Chapter III: Front Matter (3)

Pitt, in reply, stated the point of law and the Constitution yet to
be at issue, the _substance_ of difference yet remaining, and that
such great question could not be slurred over. It must be decided
by Parliament, and should be the first subject of debate and
decision; namely, for Tuesday. It was a question for themselves and
for posterity. He then said, that the outline of his plan was, as
_matter of discretion_ and conveniency, to appoint the Prince of
Wales sole Regent, with no permanent council, with power to remove
and make his Ministry at pleasure, and with all other regal powers
necessary for giving force, dignity, and vigour to his
Administration; but with no powers that might be needless,
intrench on the Crown, and cause embarrassment on the King's
recovery, &c.

Our business for Tuesday, therefore, is the _question of right_.

Pitt stands higher and higher in general estimation. As I passed
the gallery to write this, Marquis of Townsend caught my arm, and
said: "A glorious fellow, by G----, Young! His speech is that of an
angel."

Post bell rings.

Yours ever,
W. Y.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 13th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I must refer you to the papers for an account of our triumphant day
in the House of Commons yesterday. You will see by that, that I was
not mistaken in my opinion that the doctrine of the Prince's right
was not likely to be a very popular one. Fox found that by what he
said before he had offended so many people, that he was obliged to
take the very first moment of explaining it away; still, however,
he has left it in such a shape that we cannot fail of debating it
with great advantage. He intends, as you will see by his speech, to
move the previous question on Pitt's proposition, which he is
afraid to attempt to negative. After this recantation was over, the
day was closed by such a blunder of Sheridan's, as I never knew any
man of the meanest talents guilty of before. During the whole time
that I have sat in Parliament, in pretty warm times, I never
remember such an uproar as was raised by his threatening us with
_the danger of provoking the Prince to assert his right_, which
were the exact words he used.

You may conceive what advantage all this gives us, especially when
coupled with the strong hopes entertained of the King's recovery.
The account, as given at St. James's, is rather less favourable
this morning. I do not well know how to account for this
circumstance, as the letters from persons immediately about the
Queen continue as favourable as ever. I rather guess it to be
Warren's malice against Willis, who was yesterday put into
possession of many points which they had disputed with him,
particularly the right of signing the reports. I imagine he was
unwilling the first day of this to contest with Warren about the
precise words.

There is a report, which I heard yesterday before I went to the
House, and which Fox's speech appeared to countenance, of their
intending to acquiesce in the limitations, provided they are
established only for a short time.

The precise mode of carrying our propositions into effect is not
yet settled. Our general idea is, that the two Houses should
authorize the Chancellor to put the great seal to a Commission,
empowering the Prince to open the session. And that then the
propositions should then be brought forward in the shape of a Bill,
to which the Prince may, by a similar Commission, be authorized to
give the royal assent. We shall, however, in the course of two or
three days have reduced this to form, and I will then send it over
to you.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

The report alluded to above turned out to be true, which could be said of few of the reports that were so industriously circulated during the King's illness. The Prince's party, finding it impossible to get rid of the restrictions, were ready to enter into a compromise, and to agree to them, provided their duration was limited to a certain period. A Bill to that effect was afterwards introduced. But Ministers were not inclined to accept compromises when they had the power in their own hands to dictate conditions; and so the limited Regency scheme came to nothing.

SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stratton Street, Dec. 13th, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,

The account at St. James's this morning is, that the King had a
quiet night; but that, on awaking, His Majesty was more unquiet
than yesterday. Unless something very particular is noted in these
official returns of the King's health, shall not in future transmit
accounts so inconclusive to such a distance. The disorder in its
nature is subject to intervals, and to variations which even a
medical inquirer could not build upon, without being a witness to
such vicissitudes of malady or having a recital of each minute
symptom, and that with comments. Each authentic account, more in
detail, as it comes to me you shall have; and then, too, the St.
James's note as a corollary.

After my note from the House of Commons--which, if your Lordship
can read, I do not think I now could, such was the haste of
scribble--Sheridan threw out the menace which the papers state,
with Pitt's answer; the comment on which is, in the mouth of
Opposition: "Pray, for God's sake, don't put a question, and urge
it to a division, which will ruin our pretensions as Whigs if we
do, as we must do, divide against it."

On walking out this morning, the first thing that struck me, was a
long row of handbills, stuck from one end to the other of the wall
of Devonshire House; in which a few words of _Fox for the Prince's
prerogative_, and of Pitt, in reply for privilege of Parliament and
liberties of the nation, were not badly selected.

We are likely to have a conversation in Parliament, I am pretty
authentically informed, of even a more delicate nature than the
last; John Rolle intending to bring forward his old subject of Mrs.
Fitzherbert.

Rolle and Sheridan had a whispering conference under the gallery
for some minutes; the result of which, Sir J. Scott,
Solicitor-General, with whom I dined, said he understood to be
firmness on the part of Rolle, in his intention at a proper time to
come forward.

