Chapter IV: Front Matter (4)

Sir Peter Parker.
Sir George Warren.
Sir J. Aubrey.
Sir S. Hannay.
Sir Charles Gould.
James Macpherson.
---- Clevland.
Glynne Wynne.
Gerrard Hamilton.
---- Fraser.
---- Osbaldiston.

The Lonsdales voted against Pitt in the first division, and staid
away the second. The Lansdownes voted with Pitt in the first, and,
I believe, in the second, or staid away.

1789.

DEATH OF THE SPEAKER--MR. GRENVILLE ELECTED IN HIS PLACE--COMMITTEE ON THE REGENCY--THE HOUSEHOLD BILL--CONDUCT OF THE PRINCES--ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE OF WALES FROM THE IRISH PARLIAMENT--RECOVERY OF THE KING--DECISIVE MEASURES OF LORD BUCKINGHAM--IRISH PROMOTIONS AND CREATIONS--DISSENSIONS IN THE ROYAL FAMILY--MR. GRENVILLE APPOINTED SECRETARY OF STATE--MR. ADDINGTON ELECTED SPEAKER--LORD BUCKINGHAM RESIGNS THE GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND.

The one absorbing subject which for the last few weeks had engrossed the public mind, almost to the exclusion of every other consideration, kept the Parliament sitting close up to Christmas-day, in the year just expired. On the 23rd of December, a resolution, vigorously opposed by Lord North as instituting a fiction in lieu of the royal authority, was adopted, empowering the Chancellor to affix the Great Seal to such Bill of Limitations as might be necessary to restrict the power of the future Regent; but Ministers had no sooner succeeded in carrying their object to this important stage, than a new impediment presented itself. On the 2nd of January, 1789, Mr. Cornwall, Speaker of the House of Commons, died. It was immediately decided that Mr. Grenville should be proposed to succeed him. On all accounts, it was indispensable to hasten this arrangement, as the functions of the Commons were unavoidably suspended in the interim. A serious obstacle arose from the informality of the proceeding, the sanction of the royal approbation being necessary, according to custom, upon the nomination of a new Speaker. The elastic character of the Constitution, however, although not providing direct remedies for such special cases, admits of adaptation to the most unforeseen exigencies; and so urgent was the pressure of affairs at this agitating juncture, that the irregularity was passed over by the tacit consent of all parties.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Jan. 2nd, 1788.[B]
MY DEAR BROTHER,

You will probably not be a little surprised at the contents of this
letter. The Speaker died this morning at about nine o'clock, and
after some consideration, it has been determined that I should be
proposed to the House to succeed him. I am not quite sure whether
the choice will come on to-morrow or Monday. The situation is a new
one, it having always been held, that the King's commands are
necessary for the election of a Speaker, and his approbation for
confirming him in his situation. But this cannot be had under the
present circumstances; nor can the House take any steps to supply
the deficiency till they have a Speaker. At the Restoration and
Revolution, the House, in both instances, chose a Speaker, who was
acknowledged as such, and was never afterwards confirmed by the
King.

With respect to myself, the time for deliberation has not been
long. But upon the whole, I think the decision which I have made is
clearly right. If the King recovers before Parliament is dissolved,
it is clearly understood that my acceptance of this situation is
not to prejudice my other views; and in the public opinion, the
having filled this office, though but for a short time, will rather
forward them. If the Regent goes on without dissolving, I am then
in a situation which, though perhaps not perfectly pleasant, is
nevertheless respectable, and will give me occupation. If they
dissolve, and carry the Chair against me in the new Parliament, I
do not see how I stand worse, in any respect, for having held this
office. Such is my reasoning, and I think you will approve it. As
far as I can judge, there is no doubt of my carrying it _now_. I
have not yet heard whether they start any opponent, but I think
they have none whose personal connexions can materially vary the
proportion between the two parties: it is very sufficiently
decisive.

I have not heard the account of to-day at St. James's. Nothing can
be better than all the accounts, both public and private, for the
last three or four days. It is certainly not sanguine to entertain
the very best hopes; and the progress has even been more rapid than
Willis expected; so that I think we may look with some confidence
to March or April at latest.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

[Footnote B: This is the date in the original, but it is evidently a mistake. Mr. Grenville forgot that he was in a new year.]

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Jan. 4th, 1789.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

The plan for the Regency was sent to the Prince of Wales in a
letter from Pitt, three days ago, with an expression of his
readiness to give any explanation, either in person or in any
other manner that he might intimate. Yesterday his answer was
received, directed _to the Cabinet_. It is long, and with much
affectation of good writing, and is in parts of it well expressed,
in other parts confused and timid. It ends, however, with saying
that if these restrictions are adopted by Parliament he will
_accept_.

I have no doubt of carrying the Chair to-morrow, but not a little
doubt whether I ought to have accepted it. The die is, however, now
cast. The restrictions will, I think, pass without much difficulty.

