Chapter VIII: Front Matter (8)

Nothing more has passed _on the subject_, but a day or two will now
probably bring it to a point, as Dundas is to see _him_, and put
the question to him, yes or no, either to-morrow or Thursday. This
is not to be done with any message from me, a point which I have
thought it indispensably necessary to stipulate, in order that I
might not have to reproach myself with anything like personal
solicitation to _him_ on such a point. I feel this so material,
that I have made a pretext of going to take possession of my castle
on Thursday, in order to be completely out of the way of all
negotiation upon the subject. Pitt comes to me on Saturday, and
brings me the answer on which my future conduct must depend. I
shall remain there, if possible, till the Friday or Saturday
following. It would be very little out of your way to make it your
run on Tuesday, when you would certainly find me there, and I need
not say that I should, in any case, be extremely glad to see you
there; but more particularly if any further step is to be taken
about this business, in which I do not well see my way, because I
hardly see how I can take that line which my own situation
personally seems so loudly to demand, without involving more than I
should like to do of public consequences. If I alone were
concerned, my line would be very soon taken.

Ever, my dear brother,
Most affectionately yours,
G.

Everything looks like peace on the side of France.

A letter from Mr. Hobart gives a sketch of the state of Ireland at this time. The English Bill of toleration had produced a ferment in the country, and the war of religious animosity was assuming a more violent aspect every day.

MR. HOBART TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dublin Castle, Jan. 30th, 1792.
MY DEAR LORD,

The multiplicity of business, both public and _private_, in which I
have been engaged since I left Stowe, must plead my excuse for
having so long postponed writing to your Lordship. I cannot,
however, delay thanking you for the communication you have made
through Mornington on the subject of my marriage--a subject I
should not have been silent upon when I had the pleasure of seeing
you, had I not predetermined the case, and therefore was not open
to advice. I flatter myself you will be happy to hear that I have
received a most friendly and liberal letter from the Earl of Bucks
upon the occasion, and have experienced every attention and
kindness from all my friends, and a marked civility from all
persons here on both sides of the question.

You can have little idea of the ferment that has been raised on the
subject of Catholics. When I saw you, I talked of existing
prejudices, which would ever render it no easy task to carry the
English concessions. I little thought that the minds of the
Protestants could be so inflamed, as a variety of circumstances
(but principally the industry of Mr. R. Burke) has inflamed them.
He has endeavoured, and with too much success, to persuade the
Catholics that British Government were determined to compel the
Irish Administration, and through them the Parliament of Ireland,
to open the franchise to the Catholics; that therefore, if they
persevered in the assertion of their claims, they could not fail of
carrying their point. The alarm and indignation that this created
amongst the Protestants was such as I will not venture to describe;
but you may be assured that any Irish Government that countenanced
such a measure could not stand twenty-four hours afterwards, if the
Parliament was sitting. So far from the Protestants being likely to
be terrified into compliance, they instantly became desperate at
the very idea of it. The cry was, "Let us bring it at once to an
issue. If England will not protect us, the sooner we know it the
better: anything is preferable to the horrid state of suspense we
are now reduced to; at all events, we must resist every concession.
Let us not make the Catholics stronger, the better to enable them
to annihilate us at a future day. The Protestants must unite for
their own protection; and although Mr. Pitt's Government will not
defend us, possibly the weight of all the Parliamentary power of
Ireland thrown into the scale of English Opposition may force them
into office, and they may be more disposed to favour us than the
present Administration."

These ideas were rankling in every man's mind when the Parliament
met, and it is with the utmost difficulty that we have been able to
remove them. I cannot paint more strongly to you the real situation
of the feelings of the House of Commons, than by telling you, that
a declaration from me upon my legs, "that it was the determination
of the Government of _both_ countries to maintain the Protestant
establishment, and to resist any attempts by force or intimidation
that might be made to subvert it," afforded a degree of consolation
which, not having witnessed, you can hardly credit, so great was
the apprehension upon the subject.