To our question of right, on Tuesday the previous question is
expected from Opposition; and that they will be stronger on that
point than any other, from having the timidity of some, co-operate
with the interestedness of others. The list on that day will be
worth marking. I trust we shall yet have a great majority of
Parliament who will not submit to be dragooned out of their
privileges and freedom by an Irish Brigade.

Grattan is every day under the gallery, not admiring, I hope, the
Captains Sheridan and Burke. I know not which side he leans to.

Adieu, my dear Lord. My wife desires to forward her kindest wishes
and best respects to the Marchioness, with your most affectionate
and devoted friend's,

W. YOUNG.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 14th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I received this morning your letter of the 8th, and am very sorry
that I am so hurried to-day as to make it absolutely impossible for
me to enter into the subject which you discuss, in the manner which
I should wish. You will collect from a former letter my general
notions upon it, but I doubt whether those may not be considerably
varied by the consideration which you suggest of being able to
carry more for the King by remaining, than otherwise.

I have had a good deal of conversation with Pitt on the subject. He
promises me that he will, immediately after Tuesday, discuss it
thoroughly with me, and enable me to send you his decided opinion
how you ought to act. I find, from what he says, that he apprehends
Lord Thurlow's opinion to be contrary to ours. This, however,
seems immaterial, except with a view to future support, and,
probably, cannot easily be brought to a point, as no Cabinet
measure or instructions can be grounded upon it. The idea still
continues of proceeding by Bill; and as we preface that with an
assertion of the right in both Houses, it must still be a
considerable time before any measure can come in question with
respect to Ireland.

I believe we shall word the proposition in a less abstract form,
and apply it more particularly to this individual case, still,
however, asserting the right.

The account is less favourable to-day, notwithstanding that of
yesterday. I saw a letter from Willis to Pitt, in which he said
that the King "had passed the day calmly, and was, in other
respects, much the same as yesterday."

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 15th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I had yesterday some conversation with Pitt on the subject of your
letter, which I had received in the morning.

On the best consideration, we agreed that the line I before
mentioned to you is the best which you ought to follow; that you
should write a letter, to be delivered immediately upon the Prince
of Wales being Regent, to state the doubts, to suggest the solution
of Lords Justices, to desire His Royal Highness's commands upon the
danger of giving offence here, by the appearing to raise
difficulties in Ireland. This was agreed to be more proper, even to
the King, than leaving them to open the Parliament. Pitt has
received a very haughty letter from the Prince of Wales to Thurlow,
complaining of his general behaviour to him, and of his not having
had Pitt's plan communicated to him, and ordering Thurlow to
require him to send it to him in writing. Pitt has sent a
respectful answer, disclaiming any disrespect to him; but saying
that he does not think it proper to do this until the question of
right has been discussed.

It is reported that the four Princes of the blood met yesterday,
and agreed to refuse the Regency under any limitations, and this is
to be declared in the House of Commons to-morrow. I have reason to
believe this to be true. Pitt saw the Queen yesterday; I do not
know what passed, though I think he is satisfied.

I enclose a letter from Camplin, upon which you must decide. I have
not yet seen Captain Nugent, who has sent me a letter from you, but
his business is wholly out of our cognizance.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

When Pitt was at Kew he saw Willis, who told him that he did not
think the difference in the King's state within these last two
days, of the smallest importance. That this sort of fluctuation was
naturally to be expected, and did not in any degree diminish his
hopes, which are as sanguine as ever.

MR W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 17th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I have nothing to add to what I said in my last letter, on the
interesting subject of your situation and conduct in the events
that may most reasonably be expected to arise. It appears, however,
to me, to be of the utmost importance that you should not neglect
for a moment taking the opinion of the law servants of the Crown in
Ireland, with respect to the operation of a new patent granted by a
Parliamentary Regent here, under the English Great Seal, previous
to any proceeding having been held in Ireland. I have a real
confidence in Fitzgibbon's honour; but I think this a point of much
too great importance to yourself, to be vested on verbal opinions.
You may, and I think ought, both to keep these written opinions
secret, and to require them to do so; but as soon as you have
received them, you should, I think, transmit them to Lord Sydney,
to remain in his office. You will observe that the ground is now in
some measure cleared for you by the declaration of right, which we
came to last night, and which will certainly be agreed to by the
House of Lords. I expected to have been able to send you an exact
copy of the resolutions, but am disappointed. You will, however,
probably see them in the "Morning Chronicle," if that comes out
early enough for the post. The first states the fact of the King's
present inability to attend to business, "and that the _personal
exercise_ of the royal authority by His Majesty is thereby for the
present interrupted."

The second: "That it is the right and duty of the Lords and Commons
(describing them as in the preamble to the Bill of Rights) to
provide the means of supplying the defect in the personal exercise,
&c., in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to them
to require."

The third: "That for the above purpose, and for maintaining entire
the constitutional authority of His Majesty, it is necessary that
the said Lords and Commons should determine on the means by which
the royal assent may be given in Parliament to such Bill as may be
passed by the two Houses, respecting the exercise of the royal
power, in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty, during the
continuance of His Majesty's indisposition."

I believe I have given you very nearly the words, which I ought to
remember, having employed very near the whole of two days in
settling them with Pitt and our lawyers.