I still adhere strongly to my opinion about the prorogation,
because I think there is a wide difference between exercising
during the King's health a power which he commits to your
discretion, but which he might if he pleased regulate by
instruction at any moment, and exercising the same power now when
you are to state that the King is prevented by infirmity from
attending at all to the administration of his Government. I am sure
that your acting in the manner you speak of is liable to, and will
probably bear, the very worst construction in the minds of the
public here; and I cannot for the life of me conceive what fear
there can be that the two Houses will not adjourn, considering that
the great point which they all wish, is that they may not be
obliged to pledge themselves. The extraordinary anxiety in those
whom you see, to get you to prorogue, is, in my opinion, a very
strong proof of their being actuated by that sort of wish.

I have not time to write any more, except to express my anxiety to
hear how Lady B. and your child go on.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

There was no doubt about the issue of the election to the Speakership. "Your brother William will certainly be Speaker," writes Lord Bulkeley on the 3rd, "and has already stood the hoax at White's, where it was debated last night whether he should wear a wig or his own hair." The election went off to the entire satisfaction of Mr. Grenville, who, reporting the event, says that "the majority, though quite large enough, would have been larger if they had divided half an hour later, as nearly forty of my friends were locked out below, and about eleven of theirs." With his customary philosophy, he made the best of everything; but he does not disguise from Lord Buckingham that he had strong doubts in his mind whether he ought to have accepted the Chair. The Opposition might, probably, have been stronger against his election, but for the belief that prevailed that the King was getting rapidly better. "The progress of the King," observes Mr. Grenville on the 7th, "is such, _according to our accounts_, that it is by no means impossible, nor even a very improbable case, that before the Irish Bill can pass, he may re-assume his Government."

Another contingency that weighed with the floating mass of undecided politicians was the rumour which now began to be circulated that the Regent would not dismiss the existing Ministers till the end of the session.

LORD MORNINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Jan. 6th, 1789.
MY DEAR LORD,

As I understood that Sir W. Young and Bernard wrote you an account
of the division last night, which placed Grenville so honourably in
the Chair of the House of Commons, I did not trouble you with any
letter by the post of yesterday; but I cannot deny myself the
pleasure of acquainting you, that nothing could be more perfectly
satisfactory to all our friends than the conduct of the new Speaker
on an occasion naturally distressing; his speech of excuse, and his
speech from the steps of the Chair, were universally admired, they
were both so composed and delivered as to render a scene, which I
have always understood to be very ridiculous, really interesting
and affecting. It is deemed a misfortune amongst our friends, that
the practice of printing the Speaker's speeches on this occasion in
the journals is now disused. Grenville's speeches would have done
him the highest credit, as well as afforded an excellent precedent
to future Speakers. I have prevailed with Mr. Speaker to mount his
wig, and the whole apparatus to-day: he must consider this as a
young lawyer does his first appearance at the bar, and the sooner
the laugh is over the better for the dignity of the Chair. Whatever
may be Grenville's future fortunes, it can be no discredit to his
character to have been placed in the Chair by such a majority, in
such times and circumstances, and at his age.

I write no accounts of what we are doing, you hear that much more
correctly from Grenville. I am anxious to know what will be the
temper of Ireland at the meeting. Grattan is as much a creature of
Fox and his party, as the meanest libeller in the "Morning Herald;"
he lives entirely with them. I hear Pelham is to take his father on
his back to the Government of Ireland. Grattan will stand, in my
opinion, on most unpopular ground, if he either attempts to assert
the hereditary right of the Prince, or to give him larger powers in
Ireland, than the Parliament of this country entrust to him for the
administration of the British Government. The hereditary right, I
suppose Grattan will not venture to touch; and the latter
proposition, I think, might be argued exactly as he argued the
Perpetual Mutiny Bill, and other questions, where the danger of
larger powers in Ireland than were held in England by the same
hands, were considered with a view to the Constitutions of _both_
countries. This argument is, in my opinion, clear, if the rights of
the King on the throne are admitted to be the rights of the people
at large, and if they are not, I know not why they exist. I have
not much fear that the Irish Parliament will listen to such
proposals. As to reversions and offices for life, a Regent, who has
not the power of granting them here, and attempts to obtain it in
Ireland, can mean nothing else than to indemnify his disappointed
friends in England at the expense of Ireland; I do not think this
can go down. On the whole, I think your argument in Ireland
stronger in every view than ours here, and that is saying a great
deal.

Arthur informs me that my Trimmers wish to have a company of foot
quartered on them. I am sure I have no objection to your giving
_free quarters_ to the whole army on the worthy inhabitants of that
ancient and loyal town.

I sincerely wish you joy of your son, and hope the bad weather does
not affect either him or Lady Buckingham.

Ever, my dear Lord,
Yours most affectionately,
MORNINGTON.

What think of Sir John Aubrey, rat?

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Jan. 10th, 1789.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I send you a letter of Camplin's, about an exchange which had been
proposed. We have no news here--everything remaining in precisely
the same state. The Committee, will, I think, most probably not
make their report to-day, though we meet for the chance of it. In
this manner, it will be impossible that the restrictions can be
opened before Tuesday or Wednesday. The debates of the Committee
have been conducted with great heat and violence on both sides, and
much indecency towards the King, particularly from Fox and Burke.
They are now endeavouring to turn it into a personal attack upon
the Queen, for having wished to make one of the reports of the
physicians more favourable, and for having dismissed Baker from her
service, on the ground of the great inattention towards the King
and his family, which appears on the face of his former
examination: he having perceived symptoms of this disorder so early
as the 22nd of October, and having, subsequent to that time,
entirely left the King.