The newspapers will have informed you of our proceedings upon that
day; I shall, therefore, only add that I am still doubtful of the
event of the Bill, but am inclined to believe we shall carry it. I
hear that, if the Ponsonbys are satisfied that there will be a
majority in favour of it, they will concur; if they think they can
throw it out, they will oppose. Should we carry the Bill, the
gentlemen of the Roman Catholics will be highly gratified, and the
rabble bullied--both circumstances which will tend very much to the
future quiet of the country.

I am informed that Mr. R. Burke and his employers have quarrelled,
and that Ireland may soon hope to be relieved from his gracious
superintendence. I am sure I heartily wish it, for he has
contrived, by his impudence, folly, and misrepresentations, to
awake animosities between the Protestants and Catholics that had
slept for fifty years, and that a reasonable man might have hoped
would have slept for ever. I see no ground to apprehend tumult of
any kind. The Catholics, I think, dare not stir; and the United
Irishmen, with Napper Tandy at their head, are sinking into
nothing. Napper, and indeed his friend Grattan, have totally lost
their influence in the Corporation.

The Duke of Leinster had committed himself very far indeed upon the
subject of franchise, and is now retreating through his Corporation
of Athy, who have addressed their representatives, Colonel Arthur
Ormsby and Mr. Falkiner, to support the Protestant ascendancy.

I am told that the northern people do not much object to our Bill.
Any one step further would have been totally impracticable, and
would have produced a confusion that no man could have foreseen the
consequence of.

My best compliments to Lady Buckingham.

Believe me ever, my dear Lord, with every respect and gratitude,
affectionately yours,

R. HOBART.

Amidst the arrivals of foreign news, which every day created new excitements in the political circles, a movement was beginning to be felt in the Cabinet which was shortly to produce an important change in the Administration. The eccentricities of the Chancellor had on several occasions given much uneasiness to Ministers. He seemed to move in an orbit of his own, independently of his colleagues; while the influence he exercised over the King's mind, and his repulsive bearing, made all approaches to him difficult and hazardous. The first consideration, when an unexpected question sprung up, was to ascertain what view Thurlow was likely to take of it; and it was sometimes as necessary to conciliate him and to wait upon his moods, as if he had been a powerful, but doubtful supporter, instead of a member of the Government. "We may do with, but cannot do without him," appears to have been the general feeling in reference to him; and it was only by the most skilful management that Mr. Pitt averted those dissensions in the Cabinet which his strange line of conduct had so palpable a tendency to provoke. At last the Chancellor committed himself openly to a hostile vote upon a vital measure, and left it no longer possible for the Minister to palliate their differences by private negotiations. The character and dignity of the Administration was at stake, and there was but one alternative left. The extremity to which matters were thus reduced is glanced at hesitatingly by Lord Grenville. The commentary which he did not think it right to make at such a moment may now, however, be supplied. The vote of Lord Thurlow placed the Cabinet in this position, that it remained for the King to choose between them. Mr. Pitt was prepared to resign, if the decisive advice he tendered to His Majesty was not immediately acted upon.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, May 15th, 1792.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

I have the happiness of being able to send you an account of the
capture of Seringapatam. The news is brought by a letter from a Dr.
Abercromby, who was sent with Lord Cornwallis's despatches, in the
'Vestal.' He put this letter on board another vessel in the
Channel, and it comes by express from Bristol.

A decisive action took place about the 6th of January, at a village
near Seringapatam. Tippoo's army was entirely routed, and a few
days after the place surrendered. Tippoo is said to have been
wounded in the action, and carried to the hill-fort: this is all we
know. If the "Gazette" is out in time, Goddard will send it you.

The Duke of P. and his friends have declined being at the Council.
We mean, nevertheless, to take the step, and to propose Addresses
in both Houses of Parliament. It seems impossible for them not to
support us there, but it is at least right to bring it to a point.
When the day is fixed for the motion in the House of Lords I will
let you know it, as I think you will wish to be present, and
probably may be desirous of expressing your opinion. I consider the
Duke of P.'s refusal as an additional proof of the decisive
influence Fox possesses over their minds when he chooses to exert
it.