Our principle is, that the King's authority remains entire. That no
legislative act can be done but with the formal sanction of his
assent. That no person can take upon him to give that assent,
except by the direction and authority of the two Houses, who have
the right, in the present emergency, to act for the King; but must,
even in doing that, adhere as nearly as possible to the forms of
the Constitution.

Fox opposed these resolutions, in one of the best speeches I ever
heard from him; but I think indiscreetly supporting and enforcing
all his old ground of the Prince of Wales's right. Towards the end,
he made a violent personal attack on Pitt, intimating that he was
desirous, through envy, to weaken the hands of those _who were to
be his successors_. This opening was not neglected by Pitt, but
laid hold of in a manner which enabled him to speak of his own
conduct towards the King and the Prince, and towards the country in
the present moment, and to contrast it with that of his opponents.
I never heard a finer burst of eloquence, nor witnessed such an
impression as it produced. But you will know all this better from
the papers.

The division exceeded our expectations. All the neutrals, and many
of the wavering people, and some of the most timid of our friends,
were against us, on the ground of the inexpediency of agitating
this question. You will also naturally see that something is to be
allowed for the impression of two Princes of the blood speaking;
one of them to assure the country that the Prince of Wales would
not urge this claim, and both beseeching, as a sort of personal
point, that it might not be made necessary to come to a division
upon the question. Still, however, the impression which the claim
itself had made on the country, was such that it was a point of
real duty to quiet people's minds upon it. But it cannot be
surprising, that under all these circumstances, and under the fear
of some unexplained danger, many people should be caught by a
previous question. I was a little mortified at finding our friend
Sir P. P. among these. I had no previous intimation of this till I
saw him in the division, nor have I had any opportunity of
conversing with him since. I am not sure that he did not think he
ought to have been a Lord of the Admiralty instead of Lord Hood. It
is either that, or his intercourse with some of the Independents.
On the whole, I think it better to leave him to himself, as I do
not think I have sufficient influence over him to do any good, and
the attempt might do harm. You know best how you stand in that
respect. We have certainly no claim upon him beyond friendship and
opinion.

Lord Lonsdale's people were against us, in consequence of a letter,
written by the Prince of Wales himself, soliciting it as a personal
favour. This, which I know _from authority_, may serve to give you
an idea of the pains they had taken. They were so confident, that,
on Sunday night, Fox assured the whole party, at a general meeting
at Burlington House, that he had no doubt of beating us. I imagine
that we are now sure of carrying our restrictions, and probably by
a larger majority.

Lord Loraine has separated himself from the Duke of N.; in
consequence of which, Rainsforth has vacated. We do not know who
comes in, but Lord Loraine says it is a friend.

Gerard Hamilton is among the rats, which is no small amusement to
me, who have frequently been abused by Pitt for my bad opinion of
him, at the time that he was swallowing toads _a toute outrance_.
There are one or two more individual members in the House of
Commons, but nobody of any consequence but the Duke of Queensbury,
which, though everybody expected it, is nevertheless a thing that
raises my indignation in no small degree.

The popular opinion shows itself every day more and more, and I
have no doubt you will hear of addresses, &c. Fox's declaration of
the Prince of Wales's right has been of no small service to us. Is
it not wonderful that such great talents should be conducted with
so little judgment?

Our mode of proceeding will now be to communicate these
resolutions to the Lords; and when they have concurred in them,
then to bring forward the plan; and lastly, to authorize the Lord
Chancellor to put the Great Seal to a commission to His Royal
Highness, to empower him to open the Parliament, and afterwards to
another (at least, _I_ think they should be separate), authorizing
him to give the royal assent to the Bill appointing him Regent.

You will easily see, that all this will be no very short
proceeding. In the meantime, the prospect of the King's recovery is
daily growing more favourable. Willis and Addington have both said,
_separately_, that his emotion at seeing the Queen for the first
time, and his subsequent agitation, instead of being discouraging,
were symptoms highly favourable. He is now quite calm; and at three
o'clock yesterday, the account which came from Willis was, that he
was better than at any time since his illness.

It will be ridiculous if he should recover just in time to give the
royal _dissent_ to the Regency Bill--which is not impossible. The
more probable supposition is, that they will just have time to
parcel out the spoils, to dismiss us, and to hold their offices
about a month; and so will end (if this should happen) the third
reign of King Charles III.

So little was said about Ireland, that it would have been an
affectation in me to have talked about it; besides this, I had no
opportunity of speaking that pleased me.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

What I mentioned in my last about the four Princes, I now _know_
not to be true with respect to the Duke of Gloucester, who has held
aloof from all cabal with them, and even declared in the House of
Lords that he had done so.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 19th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I am very sorry that this letter must necessarily be so short, as I
should have great pleasure if there was time to state to you the
particulars of our triumph, and of the effect which it has
produced, and which is indeed little less than miraculous. It
certainly exceeded my expectations; but it was so infinitely beyond
what our opponents had thought possible, that they are beat down by
it beyond all description. I hope you will hear all this more
particularly from others. I write now only for the purpose of
sending you the following paragraph from a letter of Willis's to
Pitt last night, which he showed me. W. is speaking of the effect
of the blisters. He says: "From this, and from several other little
occurrences in the course of these last three days, I am more than
ever confirmed in my opinion that there can be no doubt of the
King's entire recovery."