The examination of Baker and Warren state the probability of
recovery as being nearly the same as when they were before
examined, but rather less. Willis and Pepys state it as much
greater; particularly the former of these two, who speaks in the
most sanguine terms. The answers of Reynolds and Gisborne are also,
as I believe, favourable.

These delays put all idea of dissolution out of the question, till
the end of the present session, at soonest; and that cannot take
place, according to my calculation, till the end of June. People
begin to speak doubtfully about the Regent's making any immediate
change, and I know that some of their friends affect to hold that
language; but I am inclined to think that, however difficult it may
be for them to undertake the Government under the existing
circumstances, it is absolutely impossible for them to satisfy the
Regent, or to quiet their own dependants, without running that
risk.

Fox is apparently recovering, but slowly.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Jan. 12th, 1789.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I understand from different conversations, as well as from the
general report here, that there is an intention of moving for an
Address to the Prince, such as was proposed here, immediately on
the first meeting of the Irish Parliament. Grattan, &c., &c., are
all going over, so as to be in Dublin by the 20th. He is understood
to have entered completely into all the views of the party here,
and to be ready to pledge himself to all their doctrines,
maintained, or retracted, or both. I thought it right to give you
this intelligence, although you will probably hear it from many
other quarters, and though I have very little apprehension, indeed,
from the effect of such a manoeuvre. If anything could more
completely ruin them here than they are ruined already, it would be
such a measure. As to its effect in Ireland, I cannot persuade
myself that there can be any difficulty in getting people to pledge
themselves not to run before this country; and to appoint a Regent,
without conditions, in Ireland, before it is even known what
conditions are to be proposed, much less whether they will be
adopted by the British Parliament. At all events, however, the
battle must be fought; for it would be the most disgraceful thing
in the world to appear to give it up, or rather not to appear to
dispute it inch by inch.

Lord Glendon and Lord Fairford are both going over to assist you.
They both complain (particularly the former) of want of attention
from you; but I am so accustomed to such complaints, without
foundation, that I am not disposed to give much credit to them in
this instance. I understand that Lord Hillsborough has expressed
himself on the subject in a more decided manner than you seem at
all disposed to give him credit for.

Our report cannot probably be made to-day; but when it does appear,
I am told that the impression of it will be favourable to the idea
of the King's recovery. Surely, when this circumstance is taken
into consideration by your Irish speculators, in addition to the
many other considerations which make everybody here allow that
Pitt's side has the best of the day, they will not be induced to
hazard so decisive a step as you must give them to understand their
agreeing to this Address will be considered.

It was mentioned to me, that considerable offers had been made to
Corry. I mention this to you, but you will probably be able to
ascertain the truth of the report more accurately than I can.

It is worth observing, that the appointment of a Regent in Ireland
by Address goes directly to dissolve the Union of the two kingdoms,
because a Regent so appointed could not command the use of the
English Great Seal.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Jan. 19th, 1789.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I was so knocked up on Saturday, that I found it impossible to
write to you; though there is one circumstance, which, if I had
been acquainted with, would have prevailed over all fatigue--I mean
that of Captain Nugent's having voted against us upon the second
division. The question has not been distinctly stated in any of the
papers, as far as I have seen. It was a proposal of Fox's, that
the restrictions, particularly that of peerage, should continue
only for a limited time; by which means, we should have been placed
in this sort of situation, that if, at the expiration of that term,
the King should be so far recovered, as to afford hopes even of an
almost immediate recovery, the Regent would be able, by a sudden
creation of Peers, to make it impossible for him to resume his
authority.

Nugent had voted with us upon the first question; but was, I
suppose, led away by some part of Fox's speech, which had the
effect of carrying over Bankes and about six or seven more of our
_conscientious_ friends. I think it right to mention this
circumstance to you, though not with any view of suggesting what
you may think it right to do. I shall, I own, be much mortified if
he should vote against us on Monday; but nothing that you can do
will be in time enough to prevent that. I do not feel that I can
take any measures on the subject, although I certainly have no
doubt what your wishes would have been if you were on the spot.

I find, from general report, that some of our friends are staggered
about the household resolution, which is to be proposed on Monday.
It is, therefore, probable, that we shall not carry this by so
triumphant a majority as we have the other questions. I think,
however, there is little doubt that we shall carry it; and that is
the point of real importance.

I shall be anxious to hear the event of your meeting. You will have
observed that, by Lord Sydney's despatch, a latitude is given you
of proroguing, in stating the opinion of the King's servants on the
different points. I thought, when the despatch was shown to me,
that this was a favourable circumstance, as, from your letters, it
seemed to me at that time very doubtful whether you would not have
adopted that measure; and, in that case, I felt that you would
certainly have been glad to have this sort of sanction.

