to you the mortification I felt, on finding it filled
with complaints of want of communication. It is now more than a
month that I have written to you constantly seven days in the week,
with the exception, I believe, of not four days in the whole time.
I do this, not only without reluctance, but with pleasure, because
I think it contributes to your satisfaction, and because it is a
real relief to my mind to converse with you in this manner on the
subjects which are, in the present moment, so interesting to us
both. But I do it often under circumstances of so much other
business, as makes it impossible for me to keep any copies or
memoranda of what I write. I cannot, therefore, distinctly call
back to my mind the thread of that correspondence; but, as far as
my memory serves, I solemnly protest I know of no one fact,
opinion, or conjecture, that could be of the least use to you, or
could even satisfy your curiosity, that I have not regularly
communicated to you as it arose.

You seem to have mistaken some expression in one of my letters, and
to have understood that the proposition itself relating to the
Regency was to have been brought forward on Thursday last. You will
since have seen, that the preliminary steps require so much time,
that it must still be Monday, or more probably Wednesday next,
before anything can be moved. But you say that you have received no
communication of the extent or wording of that plan, so as to
consider its legal or political effect towards Ireland. On this, I
can only say, that long before the outlines of that plan were
finally settled, even, I believe, in Mr. Pitt's mind, certainly
long before they were at all agreed upon by the Cabinet, I
communicated them to you distinctly, and at length. There has since
been no variation in these. With respect to the precise wording of
the plan, I do not know that this is yet decided upon; nor do I
suppose it can be so, till within a few hours of its being moved.
But as to any legal effect which it can have upon Ireland, I have
certainly failed in what I intended to do, if I have not stated to
you a clear opinion, that no measure taken in Parliament here can
possibly affect Ireland any otherwise than as a precedent, which
every Irishman must think himself bound to follow, who does not
wish to separate the two countries. It surely could not be your
wish, nor would it be desirable, to attempt to pledge any Irishman
one step beyond that general proposition, that whatever is done by
the authority of the British Parliament as to England, must be done
in Ireland by the authority of the Irish Parliament; but that the
latter will grossly betray the interests of their own country, if
they do not adopt the English measure, whatever that may ultimately
be. I trust that we shall be able to carry the measure here, such
as I stated to you long ago, some time before your Parliament
meets; but if it should fail, and any different form be
established, I hope we should be the last men in the two countries
to wish to disunite them on this ground.

I cannot but repeat, that the expressions and style of your letter
have hurt me sensibly. I do not believe, that if you were living in
Pall Mall, you could be more distinctly or regularly informed of
what passes. You will, of course, hear in Dublin, as you would in
Pall Mall, an infinite variety of foolish reports, as is naturally
the case when every man has his own speculation. You cannot, I am
sure, think it possible that I can even enumerate, much less argue
upon, or contradict all these; but I cannot, at this time, after
some reflection, call to my mind any point of the smallest
consequence in our present situation with which I am myself
acquainted, and which I have omitted to state.

With respect to your own particular situation, I conceive that it
is not possible that things can be brought to the point of
affecting that for several weeks to come. The measure which is to
be brought forward here will, of course, meet with violent
opposition; and cannot, according to my calculation, be completed,
so as to put the Prince of Wales in possession of the Regency, till
the first or second week in January. I think as soon as you receive
the notification that this measure has passed in England, it would
be right for you to write a very short letter to the Secretary of
State, mentioning in a very few words the opinions of lawyers
there, that your patent can be vacated only by a Regent appointed
by the Irish Parliament, suggesting the expedient of Lords
Justices; and then desiring to know His Royal Highness's pleasure,
whether he chooses that under those circumstances you should meet
the Parliament, for the purpose of laying before them the
circumstances of the present situation, or whether you should name
Lords Justices, and who they should be. You see, I put this on the
supposition that you are not _immediately_ removed, which, for many
reasons, I think unlikely. You know my opinion has always been
that the Prince would not negotiate, and I am every day more
confirmed in it. But I think it may be a question, whether he may
not choose to look about him a little. Perhaps, however, in order
to anticipate any sudden step, you would do well to send a letter
such as I mention, so as to reach England a few days before the
measure can pass, and to be here ready to be laid before him when
he does accept. In a point of such importance, it seems to me that
it would be proper that you should have, for your own
justification, the written opinions of your lawyers on the point I
mention, but not to send them over here. I mention this as a
general idea; but wish you to consider it, because I am sure, in
general, the less you write on this subject the better, in order
that you may not give ground of misquoting, or misrepresenting what
you say.