I know the pleasure which this will give you, and therefore send
it, though in great haste.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 21st, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I have delayed writing for these two or three last days, in hopes
of being able to give you an account of the event of our second
division, which has, as you will have seen, been deferred from day
to day, and now is finally fixed for to-morrow. The adjournment on
Friday was necessary, on account of Pitt's health. He had entirely
lost the use of his voice by a cold, so that he could not have
spoken five sentences together, and he was in other respects much
exhausted. Our friends were a little chagrined at the delay; but it
was unavoidable, and will not, I hope, be productive of any
inconvenience.

Our next question is not a pleasant one. It turns on an abstruse
maxim of law, which makes it necessary for us to take a very
circuitous mode of doing a very plain thing. The necessity of it is
forced upon us by our lawyers, whom we could not otherwise have
satisfied, with regard to the second proposition which we have
voted. I am indeed convinced, that, in strict law, they are right,
and that the mode now proposed is the regular and proper mode of
doing what is required to be done. At the same time, it would have
been more agreeable to have had a more familiar and obvious measure
to defend in such an assembly as the House of Commons.

We shall probably lose some individuals, both on this question, and
on the subsequent question of restrictions; but we have some new
recruits, who were absent by sickness, or other accidents; so that,
on the whole, I hope the difference will not be considerable,
though nothing can exceed their industry in canvassing, except the
open manner in which they offer every sort of bribe.

We have some idea of making the restrictions temporary, by which
means they will certainly be much more palatable. You will observe
that almost all the physicians seem to point out the probability of
his recovering within a year or a year and a half, if at all. This
seems to afford a real ground of expediency, besides giving a
strong topic of argument for imposing the restrictions only for a
similar time. This point is, however, not yet determined.

The accounts from Windsor for the last week, though they have
varied, are yet, on the whole, less favourable than before. Willis
ascribes this entirely to the effect of the blisters, which give
him great pain; and Willis says _that_ is, on the whole, by no
means an unfavourable symptom. The effect, however, which these
accounts produce here, is injurious to us, and must be the same in
Ireland. Our solid ground of hope does not appear to be in the
smallest degree weakened.

You will see in the Opposition papers that they are beginning to
abuse the Queen in the most open and scandalous manner. I collect
from this that they have some information, on which they can
depend, with respect to her sentiments, and I conjecture that they
are such as we could wish.

If we were together, I could tell you some particulars of the
Prince of Wales's behaviour towards the King and her, within these
few days, that would make your blood run cold; but I dare not
commit them to paper, because of my informant.

The demands of the Opposition appear to have risen and fallen with the bulletins; and according as the King was better or worse, the resistance to the limitations was faint or violent. The conduct pursued by the Prince's party to obtain votes and strengthen their parliamentary influence, is not shown in a very favourable light.

SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stratton Street,
Monday, Dec. 22nd, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,

I should scarcely venture to anticipate a subject, the event of
which within twenty-four hours may belie any pretensions of
political sagacity, might not the difference of one day's post from
London eventually delay your receiving a letter for a week, should
wind and sea prove perverse, as when I passed my Christmas at
Holyhead. This, and the anxiety for intelligence, which must
necessarily arise from the suggestion in my note of Saturday,
induces me to pursue the matter I then opened, and the more
especially as the circumstance, I foresaw, is now more than likely
to occur. As I purpose closing this letter at the House of Commons,
and the last moment which the post may allow me, I shall have to
transmit fact in lieu of probability; at present, I state briefly
my grounds for the latter--namely, that the specific great
question, whether the Prince shall be Regent without any
limitations, and invested with the full prerogatives of royalty,
will be agitated and decided upon this Monday night. The turn of
debate and temper of the House on Friday, which induced me to
suppose such question might be pressed upon us, have induced others
to press it. This morning a printed paper hath been sent to certain
members, containing a motion for addressing, and an address at
length to the Prince, corroborating what Mr. Steele told me
yesterday, that _Fox's_ party had some design in view for Monday.
Letters having been sent in Fox's name to several members,
requesting attendance and _an answer_; and that Mr. Pitt had
written in like manner to such as he apprehended might be
withdrawing for the Christmas holidays, with the same unusual
request _of answer_. Two of these letters (pretty long), to Sir H.
Hoghton and to Mr. Pye, I afterwards had the perusal of.