Believe me ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

The Duke of Leinster has, as I suppose you know, written to the
Prince of Wales, to offer himself to him. The consequence has been,
that Lord Charles Fitzgerald has declared, that he does not
consider himself in a situation to be turned over from party to
party every half-year; and that he has hoisted an Orange cape. He
will, as I understand, not go over to Ireland at the meeting; and I
take it for granted, that in case of a dissolution the Duke will
not re-elect him.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Jan. 19th, 1789.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

Since I wrote my other letter of this date, I have received yours
of the 15th, stating your alarm at the lies spread in Ireland about
the proceedings of the Committee of the House of Commons. You will,
long before this, have received the report itself from me, and by
reading it, will have found how much more favourable the account of
the King's situation appears from that examination, and how much
you are in the wrong to suffer your noble spirit to be cast down by
such weak inventions of the enemy; and above all, how monstrous the
idea is that Fox is to gain with the public by a transaction which
only shows their inveterate malice against the King and Queen, and
its utter impotence. Your expressions of duper and duped, you will
see are equally inapplicable to our representations of the King's
situation, which I think you will still believe to be as authentic
and as credible as the lies which Grattan and Forbes retail from
the porter's lodge at Carlton or Burlington House. Seriously
speaking, I am vexed to see the importance which you attach to all
these reports, because I know that it must work and agitate your
mind. A whole life would not suffice, on my part, to answer every
lie in circulation: but I beg you to believe that although,
perhaps, naturally a little sanguine in my temper, yet that if
there was any really unfavourable circumstance which arose here, I
would not conceal it from you. The King is better ever since that
examination; and this I speak on no partial authority, but on the
information of Warren himself, who gave yesterday to the person who
repeated it to me a much more favourable account.

I have not time to answer the rest of your letter to-day. Our Bill
is not prepared yet, nor can be till the resolutions have been
agreed to by both Houses; but it will be short, and nearly in the
same words with the resolutions, adding only the oath of office
from the Regency Bill of 1765, and a few other particulars.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

I suppose you know that Lord Spencer certainly goes to Ireland.

The notion that the Regent would continue Mr. Pitt and his friends in office was rapidly dissipated during the progress of these discussions. The Household Bill, alluded to in one of Mr. Grenville's letters, gave deep offence to His Royal Highness; and from the moment that part of the plan was disclosed, there was no longer any disguise about the fact that the Prince had not only made up his mind to dismiss the Ministers, but that the list of the incoming Administration was actually settled, and ready for use. The object of the Household Bill was to confide to the Queen the care of the King's person, and the disposition of the royal household, which would have the effect of placing at Her Majesty's control the patronage of four hundred places; while the Regent was to possess no power whatever over any office, reversion, or pension. This appeared to the Prince and his allies a monstrous proposition, calculated to introduce "weakness, disorder, and insincerity into every branch of political business;" to "separate the Court from the State;" to "disconnect the authority to command service from the power of animating it by reward;" and to impose on the Regent "all the invidious duties of the kingly station, without the means of softening them to the public by any one act of grace, favour, or benignity."

In these poised and melodious sentences (said to have been written by Burke) may be recognized the policy of the master spirit that raised the storm which was to overwhelm Ministers. When the moment came, however, at which it should have burst--Pitt's motion for the Address--Fox was absent. "Fox is gone to Bath," says Mr. Grenville. "Whether he is very ill, as some say, or wants to shirk the discussion about Mrs. Fitzherbert, as others assert, I know not."

This business of Mrs. Fitzherbert, of which we hear something in these letters, was suspended like a sword over the heads of the royal Opposition; and whenever it threatened to descend, they endeavoured to escape from it by avoiding the discussion, or to avert it by abating their violence. The rumour, however, which ascribed Fox's absence on this occasion to that cause was certainly unfounded. On the 19th of January, he made his motion for limiting the continuance of the restrictions; and on the 26th he was ill at Bath, where he remained for some weeks in a precarious state of health. His loss was severely felt by his party. Ministers were triumphant in both Houses. The incidental shocks they experienced from the vibrations of that class of persons designated by Mr. Grenville as "_conscientious_ friends," and from the defection of the _rats_, had been completely recovered in the final majorities of Lords and Commons; and although Fox may not have thought it prudent on some occasions to enhance the inevitable defeat of the Prince's followers by assisting at their discomfiture, it is unlikely that even the dread of a debate on Mrs. Fitzherbert would have kept him away at this critical juncture.

While these discussions were going on, always ending in fluctuating majorities for Pitt, the Prince of Wales and his brother, notwithstanding the dissipation in which they indulged, were indefatigable in their efforts to cultivate popularity. Thus writes Lord Bulkeley:

The Princes go on in their usual style, both keeping open houses,
and employing every means in their power to gain proselytes,
attending the Beefsteak Clubs, Freemason meetings, &c., and will
probably very soon attend the parochial meetings of Lord John
Townshend's Committee in Westminster. Notwithstanding all this, the
Parliament still continues steadily to Mr. Pitt, which, considering
the looseness of morals and of the times, does the members great
credit. * * * The Duke of York never misses a night at Brookes's,
where the hawks pluck his feathers unmercifully, and have reduced
him to the vowels I. O. U. The Prince likewise attends very often,
and has taken kindly to play.