As to the idea of vesting the Government in Lords Justices, or
taking any step for throwing up the Government in the interval,
except with the consent and by the direction of the Prince of
Wales, I should most earnestly deprecate it for a thousand reasons;
but, above all, for the impression which it would give here of
abandoning the interests of this country in Ireland, for the sake
of adding to the confusion, and creating factious difficulties. I
think your line clear, and that you have nothing to do but to sit
still saying or doing nothing till our measure passes. You then ask
the Prince of Wales whether he chooses that you or any Lords
Justices should meet Parliament; and if he directs you to stay, you
have nothing to do but to express to anybody that asks you, your
wish that the English measure should be precisely followed.
Whatever, under such circumstances, is the conduct of the Irish
Parliament, you cannot be responsible for it, unless you make
yourself so.

There is another urgent reason against your taking any step for
breaking up your Government: the King is daily getting better, and
has been continuing so to do ever since Sunday. Willis's
examination before the Committee yesterday, was all but decisive as
to the certainty of his recovery in a short time. I will send it to
you in the course of to-morrow, or the next day; but these are the
material parts. He is asked what hopes he entertains of the King's
recovery? He says he entertains great hopes; that if it was the
case of a common man, he should have no doubt of his recovery; but
in the King's situation, his own reflections on his situation, when
he begins to recover his reason, may retard the cure. (A good
lesson, by the bye, to the Prince of Wales, &c.) He says he cannot
yet affirm that there are signs of convalescence, but that there is
everything leading to it; particularly that the irritation has
almost entirely subsided, which must precede convalescence, or any
appearance of it. He is asked with respect to his own experience,
&c.? He says, that of ten patients brought to him within three
months of their being attacked, nine have recovered. That the
smallest time he remembers, is six weeks or two months from their
being brought to him; the longest, a year and a half; the average,
about five months.

With this account, it is not very sanguine to hope that the King's
actual recovery may take place before the measure can pass here;
or, at least, such a prospect of it as may make it absolutely
_impossible_ for the Prince, whatever his disposition may be, to
change the Government. If the amendment continues, it may even be a
question whether further adjournment may not be thought right,
though the inconveniences of this, particularly with respect to
foreign affairs, are so great that it must not be done but upon
very strong grounds indeed.

The nonsense about dissolution has been talked in England as well
as in Ireland; but I cannot persuade myself that it really comes
from Lord Loughborough. It has not made its fortune much here.
Anybody who had the smallest knowledge of the general turn and bent
of the public mind, both in and out of Parliament, would not have
broached so foolish an idea.

I told you, in one of my former letters, that I was utterly at a
loss to guess what Bernard's motive was for going to Ireland in the
moment which he chose. I stated my wishes against it; but I saw
that there was some mystery behind, which he did not wish to
explain, and therefore I pressed him no more about it.

Adieu, my dear brother. I hate writing anything to you, which can
bear even the appearance of complaint. I feel for the
disagreeableness of your situation at this moment: being at a
distance from the scene of events which interest you so much, and
from any conversation with those in whom you most confide. But I am
sure you will, on reflection, acquit me of any want of attention to
you on the head of communication.

I am much obliged to you for your anxiety about myself. I had a
slight attack of fever for a day or two; but it is now entirely
gone.

Five o'clock.

I am just returned from the Committee, who have finished the
examination of the physicians. The examinations of to-day are not
very material; but as far as they go, they confirm our favourable
hopes. Another account is just come from Kew, that the King has
continued better ever since the account of this morning, which is
the public one.

Pitt is to move to-day for the Committee of Precedents. Fox told us
he meant to say a few words against it, as unnecessary, but not to
divide; so I shall not go down again.

The notion of the Prince of Wales not accepting, seems to lose
ground; and all these favourable accounts of the King are evidently
strong grounds of argument for our measures.

SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stratton Street, Thursday, Dec. 11th, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,

I did not receive your kind letter of Dec. 2nd, until my arrival
last night from the House of Commons, when it was too late to
write, and the conversation which then arose was of so important a
nature, that it was not practicable or proper to steal a moment
from the debate, or to send a line respecting it ere it was closed,
and the subject took a decisive turn, which was after the post
hour.

To a friendship so dear and honourable to me as yours, and shown me
by so many instances of goodness, the best answer I can make is,
through life, by a return of grateful attachment, honour, and
disinterestedness; and in these, if I aught know myself, I shall
never fail.