The true friendly language, and which I openly hold, is that we
shall be stronger on the division than before; such language is
proper, because ordinary men consider numbers as a shelter for
their opinions and conduct, and some even consider it as the test
of truth. But this language hath not its origin in my judgment and
feelings. There are circumstances which impress great doubt on my
mind, whether the division can be so favourable to our wishes, as
was the last. Taking the data of the examination of the physicians,
the King's recovery therein presumed, gives a vantage-ground in
argument for limitations. But I am sorry to say this ground is now
shaken: the public is no longer sanguine in hopes, medical
gentlemen have generally conspired to render the object of
recovery much more doubtful at least, and the physicians about the
King have had dissensions and disputes amongst themselves. It is
now rumoured that Dr. Warren wishes to be re-examined. All this is
indeed not before the House of Commons, and the report of the
physicians is; I think, therefore, that though not so decisive, we
yet shall have a considerable majority on the premises; but even
for this dependant on other considerations--namely, how far
apprehensions of the King's actual demise may operate from, I
believe, the faithful report of the day, that a fever is come on,
and that for a day or two past the King has had a constant sweating
of the head, to which he was at no time before accustomed.
According to wishes or fears, men construe this crisis to portend
health or decease; the political effect in the alternative, being
in the first case uncertain, in the second case certain. The bent
of this is against us, as few narrow motives and personal
considerations may extend and favour the active spirit of
subornation which stalks in open day, with each hand full of
patents of honour and purses of money. Offers have been so prodigal
that not fifty years of patronage could accomplish the performance.
Those gentlemen who have rejected these kind tenders of service
speak openly, and no notice is taken. In these moments of public
curiosity, it may not be so well to trust names to a letter. I
could give you several.

The bearing of this letter is thus unfavourable to this night's
debate terminating _fully_ as we could wish, though yet I think
_for us_. Having thus far written, I shall pocket my paper for the
purpose of adding what I can at the House of Commons.

House of Commons,
Half-past Five, Monday, Dec. 22nd, 1788.

I dined at three, at a coffee-house, with my cousin, old William
Lawrence, who called on me; Smith, member for Sudbury, leader of
the Dissenters, joined us on the walk, and was of our dinner
party. Lawrence said he wished a compromise, a _limited regency for
a year_, and then to take up the business anew, if the King was not
recovered, on the other ground, and _he_ is a leading country
gentleman of their party, Smith is in an unqualified manner with
us; and Thornton, whose place in the House is next to me, being
equally staunch, I augur that we have all the Dissenters' interest
with us. Indeed, generally speaking, the House looks better for us
than I expected, and I doubt not our majority, yet thinking it will
not be great; indeed the House is not nearly so full as it was on
the late question, and the apprehensions I set out with of
temporizers and shirkers, as we called them at Eton, seem
confirmed.

Edmund Burke arose a little after four, and is speaking yet. He has
been wilder than ever, and laid himself and party open more than
ever speaker did. He is Folly personified, but shaking his cap and
bells under the laurel of genius; among other things, he said Mr.
Pitt's proposals could not be adopted, as gentlemen, as
_cavaliers_: the word will not be forgot.

Fox is present, but looks very ill. Pitt looks recovered. Your
brother in high glee at Burke. Burke stated the Chancellor to be
like to the God Priapus, and Pitt the carpenter. He run his idea to
a charming extravagance, and finished by declaring that "he could
not be a votary to Priapus, the false God! _vid._ Horace, &c."

The question is an amendment of Dempster's, to follow; the Lords
and Commons, &c., determine "to address the Prince of Wales, to
take on him the Regency, &c."

Adieu, my dear Lord. Your Marchioness in health, and a boy, and
yourself in all good that Providence can dispense, is the prayer of
your most faithfully affectionate and devoted friend, &c.

W. YOUNG.

Six o'clock.

SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Tuesday, Dec. 23rd, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,

Never did any debate of nice discussion go off better in our eye
than that of last night: never was I more agreeably surprised than
by the result--having gained nine on our former majority. The House
was thinner by forty at twelve at night, than the debate before at
three in the morning. The shirkers I alluded to may now come in,
and we may augur our future divisions to be yet stronger and more
decisive: our rats having all shown their tails on last night's
motion to address the Prince.

Sir John Aubrey, rat-major, receiving his emoluments of the
Treasury for five years, and declaring himself unconnected with
any, afforded a subject of general laugh. Master Popham, Sir Samuel
Hurmery, James Macpherson, W.G. Hamilton, &c., &c., followed the
illustrious Aubrey. Fox, after Pitt's reply, and his own rejoinder,
paired off with Stevens of the Admiralty. The Marquis of
Lansdowne's friends, Barre, &c., were with us. Masham, voting for
the Address, declared himself not precluded thereby from voting for
limitations. Drake, on the same head, not to preclude himself, left
the House. We shall, therefore, have those _two_. Sir John Scott
spoke with such learning, truth, and uncommon energy of reasoning
and language, that he carried the House with him, and extorted from
Lord North, in particular, the highest compliments ever paid to a
lawyer in the House of Commons. I never heard Fox speak so
temperately, or better, in point of argument. Pitt, in reply, was
equally great. He stated, to conviction, "the fiction of the law,
which admitted the application of the royal political authority,
when the personal was disabled, as implicated in the very
principles of hereditary succession, which otherwise would suffer
interruption from nonage, infirmity, dotage, and every contingency
in the state of man." Sheridan spoke very ill: very hot,
injudicious, and _ill-heard_. Rolle, whilst adverting to Sheridan's
speech, made use of a remarkable expression, and which seems to
hint some future acting up to the rumours of his purpose. He said
that in proper time, "He should heartily vote for the Prince's
being Regent, _if_ the Prince had done no act by which he had
forfeited pretensions to executive government in this country."