General Cuninghame appears to have disappointed the expectations of his friends at this period, and, although present in the House on the 19th, did not vote. It was the next thing to ratting, and seems to have been regarded in that light by Lord Bulkeley.

General Cuninghame has been blowing hot and cold in his language
here, but has not voted, not even last night, when he appeared for
the first time in the House. I have had a letter from the Duke of
Dorset, complaining of his conduct in not resigning his seat, _as
his conscience troubled him_.

No man had so keen a scent for _rats_ as Lord Bulkeley, and he was generally in advance of his party in detecting them.

Thurlow and Loughborough were both ill at this time ("which," says Sir William Young, with a touch of sarcastic humour, "will much shorten the progress of the Regency Bill in the Lords"); and on the 2nd of February, when Mr. Grenville, in his capacity of Speaker, attended at the bar of the House of Peers to hear the Commission under the Great Seal read, Thurlow was unable to attend, and Lord Bathurst officiated for him. The night before, Thurlow declared, as reported by his physician, that "if he were ten times worse, he'd go, by G--;" his physician, however, overruled him; and the obstruction of his presence being thus fortunately removed, it was anticipated that the progress of the Bill through the Lords would be so rapid as to place the Regent on the throne in a fortnight. Active preparations were, consequently, set on foot for settling the new Administration. Amongst the other great situations, Ireland was offered to the Duke of Northumberland, who declined it, and then to Lord Spencer, who accepted it, with Pelham for his secretary.

Ireland was a considerable item in the calculations of the Opposition. "The Prince and the Opposition," writes Lord Bulkeley, "have great hopes of a riot in their favour in the Parliament of Ireland." Some such result was to be apprehended from the temper of the people, and the adverse views they took of the Regency question; although a true sense of their own independence ought to have shown them that there were national objections against allowing the Prince to indemnify himself by the use of the royal prerogatives in Ireland for the restraints which were put upon him in England. The object to which, under these difficult circumstances, Lord Buckingham and Mr. Grenville directed their attention, was to assimilate, as nearly as possible, the Regency Bills in both countries, so as to prevent the occurrence of so great an anomaly as that of having a Regent whose powers should be strictly limited in the one kingdom, and who should, at the same time, be invested with unrestricted powers in the other. The Parliament of Ireland possessed the unquestionable right of deciding the Regency in their own way, leaving the legal validity of the act for subsequent consideration; and as it was understood that the Opposition intended to move an Address to the Prince, which there was reason to believe they would be able to carry, calling upon His Royal Highness to assume the Government of Ireland unconditionally during the term of His Majesty's illness, the position of Lord Buckingham had become peculiarly embarrassing. What course should be taken in the event of such an Address being carried? This question is anxiously discussed in numerous communications between Lord Buckingham and Mr. Grenville and other members of the Government. The predicament was so strange, and involved constitutional considerations of such importance, as to give the most serious disquietude to the Administration. The first expedient thought of was to delay the proceedings of the Irish Parliament, by adjournment, or any other available means, till after the Regent had been appointed in England, provided the motion for the Address could be successfully resisted in the first instance. But as it was almost certain the Administration would be beaten on that motion, it remained to be determined whether Lord Buckingham, in that event, should refuse to transmit the Address to His Royal Highness. Upon the propriety of so extreme a measure Mr. Grenville entertained some doubts in the beginning. By refusing to transmit the Address, the Lord-Lieutenant would clearly put himself in the way as an obstacle to that mode of providing for the emergency which the two Houses of Parliament were determined to adopt; or, on the other hand, by sending it he would make himself, in some degree, a party to a request by which His Royal Highness was asked to do an act which he, Lord Buckingham, held His Royal Highness to be precluded by law from doing. Such was the dilemma as it presented itself to the mind of Mr. Grenville. One escape from it was, to forward the Address, accompanied by a representation from Lord Buckingham of his own views of its illegality. Another was, to resign.

In the meanwhile, the projects of the Opposition in England were checked by the gratifying accounts from Kew. The King was visibly improving, and hopes began to be entertained that there might be no necessity for a Regency after all. The letters of Mr. Grenville, reverting to the opening of the Parliament, trace the progress of these circumstances in detail.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Feb. 2nd, 1789.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

Our Parliament has this day been opened by Lord Bathurst, the
Chancellor being so ill as to make it absolutely impossible for him
to come down. The Commission was first read, and then Lord Bathurst
said, in a few words, that the Lords Commissioners being empowered
by the said Commission to declare the causes of calling the
Parliament, thought it their duty to call the attention of the two
Houses to the melancholy circumstance of His Majesty's illness, and
to recommend to them to provide for the care of His Majesty's royal
person, and the administration of the royal authority during His
Majesty's illness, in such manner as the exigency of the case
requires.

I think that my former calculation is rather too sanguine, and that
the 18th is the soonest that the Bill can pass, allowing for the
debate, of which notice has been given in both Houses, on the
Committee for the royal assent. The idea is, that the letters of
dismission are ready written, and will be sent that day.