You will have seen that the Chancellor opposed the National Debt
Bill yesterday _by surprise_, and had nearly beat us. What this may
lead to, I do not yet know; but as at present advised, I think the
consequences must be decisive on his situation or ours. But it
requires some reflection, and some management in the quarter that
you know.

Ever, my dear brother,
Most affectionately yours,
GRENVILLE.

The "quarter" alluded to had the courage to decide not only wisely but promptly, and Thurlow was peremptorily called upon to resign.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, May 18th, 1792.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

The King has charged Dundas with a message to the Chancellor,
stating the necessity he was under of making his option, and
therefore requiring him to give up the Seals, leaving the time to
his choice. The Chancellor is to see the King to-day, and after
that the thing will, I imagine, be immediately announced, though I
hardly think it can take place till the end of the session. Our
present idea is to put the Seals in Commission, with Eyre at the
head, which (with the vacation) will give time for future
arrangements. It is impossible as yet to guess at the success of
those arrangements, but I imagine they would unquestionably be much
facilitated by the sacrifice you so generously offer. I have not,
however, thought myself at liberty to make any use of what you say
on that subject, nor will I, as I think that if you make up your
mind to so very handsome an offer, you ought at least to have the
merit with Pitt of announcing it to him, instead of its having the
appearance of passing in any manner through me.

We shall, I believe, issue the proclamation to-day or to-morrow at
latest, and Friday is, I think, the most likely day for the Address
in the House of Lords; but you shall hear further from me. I say
nothing of that part of the Indian news which _is_ true, as you
will already have seen it in all the papers.

The King has conducted himself towards Pitt in this unpleasant
situation in a manner the most handsome possible, and such as must
leave a lasting impression in our minds. I do not look without
some uneasiness at the increase of personal labour of all sorts
which this will bring upon me; _mais le vin est tire_.

Ever most affectionately yours,
G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, June 13th, 1792.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,

I know you share the happiness I feel, in learning that _my
travellers_ were to be at Brussels in the course of last week, and
did not purpose making more than four or five days' stay there, so
that I may reasonably expect them here from day to day. I am
rejoiced that my holidays have begun before they are arrived. We
prorogue on Friday, and have finished all our business to-day,
which is a great load off my shoulders. The Chancellor is to give
up the Seals immediately, and they will be put into Commission with
Eyre, Buller, and Wilson, as I imagine, though the names are not
yet quite settled. We shall have the summer to look about us; and I
feel no great uneasiness even at the thoughts of meeting them again
precisely as we are, if that should be the case.

There is no news of any sort, except the continuance of the French
follies, which you read day by day in their papers, as fully, and
indeed often much more so, than I could detail them. There have
been some great failures at Bordeaux, and some at Paris, which
makes those few of our merchants who are concerned with them look
about them a little.

Our Addresses are going on swimmingly, and it will, I think, soon
be time for the loyal county of B. to show itself. They expect a
dust in Surrey, which my good Lord Onslow does not seem to have
quite wit enough to lay.

Ever most affectionately yours,
G.

Two days after the date of this letter, Parliament was prorogued, and the Chancellor sent in his resignation.

The events that were taking place in France had recently awakened in England a spirit of sympathy amongst the lower classes, which it was apprehended might lead to disastrous consequences, if strong measures were not adopted for its suppression. Several associations were established in London and elsewhere to give practical effect to the democratic and revolutionary doctrines of the day, under such titles as the Corresponding Society, the Revolution Society, and the Society for Constitutional Information; and some of them carried their views so far as to transmit congratulatory addresses to the National Assembly. The Government, seeing the peril that was impending over the country, took immediate measures for the suppression of seditious correspondence abroad, and revolutionary publications at home. A proclamation embodying these objects was laid before Parliament towards the end of May, and carried without a division, notwithstanding a violent opposition from Mr. Grey and others, who had formed themselves into a Society called "The Friends of the People," for the ostensible purpose of appeasing the discontents, by obtaining a reform in the representation.