Our resolutions being carried to the Lords, in conference this day,
on Friday next the Lords will debate thereon. Lords Townshend,
Romney, Radnor, and many other occasional opponents, I understand
to be decidedly with us on the second Whig resolution.

In speaking of our debate, I had forgot Burke, who, after I
finished my last night's letter, finished his wild speech in a
manner next to madness. He let out two of the new
titles--Fitzwilliam to be Marquis of Rockingham, and Lord G.
Cavendish, jun. His party pulled him, and our friends calling
"Hear, hear," we lost the rest of the twenty-five new Peers, who
would all have come out.

For the King's health, the world is yet in expectation of some
crisis. The St. James's notes of last night "quiet," or "unquiet,"
are disregarded, as too general, or as of course; and accounts from
ladies about the Queen, and from the physicians themselves, pass in
the greater circles, still mentioning violent intermitting fevers,
and profuse occasional perspirations. Having generally, in my last,
stated that the faculty had conspired to render the public less
sanguine, I mention to _your Lordship only_ what T. Warner, above
seventy years of age, and forty years first surgeon of Guy's and
St. Thomas's Hospitals, told me, "Being at the head of these city
hospitals, he has been often called in to meet the physicians of
Bethlem, where a surgeon for scalping, &c., was required, and that
a madness after fifty, without a clear assignable cause--and that
cause to be reached by surgery or medicine--did not admit a
perfect recovery above one time in an hundred." The opinions of
many others of the faculty are bandied about; but, as matter of
conversation for your private ear, I give this particular one as
authentically coming to my own knowledge.

You'll observe in this day's papers, a meeting advertised of the
bankers. It is understood to be for the purpose of tendering W.
Pitt, on his going out of office, a transfer of L3000 per annum,
Bank Stock, or a principal of L50,000, in the name of the
commercial world.

Adieu, my dear Lord. Health and prosperity be yours, and be assured
that you have no one more devotedly attached than your most
affectionate and obliged friend and servant,

W. YOUNG.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 23rd, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I received this morning your letter of the 18th; but am so much
engaged to-day that it is impossible for me to enter into it, which
I will, if possible, do to-morrow. I write now only to press again,
in the strongest manner, that you will get Fitzgibbon and Wolfe to
state all the particulars of the case, particularly as to the form
of the enrolment of your patent under the Irish Great Seal, and to
give you their opinions and arguments upon it. I will then take
care to know Kenyon's sentiments on that paper, and if I can, the
Chancellor's; but you are not ignorant of the bias of his mind,
which is, on all occasions, to consider the relative situation of
the two kingdoms, not such as it is, but such as it was, and as he
thought it should have remained. My idea of your tie by no means
went to your pledging yourself to do any act so contrary to your
duty and feelings, as the recommending from the throne, in
Ireland, a form of Regency varying one iota from that adopted here.
On the contrary, I think you should give it explicitly to be
understood, that everything in your power will be done to preserve
entire this link of connection. And under this explanation only, do
I think you ought to offer the proposed alternative.

I say nothing of our triumph last night. You will hear it from
other quarters; and you will probably be able to judge of its
extent, by knowing the confidence with which the enemy looked to
gaining upon us on this occasion. It is, I think, now quite certain
that we shall carry our restrictions.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

Another letter upon the Irish difficulty, into which Mr. Grenville enters in elaborate detail:

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 25th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I am extremely anxious that you should lose no time in transmitting
over to England an exact statement of the case respecting your
commission, and of the points and arguments on which your lawyers
ground their opinions, in order that they may be well considered
here by those who are interested in your situation and character,
as deeply and as warmly as Pitt and myself. You mention in your
last, that it has occurred to you, that it would be right _if you
are_ intemperately removed to desire the opinion of our judges on
the point. But you do not seem to consider that, whenever that case
occurs, you may have to decide _on the moment_, either to quit your
Government, and to swear in the new Lord-Lieutenant, or to hold it
against him, in contradiction to the orders of English Government.
Suppose he should himself be the messenger of his own appointment,
as was the case with the Duke of Portland. The same reason exactly
exists for it now as before, namely, the fear of suffering the
dismissed Lord-Lieutenant to meet the Parliament, especially in a
moment when their conduct is so important. The best and, indeed,
almost only security that you could have in such a case for the
justification of your own conduct, whatever it might be, would be
the having given a full previous intimation to the English
Government of the difficulties and dangers of the case.