I cannot yet learn, with certainty, who is to be the Home Secretary
of State. It is supposed to lie between Lord Stormont and Lord
Rawdon; and there is a report that they are quarrelling about that
as about everything else, and that the Duke of York espouses Lord
Rawdon's cause very warmly.

The accounts of Fox are that he is not at all better, and that he
has not been able yet to drink the waters. His death would throw
them into complete confusion, though the Prince is so far pledged,
that even in that case he must attempt to form a new Government.

We mean (but this _inter nos_ only) to move an Amendment upon the
Address, expressive of our satisfaction at the flourishing state in
which the public affairs are delivered into His Royal Highness's
hands, and of our hope that the same principles and measures will
continue to be pursued. I have no doubt of our carrying this, in
their teeth.

Everybody seems to think a dissolution certain. I imagine it cannot
by possibility take place till May or June, though some people
expect it in March.

I believe I mentioned to you in my last the great improvement which
these last few days have made in the King's situation, and the
strong hope which we derive from it.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Feb. 7th, 1789.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I do not know of anything that has happened here since I wrote
last, which is worth mentioning to you. Our Bill is to be in the
Committee to-day, and Monday, so that I guess we shall not get it
into the House of Lords till Wednesday or Thursday. This will put
off the passing a little beyond my calculation, and I imagine the
Regent will not now be in full possession of his office till about
the 19th or 20th. I wait with much impatience to hear what has
passed on Thursday in the Irish Parliament. I find that people
here, those at least with whom I converse, are indifferent about
the success of the measure in Ireland, but are much exasperated at
the madness and folly of the people who are endeavouring to stir
fresh questions of separation between the two countries.

The accounts of the King still continue to be very favourable, but
I have not heard what degree of hope Willis grounds on this long
period of tranquillity. I should think that the breaking out in the
neck must be a favourable circumstance, but I begin to think the
time long if he still continues without real amendment of the
complaint itself. This, however, arises more from one's natural
impatience than from any reasonable ground which there is to think
worse of the case from this circumstance.

One hears of nothing now but of the intended arrangements. Among
these, the military is not the least curious part. His Royal
Highness the Duke of York is to be Commander-in-chief; Fitzpatrick,
Secretary at War; and there are to be four Field-Marshals;
consisting of the Regent himself, of the Dukes of York and
Gloucester, and General Conway. These Field-Marshals--of whom three
never saw a shot fired, and the fourth of whom has not served for
six-and-twenty years, except in the very peaceful situation of
Commander-in-chief in England for a few months at the end of the
war--make a pretty curious promotion. Faucitt is to continue,
notwithstanding a positive promise of the Duke of Portland's to
General Vaughan, for the sake of securing his vote and his
brother's. They are to make all the Colonels Major-Generals, down
to Lord Rawdon. The list of the Prince's aides-de-camp you will
have seen in the papers.

Lord Spencer is declared for Ireland.

The accounts from Bath say that Fox is better, and will recover.

The town and neighbourhood of Buckingham have voted an unanimous
Address to Pitt, without any of us knowing a word about it. It is
signed by near two hundred persons, as Jemmy tells me, for I have
not seen it.

I am living in hourly fear of having a meeting called in the
county, which would be a troublesome and useless thing, though, I
understand, the sense of the yeomanry is entirely with us. I hear
nothing of their intentions in case of a dissolution, but much
doubt, from what I hear, whether they will think of doing more than
ousting Aubrey, which they may do very peaceably; for by what I
hear, he would not have ten votes.

I have, at length, decided not to think of the Bolton Street house,
at least for the present year, as the repairs necessary to make it
habitable amount to so large a sum. Perhaps, if I was to be
re-elected after a dissolution it might be worth my while; but that
is, as you will easily suppose, a very doubtful contingency. Is it
not a singular thing that it should be doubtful at all, and that
there should be any chance of beating them in the new Parliament on
such a question as that?

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

I open this letter again, to let you know that I have just received
an account of Sir Thomas Halifax's death, which happened this
morning. This circumstance is not a little perplexing to me,
especially in Bernard's absence. I have sent an express to Chaplin
to desire him to come to town to-morrow, and I shall then hear what
he says. The thing to be wished is, that we could secure Bernard's
election, now and hereafter, without much increase of expense; but
on that whole subject I am very much at sea, and there cannot be
time to hear from you and him upon it. Perhaps Chaplin may think it
better that we should now propose some other person, who might be
supported by Lord Chesterfield's interest, and not appear so
decidedly connected with us as Bernard is. We had a scheme for a
candidate of that sort at the general election, and Lord C. was
inclined to give into it. At all events, I think it is absolutely
necessary that Bernard should come over instantly, as his presence
is equally necessary, either as a candidate or in order to get a
repetition of the promises which this intervening election might
otherwise be construed to annul.

I have heard, since I wrote the preceding part of this letter, that
the Chancellor has been at Pitt's to-day, with an account that he
had seen Warren this morning, who had spoken to him in a very
favourable manner of the King's present state, and had even said
that he thought the amendment so material, that he had felt it his
duty, immediately on coming to town, to wait upon His Royal
Highness with the account. So there is a little bane for your rats.

Ever yours,
W. W. G.