Of the momentous business opened last night, I can only say that
_our_ astonishment is only to be equalled by the spirits we are in,
on viewing the grounds Mr. Fox hath abandoned to us and left _our
own_. Lord Radnor, who breakfasted with me this morning, told me he
understands that Fox's doctrine, "that the Prince of Wales was
Regent, invested with full regal authority immediately and _de
jure_ on the incapacity, however temporary, of the King, and that
the two Houses of Parliament had no right to debate thereon even,"
came from _that constitutional lawyer_, Lord Loughborough. Radnor's
further remark, that Fox, having on a former occasion sought to
trespass on the royal just prerogative, had now completed his
attack on the Constitution, in denying the rights of Lords and
Commons, is worthy observation. Talbot, who made one of my
morning's levee, told me that at White's last night, all was hurra!
and triumph. Charles Sturt and other youngsters took part at the
bar, to echo the "Hear, hear," from Fitzpatrick and Burke, of
Fox's doctrine; yet the "Hear, hear," was but little caught or
repeated, though given loudly. Looking back to the history of this
"Man of the People," and to his present conduct, in despite of his
talents of logical discrimination, I begin almost to doubt whether
his weakness or profligacy is transcendant. Pitt's language was
most masterly and decisive; and has been done but little justice to
in the papers of this day. The general tenor of subject they will
give you, but what I have seen does not touch on the overthrow of
Fox's resort to the doctrine that Parliament was of "Kings, Lords,
and Commons; that no two branches thereof could make _a law_," by
the just and constitutional distinction between the two Houses
making a law, and the providing or giving efficiency to the third
executive branch of Legislature in cases of defect, whatever it may
be. The report of the physicians being ordered to be printed, will
be out to-morrow, when I will send it, with a few remarks. Our
great days are to be Monday and Tuesday.

It will scarcely escape your Lordship's penetration, that when Fox
said recognition of the Prince's claim _de jure_ to be the sole
right and province of Parliament, implied an act of the House to
debate, and, if to debate, to decide upon. So idle is genius! I see
through the motive power: if Parliament has a right to confer
power, it has a right to say what sort of power. So far Fox's
penetration reached, and so he boldly denied the major of the
proposition; and then, in a puzzle for consistency of popular
attachment to good old rights of the Lords and Commons, and his
subscription to the pillar at Runnymede, run into the contradiction
of admitting the major in shape of _recognitions_. It is impossible
yet to foresee what tergiversation will take place, or how many
will sacrifice their principles to the rising sun; forgetting that
apostacy to honest principles requires that there should be a
transcendancy of merit of another sort--namely, of great ability to
be useful to make that apostacy acceptable or the object of
remuneration. Hating the traitor and loving the treason, is a
state maxim to be remembered by those whose treason is scarcely
ever to be regarded while themselves are the objects of civil
contempt. Yet some hold a language of _doubt_. One or two, whom I
will not yet name, I told if they had not made up an opinion, they
had better ask their constituents for one. It seems to me, that the
business must close in a resort to the sense of the nation. In what
shape such resort may _possibly_, I think not _probably_, be made,
is serious indeed. But the violence of the faction of Fox portends
every evil. Perhaps, however, and most likely, the resort to a new
election, may give us time to grow cool, and close matters there.
Adieu, for the day.

Ever, my dear Lord, in truth and affection,
Your devoted friend and servant,
WM. YOUNG.

LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Dec. 11th, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,

The scene here is a very busy one, and I never was so interested in
any public measures in my life as in the support of Mr. Pitt and
the King at this moment, looking upon it as my duty to do all in my
power to stem the torrent of profligacy which the Opposition and
_their King_ seem determined to hazard with the good sense,
decency, and character of the country. I really do see such things,
and hear of such doings, that my tolerant spirit cannot forgive,
and if you had not very good information of them, I should think
myself bound to treat you with them. The Nevilles, Fortescues,
Jemmy, and the General, being in town, we make a very strong corps
together; and we are sent to White's every night to gain
intelligence for our ladies, who are not a little animated in
favour of the good cause. Charles Fox and Pitt were at issue
yesterday in the House, when the former advanced the most
extraordinary doctrines, considering his former opinions in the
Whig Club and in Parliament on constitutional points. I hope the
nation will see what lengths he is capable of going when it answers
his purposes. I do not hear of many rats running as yet, except the
Duke of Queensbury, Lord Brudenell, and W. Gerrard, Hamilton, and
Sir Robert Smyth, but probably some more dirty dogs will follow
them. The Chancellor seems very sour and crusty, and certainly does
not like Pitt, but I cannot believe he will do otherwise than right
on this momentous occasion.