You say that I should feel myself at liberty to act for you on the
pressure of any unforeseen case. I certainly should; and my
confidence in your affection, and in your persuasion of my desire
to do the best for you, would encourage me to take, if it were
absolutely necessary, steps even of considerable delicacy and
difficulty. But I cannot but be infinitely anxious, as far as
possible, to be previously in possession of your ideas on every
case that can be foreseen. Besides this, I am at present unable to
do the precise thing which I think would be the most desirable,
because I am not myself in possession of the particular forms of
your commission's passing in England and in Ireland, so as to be
able to state them to others. And yet this is the point on which,
in one view of the case, the whole question turns. I confess that,
in my own individual opinion, there is another point distinct from
that of forms, on which I should be disposed to maintain the
incompetence of any English revocation of your commission. It is
this:

_We_ (that is Pitt and his friends) hold and have persuaded
Parliament to declare that, in such a case as the present, the
right of providing for the emergency rests in the two Houses, not
as branches of the Legislature, but as a full and free
representative of all the orders and classes of the people of Great
Britain. Now the moment that we admit this, we do it on the ground
of this being a case unprovided for. If it is so in England, it is
unquestionably equally unprovided for in Ireland; and the right of
making such provision must of necessity rest in the same manner in
the Lords and Commons of England. There is this difference, that
here the Parliament could not be legally opened, unless the Lord
Chancellor had taken upon himself to put the Great Seal to a
commission for that purpose, whereas your commission enables you
(as I understand) generally to open and hold Parliament. But even
in your case, it seems to me to be a doubt whether you can
regularly do this without having received the King's pleasure for
it, and whether your opening the Parliament in such circumstances
is not an act very much of the same nature as the Chancellor's
would have been if he had sealed such a commission.

In the same view of the subject, I should most earnestly deprecate
your taking upon yourself to issue a further prorogation. Surely,
under such circumstances as the present, the two Houses should
themselves decide, and not any individual for them, whether it is
expedient or not to proceed to any business. My clear and decided
opinion on that subject is, that you should go down on the day of
meeting, and state the circumstances of the case, saying that you
have ordered the several examinations of the physicians before
Council and before the two Houses here, to be laid before the two
Houses. Your Ministers should then, upon that, propose to adjourn
to a further day, on the ground of its not being known (as it
cannot then be known) what form will be adopted here, and of its
being, at all events, desirable that they should be in possession
of that fact before they deliberate, especially as the Government
may go on in the interval without inconvenience.

If you see no objection to this, it is, I think, high time that you
should write an official letter, stating all the circumstances of
the situation, and that your intention is, unless you should be
informed that it appears to His Majesty's servants to be improper,
&c., to meet the Parliament on the 20th, for the purpose which I
have stated.

It is excessively important that you should, at the same time,
transmit, either publicly or privately, such a case as I have
mentioned, considering the subject in the two points of view:
first, with respect to the particular forms; and secondly, to the
question, how far any difference in point of form can preclude the
Parliament of Ireland from the exercise of the same substantive
right as that which we have declared to vest in us under the
existing circumstances.

I have great doubts of the propriety of what you mention of an
address of the two Houses to empower you to give the royal assent
to any Bills, because that would prematurely, as it seems to me,
bring into discussion the great question of all--namely, how far
the Lords and Commons of Ireland have the right, either of
commanding the use of the _English Great Seal_, or of superseding
its use, in an instance in which _that_, and the concurrence of the
_English Council_, are fundamental points of the present
constitution of Ireland. I am quite sure that the safest of all
things will be the adjournment; and I think it very improbable that
such a proposal can be opposed, as it must extremely fall in with
the wishes of the party who are looking to the Government
immediately after the passing the English Bill. I have no means of
knowing or guessing at General Pitt's intentions, but should think
they can be no other than _royal_.

You could surely find no difficulty in pledging the servants of
Government in Ireland to the adjournment; because it can so clearly
be argued not to preclude any future opinion on the subject, and
still less to pledge anybody to the adoption of the English system;
but only shows the opinion of the Irish Parliament, that a
knowledge of the system adopted here, is a point which they wish
should enter into their deliberations respecting Ireland.

I am much amused with the circumstance of Lord Sh. and Lord T.
having sent their proxies, as it has answered no other purpose but
that of pledging them; for it now seems to be agreed, that no use
can be made of proxies in a case where the Parliament does not
legally meet, but is rather to be considered as an extraordinary
assembly of the same persons who constitute the two Houses of
Parliament. It is something more than a Convention, and something
less than a Parliament.

Our triumph here is very great. The indignation of the two Princes
is, by what I hear, beyond all measure or bounds. The steadiness of
the House of Commons on this occasion is no bad lesson to them, and
I believe they will long remember it.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

In the House of Peers, Ministers did not come off so triumphantly. Lord Bulkeley communicates the result, and enumerates the _rats_.

LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dec. 27th, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,

We divided last night at half-past twelve; our majority was 33, the
members being 99 to 66, which in the House of Peers was certainly a
large minority. The rat Peers were Duke of Queensbury, Marquis of
Lothian, Bishop Watson, Lord Malmesbury, Earl of Abergavenny, Lord
Chedworth, Lord Audley, Lord Eglinton; and all of the armed
neutrality, who are: Duke of Northumberland, Lord Rawdon, Lord
Selkirk, Lord Breadalbane, Lord Hawke, Lord Kinnaird, Lord
Shaftesbury, Lord Huntingdon; Lord Lonsdale absent; Lord Lansdowne
with us, and spoke better than I ever heard him in my life, fewer
flourishes, and less rhodomontade. The Chancellor spoke
incomparably; and did give it Lord Loughborough and Lord Rawdon
most completely, particularly the former, who felt it. We are in
good spirits, for we fall with _eclat_, and high in public
estimation. I have no time to add more; but that I am yours
affectionately,

B.