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Feb. 14th, 1739.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

Although I have nothing else to write to you, yet I could not
refuse myself the pleasure of letting you know that I have been at
Kew to-day with Pitt, and that the account which he received from
Willis is such as to confirm and strengthen all our hopes. The
public account is, as you will see, that the King continues in a
state of gradual amendment; and every circumstance which we can
learn, affords us room to entertain the most sanguine hopes. What
has already passed in the public, on the subject of Willis, and the
violent attacks of Opposition against him, have made him more
cautious and reserved in what he says, and he particularly desires
that his name may not be quoted. But I could not find in my heart
to conceal from you the favourable manner in which he speaks of
the present situation.

His account is confirmed by that of the other physicians, who all
speak the same language. Sir G. Baker told him to-day, that if it
was the case of a common patient whom he was attending, he should
not think it necessary to give him any more medicines. The most
favourable circumstance of all is, the great abatement of the
pulse, which, till now, has always been much too high.

You will easily imagine how much speculation all this makes, and a
more curious scene, I think, I never saw. The prevailing opinion
is, that we are not to be turned out. There is a report, which is
very confidently circulated (but I do not vouch for the truth of
it), that the Duke of Portland has positively told His Royal
Highness that, under these circumstances, it is impossible for him
to take any share in a new arrangement. It is also said that they
have quarrelled about the Prince's debts, but these are points of
which I know nothing but from report.

The account which Lord Chesterfield had yesterday from his friends
at Aylesbury tallies with Chaplin's, as to the possibility of
Bernard's success, though it is not quite so sanguine as to
numbers. If he succeeds at all, this last point may be no
misfortune to him, as it will diminish the claims upon him.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

The Irish Parliament had met in the interim, and were debating with extraordinary vigour and asperity the Address by which the Prince of Wales, before he had been appointed Regent in England, was to be invited to assume at once the functions and privileges of the Crown in Ireland. Many of the usual supporters of the Government, including even some persons in high employments, had joined the ranks of the Opposition; and Lord Buckingham in his letters to Lord Sydney declares that his powers had been annihilated by that lapse of the sovereign authority which led to this result, and that it would be no longer proper for him to interfere any further, except only in reference to the "usual business of the kingdom." Acting on the pressure of these circumstances, he felt it due to his own credit, and to the service in which he was engaged, to tender his resignation, as appears by the following letter from Mr. Grenville:

MR. W. W. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Feb. 13th, 1789.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

We have no news here, except of the favourable accounts of the
King's situation, which are every hour more and more confirmed. All
our present anxiety is, to keep down the too sanguine expectations
of our friends, in order to prevent their being too much damped by
any check, which Willis considers as an event by no means unlikely,
and not such as in any degree to diminish his confidence in the
King's recovery. From the general turn of people's conversation
here, it seems by no means certain that the Prince will take any
step for dismissing the present Government, if the King continues
to mend. It would, indeed, be a measure so grossly indecent to turn
out the King's servants at the eve of his recovery, that it would
be too strong even for those counsels by which His Royal Highness
has hitherto been actuated. But there is another consideration
which will possibly have still more weight, namely, that the
acceptance of office under such circumstances would put his friends
to considerable inconvenience and expense, such as to be by no
means worth incurring, if they are to hold them for so very short
a period as the King's present situation appears to indicate. This
mode of reasoning is of itself sufficiently obvious, and I
understand that the Prince has held a language which corresponds
with it, since so great an alteration has taken place.

Under these circumstances, you must see that the letter which you
sent me is clearly inapplicable to the present situation. If,
contrary to our present expectation, the Prince should dismiss us
all immediately, I will lose no time in sending that letter; but if
not, it seems to be the wish of all your friends that you should
remain where you are for some little time, in order that you may
not have the appearance of being driven away either by the event
which has happened, or by the violence of the abuse thrown out
against you. I see and acknowledge the difficulties of such a
situation, and lament that you should in any case be subject to
them, but you must, on the other hand, consider that these
difficulties do not of themselves, unaccompanied by other
circumstances, afford a reason for withdrawing yourself from them.
I am far from being desirous, for many, very many reasons, that
your stay should be prolonged to the usual period of a
Lord-Lieutenant's reign; but I cannot help most earnestly wishing
that you could, in some mode or other, struggle through the present
session, in order to cover your retreat, which will otherwise by
your enemies be represented as a flight.

You see that all this refers to an event which may possibly not
happen; but I felt it indispensably due to you that I should beg
you to consider this case very seriously, and that with a view not
to present difficulties only, but taking into the account your
future situation. I have told you what I believe is the unanimous
wish of your friends on such lights as we possess here. It is
possible that circumstances with which we are unacquainted might
alter our opinion, but they must be very strong before they could
produce that effect.

I know no other point which is worth writing to you about:
certainly none which is worth your bestowing a moment, thought
upon, in comparison with that which I have mentioned. I enclose my
last account from Aylesbury. I need not say how much I feel for the
unpleasant circumstances of your present situation. But I know that
you have the best resource against them, in the sense of your own
conduct, and in the consciousness of the sincere and invariable
affection of those whose friendship you value.

Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.