* * * * *

We sat yesterday till eight, in the Lords, and thought Lord Camden
imprudent in touching upon what had passed in the Commons the day
before, as it gave the Opposition an excuse for being violent; it,
however, had one good effect, that the Chancellor opened enough of
his sentiments to show that he means to stand by his colleagues.
His speech was not long, but one of the finest I ever heard, and
made so strong an impression, that we gave him a merry "Hear,
hear," which you know is not very frequent in the House of Lords. I
think we shall carry the question of restrictions very powerfully
in the Lords, as I hear of no rats but the Duke of Queensbury, the
Duke of St. Albans, and Lord Rodney. In the Commons, a great deal
will depend on the state of the King's health at the time the
question comes on, and on the previous activity of Pitt and his two
secretaries, in talking a little to dubious friends, which they
have not time nor inclination to do, notwithstanding so much
depends upon it.

Adieu, my dear Lord. Our joint and kindest love and remembrance
attend you both.

Yours ever, &c.

Pray order your secretary to send me word of the number and income
of the tide-waiters' offices which you can spare me, as I have
dependants enough if they are as highly paid in Ireland as in
England. In the meantime I give you the name of John Thomas, for
one of them. Did you ever promote one Alexander Gammach,
tide-waiter at Belfast? Pray do before you quit Ireland.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 11th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

You will, no doubt, be as much surprised as I was, to find that the
notion of the Prince of Wales's _right_ was brought forward
yesterday by Fox in the House of Commons. It was a matter of no
less astonishment to many of his own friends, who were by no means
prepared for the assertion of such a doctrine. One should lose
oneself in conjecture, by attempting to find out what motive can
have induced him to take exactly the most unpopular ground on which
their side of the question can be rested. I was not in the House;
but I find there was an impression on our friends, that in his
second speech he had rather seemed desirous of stating the
proposition less strongly.

Our present idea is, that it will be right, in consequence of this
debate, that nothing should be moved on the first day (which, I
think, cannot be till Wednesday) beyond the abstract proposition,
as maintained by Pitt; namely, that in every case of suspension or
interruption of the personal exercise of the royal authority,
otherwise than by death, the care of making provision for the
emergency rests with the two Houses of Parliament. These are not
the words, but the substance. A stronger question we cannot desire.

12th.--I intended to have sent this off to you yesterday; but was
kept in the House of Lords till it was too late. You will see by
the papers, better than I can pretend to retail it, what passed
there. The doctrine, as stated by Lord Loughborough, was not quite
so strong as Fox's; but is sufficiently so, to be reprobated by
every lawyer in the country. Even Erskine says openly, that he
cannot go this length.

The idea is, and some words which Fox dropped yesterday in the
House of Lords seem to confirm it, that whenever the report of our
Committee of Precedents is made, which will probably be to-day, or,
at latest, to-morrow, he intends to explain away his assertion,
into the mere statement, that the Prince has such pretensions to a
Regency as Parliament cannot overlook. Be this as it may, we are
determined to state the right distinctly, by a resolution of the
House, before we proceed to any other measures.

Fortescue has this instant been with me, to say that he has heard a
report, said to come from a considerable Oppositionist, that they
have resolved, in consequence of the examinations and particularly
Willis's, to accede to the proposed restrictions, for a short time,
reserving to themselves the right of contending for more, should
the continuance of the King's illness appear to give grounds to
expect that it will be permanent. I do not think this by any means
impossible, because the question will clearly go against them in
the present moment; and this appearance of moderation may give them
grounds at a more distant period. It is difficult, however, to
conceive that they can make up their minds to wait so long without
a greater struggle.

Only think of Fox's want of judgment, to bring himself and them
into such a scrape as he has done, by maintaining a doctrine of
higher Tory principle than could have been found anywhere, since
Sir Robert Sawyer's speeches.

I enclose the examination of the physicians before our Committee. I
am sorry to say, that the examination before the Lords is
infinitely less decent and respectful, and goes into a variety of
particulars, which, I am sure it will shock you to read, as it did
me to hear them.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

I do not know in what manner what Thurlow said about Ireland will be represented in the papers, not having seen them. It was so enveloped, that I, who heard it, could form no notion what his opinion is. In the debate in the House of Commons, I mean, for your sake, to state my principles on that subject distinctly.

Sir William Young, in the next letter, reports what was done on Pitt's motion for the Committee.

SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Friday, Half-past Five, Dec, 12th, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,

Fox got up, on Mr. Pitt's having moved for a Committee to inquire
into the state of the nation on Tuesday. Fox explained away much of
the harshness of the doctrine of _right_ in the Prince of Wales to
assume the royal authority during the temporary incapacity of the
King; but left all the substance of the doctrine. He then spoke his
sentiments of what ought to be done, whatever the manner; namely,
to recognize, _or confer_, as others might say, _full regal
authority_ on the Prince, for the time of the King's incapacity. He
then called on Pitt to relieve the nation from doubt, and give an
opening of his plan.