The Opposition are in great hopes of a _riot_ in the Irish
Parliament.

MR W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 28th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

The messenger carries with him, as usual, the account received
to-day from Kew. I do not know that I have anything material to
write in addition to my former letters. I stated to you on Friday,
at length, the strong objections which both Pitt and myself feel
against your idea of proroguing the Parliament. If any accident
should detain that letter till after you receive this, I hope you
will take no step of that sort till you have received that letter,
and seriously considered the nature of our objections, which seem
to me to be of the utmost importance.

The belief that the Prince of Wales will certainly accept seems to
gain ground. It is most probable that we shall be enabled to speak
with more certainty on this subject in the course of to-morrow, as
a letter is to be written to him to-day by the Ministers, stating
the outlines of their plan. It will not materially differ from what
I originally stated to you. Peerages, grants for life (with the
necessary exceptions), and reversions, are to be restricted for a
certain time, which will be about a year and a half. This time is
fixed in consequence of what you will observe in the evidence both
of Willis and Addington, who both state the recovery as infinitely,
and beyond all calculation, less probable if it does not take place
within that time. Some line is to be drawn with respect to the
King's household, but what that shall be is the subject of this
morning's deliberation. It is a point of delicacy and difficulty.
The entire custody, management, and government of the King's
person; the appointment, &c., of his physicians, and the regulation
of his actual family, &c., is to be vested in the Queen, with the
advice of a Council, to be named and removable by her. The idea of
a Council of Regency to assist the Prince, but to be removable by
him, seems to be given up.

Our division in the House of Lords, though sufficiently decisive,
was less than it would have been, owing to a variety of accidental
circumstances. There is every reason to believe that we shall
divide stronger on Monday. I have no apprehension whatever as to
the carrying our restrictions in the House of Commons. Accidental
circumstances may vary our majority from 50 to 80; but there can be
no doubt of success. There seems very little reason to believe that
they will venture to dissolve Parliament till March or April, if
they do it then, which I doubt.

There certainly never was in this country, at any period, such a
situation as Mr. Pitt's. It is no small addition to the
satisfaction which we derive from all these events, to observe that
every man of all parties seems to feel how well the game has been
played on our side, and how ridiculously it has been mismanaged by
our opponents. Add to this, that they are all quarrelling amongst
themselves, and that we were never so united as at this moment.
With all these reflections you will own that _the prospect before
us_ is not an unpleasing one. The opinion of Willis continues as
sanguine as ever.

Believe me, my dear brother,
Most sincerely and affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

Lord Bulkeley announces, with exultation, the division in the Commons, and returns to his enumeration of _rats_.

LORD BULKELEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Dec. 29th, 1788.
MY DEAREST LORD,

We are in high spirits here at the first majority of 64, and at the
last of 73, which, considering the open and undisguised canvass of
the Prince and the Duke of York, and the very liberal distribution
of promises from both, does the House of Commons a great deal of
honour. Parry fell down in a fit about two hours before the
division of the first day, and was carried home in a chair
speechless, where he remained confined till Monday, when I polled
him by means of a pair with Sir Robert Clayton, which T. Steele
arranged for him. A _certain lady_ in St. James's Square has been
tampering with Parry, and he certainly vented all his grievances
into the compassionate bosom of that active and politic fair one,
who has likewise infused such a political ardour into the mind of
her dear Sir Poddy, that on the first division he was seen to take
down the names of the different speeches and the members, besides
_other occasional notes_. I have not been in St. James's Square
since I have been in town, the manner with which they affect to
treat me being such that _an old English Baron_ cannot put up with;
besides _we are_ not in the best of humours at present, Sir Poddy
being unwell, and unable to attend the last division and _we find_
it difficult to sing the praises of the Prince and the Duke of York
on the usual themes of filial piety, virtue, &c., in the face of a
majority of 73 in favour of a falling Minister.

Sir George Warren was one of the rats, which Lady B. was much
affected at. He and Lady W. dined with us the day before the first
division, and both sung the praises of Mr. Pitt, and expressed the
warmest anxiety for the King's recovery. I was not all surprised,
well knowing his rattish dispositions. Glynne Wynne, whom I have
been working for three years to detach Lord Uxbridge from, has,
with the utmost effrontery, cast his benefactor off, and set him at
defiance, to which he has been led by promises at Carlton House. I
trust we shall be able to do his business on a dissolution, and he
well deserves it, being one of the first of scoundrels.

* * * * *

I subjoin a list of those members who usually have voted with Mr.
Pitt, who have quitted him in the late divisions, _i.e._ _rats_.

Yours sincerely,
B.