Two days afterwards, the report of the King's health was so encouraging that his recovery was considered by the Cabinet as little less than absolutely certain. Under these circumstances, it became a matter of speculation whether the Prince would dismiss the Ministers, or, if he did not, whether he would treat them in such a manner as to make it impossible for them to stay in office. In any case, whether they were dismissed or driven to resign, Mr. Grenville judged it prudent to withhold Lord Buckingham's letter of resignation, till the solution, either way, should have been ascertained. The conflicting difficulties of the situation, looking at it from all sides, are ably stated in a letter of the 15th of February.

You cannot come away, without appearing to desert your trust, while
the King's servants here abide by theirs; nor without giving the
Regent an opportunity to object to the nomination of any person who
may be proposed to him by Pitt to succeed you. You cannot remain
without the means of carrying on some appearance, at least, of
government in the House of Commons. You cannot employ those who
have now deserted you; nor can we expect that the Prince will
allow you to dismiss those whom he considers as having stood by
him. On the whole, I cannot imagine a more puzzling or distressing
case.

Nothing short of the implicit confidence and cordial support of the Ministers, seconded by the highest courage and firmness on his own part, could have enabled Lord Buckingham to sustain his authority in this trying emergency. That he possessed the confidence and support of Government to the fullest extent, is attested by the following letter from Mr. Pitt; and that he displayed the qualities of resolution and self-reliance demanded by the occasion, is sufficiently shown in the sequel.

MR. PITT TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

(Private.) Downing Street, Feb. 15th, 1789.
MY DEAR LORD,

The account received this morning of the step which the Irish House
of Commons have taken, has not surprised me; as it seemed before
evident that the torrent was too strong to be stemmed by any
exertion. Those who at the moment felt it as a triumph, perhaps
already begin to repent of it, and will probably have more and more
reason to do so every day. It will be abundant satisfaction to you
and your friends that you have done everything which depended on
you; and in the midst of so much profligacy, that you have
experienced such a support as that of Fitzgibbon and a few others,
which is in the highest degree honourable and manly.

I am fully aware how delicate your ground has been in all the
progress of the business, of which we have hitherto learnt the
result; and that it is not less so in what remained relative to the
transmission of this strange Address. Whatever you may have
decided on the spot will, I dare say, under all the circumstances,
have been right; and in either of the alternatives, you will not
want here the most cordial and decided support, whenever the
measure comes into discussion. All that I am now writing is, I
hope, superfluous; but I could not let the messenger go, without
expressing in part the sentiments for which I trust you would at
any rate have given me credit.

* * * * *

Believe me, my dear Lord,
Sincerely and affectionately yours,
W. PITT.

Lord Buckingham, acting on the discretion thus confided to him, resolved to decline accepting or transmitting the Address. This determination, which threw the whole responsibility of the measure upon those with whom it originated, afforded the highest satisfaction in England. Letters from Lord Mornington, Lord Sydney, and others, abound in admiration of the firmness of Lord Buckingham's conduct.

As had been anticipated, the Address was voted in both Houses of Parliament, and laid before Lord Buckingham for transmission to His Royal Highness. His Lordship at once declined to receive it; and in a short and explicit answer, rested his refusal on the obligations imposed upon him by his duty and his oath, adding that he did not feel warranted in forwarding to His Royal Highness an Address, purporting to invest him with powers to take upon him the government of the realm before he should be enabled by law to do so. This answer, which had received the full approbation of Mr. Pitt, by whom it had been communicated to the Cabinet, was, as might have been expected, deeply resented by the Opposition, whose hostility to the Government had been all along assuming that shape of combination in which it now appeared without disguise.

Frustrated in their desire of transmitting this Address through the channel of the Lord-Lieutenant, they passed a resolution appointing ambassadors of their own to lay it before His Royal Highness. The persons nominated to undertake this extraordinary commission were, the Duke of Leinster, the Earl of Charlemont, Mr. Conolly, Mr. O'Neill, Mr. Ponsonby, and Mr. Stewart. Nor did they stop here. It was necessary to avenge the indignity that had been put upon them; and a resolution, declaring the conduct of Lord Buckingham unwarrantable and unconstitutional, was accordingly moved by Mr. Grattan, and carried. That a resolution still stronger than this, going to the preposterous length of declaring the commission of the Lord-Lieutenant actually void by the will of the Irish Parliament, was at one moment contemplated, would appear from a passage in a letter of Mr. Grenville's, dated the 18th of February.

I am a little alarmed by one part of your letter, in which you talk
of a resolution of the two Houses being passed for avoiding your
commission, and of your resigning the Government in consequence of
it to Lords Justices appointed under the Act of last year. I trust,
however, that these favourable accounts [of the King's health] will
have put this idea out of the question. But if not, for God's sake
consider whether there is any one principle in which you deny the
right of the two Houses to appoint a Regent by address, which does
not apply equally to prove that they cannot either appoint or
remove a Lord-Lieutenant by resolution. I am persuaded, the more I
think of it, that it is impossible for you to quit the Government
in any other manner, than in consequence of a recal from hence, or
a resignation grounded on the removal of the Ministers here, or on
the Regent's acceptance of the office, under what you consider an
illegal appointment.