Immediately after the prorogation of Parliament, meetings were held all over the country, to testify to the King the loyalty and gratitude of the population, and to return thanks to His Majesty for the activity and decision with which the dangers of the crisis had been met. In the course of two or three months, the number of addresses that were voted at these meetings and presented to the King amounted to three hundred and forty-one.

It is to these circumstances Lord Grenville alludes in the closing paragraph of the last letter. In the next communication he urges Lord Buckingham to move the Address in his own county; and in the letters that follow he touches upon the progress of the sanguinary drama that was then enacting in Paris. The domestic allusions refer to his approaching marriage.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, June 21st, 1792.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,

Although I have as yet no tidings of my travellers, I feel so
confident of their being here before the day fixed for the Address,
that I think I run no risk in promising to be there _at all
events_. I have, however, no idea that the noble Marquis will give
us the meeting; though I will own to you, there are few things
which I should like better. I think the Address perfectly
unexceptionable as it now stands; but I should wish to add a
sentence somewhere, expressing the satisfaction and concurrence of
the county in the sentiments expressed _by Parliament_ on this
subject, because I think it may not be indifferent to future
debates, to have to quote expressions of this sort, in order to
show that, on a great occasion like this, the sense of the people
was immediately and completely expressed by Parliament. I enclose
you the Devonshire Address, which Fortescue sent me. It was drawn
by him; and I think singularly well put together.

It appears to me, that you ought certainly to move the Address
yourself; this not being a case where the common objections apply,
but rather the contrary. In that case, perhaps, some person of
higher rank ought to second than Drake, Duke of Portland, or Lord
Chesterfield, or Lord Inchiquin, or Lord Hampden. If, however, you
have actually applied to him, it must be managed as well as it can.

Do you advertize the meeting in the London papers? I think you
ought to write to Lord Chesterfield. When you return me the
Address, I will put it into Tom's hands for the Duke of Portland. I
think this meeting ought by no means to supersede the idea of the
Grand Jury presentment. If you still think that right, I will
contrive that Lord Loughborough, who goes your circuit, shall have
a hint to prepare the way for it by his charge. You will, of
course, be very civil to him. Whether it will come to anything I
have not; but there is reason enough to be civil to him, as I will
explain when we meet.

The Berlin news is nothing more than the common story of a squabble
between Mistress and Favourite, in which, contrary to custom,
Favourite has this time got the better of Mistress. As far as it
goes, it is unfavourable to the Jacobins; for the whole project of
French interference is Bishopwerder's; and the crime imputed to the
other, is a leaning towards the democrats.

I need not tell you how much I feel the kindness of what you say
about my domestic concerns, and the near approach of my prospects.
I am sure you do me the justice to think that I am not insensible
of all your affection to me on that subject, as, indeed, on every
other. Till they arrive, I can form no guess of their plans, nor,
consequently, of my own; but, as I shall certainly see you so soon,
either here or at Aylesbury, we shall be able to talk about it;
and, till then, I think you had better not write to Lord C. on the
subject of Stowe, for a reason which you perhaps guess.

Ever most affectionately yours,
G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, June 25th, 1792.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,

Having been out of town Saturday and Sunday, I did not get the East
India news time enough to write to you. The newspapers contain all
we know or have received. There is no doubt of the authenticity of
the "Bombay Gazette," the original of which is received. But it
seems very odd how the news should first reach Bombay through the
Nizam's Durbar. On the whole, however, I see no sufficient ground
to disbelieve it; and, if true, it is as good as the most sanguine
wishes could have desired.

Lord Camelford is landed at Deal, and will be in town to-morrow
night. I shall, therefore, certainly keep my engagement for Friday.
I shall see Tom this morning, and will put the Address into his
hands, to be communicated to the Duke of Portland, and will also
talk to him about the Grand Jury. The new French Ministry is wholly
Fayette's, and by his letter he seems to think himself strong
enough to take the whole into his own hands and keep it. I have,
however, no opinion of his judgment. I am persuaded his plan is to
negotiate with the two Courts, and he will find a ready ear to all
he can say there. The Princes are wholly excluded, and
systematically so, from all that is doing, and will scarce be
allowed the honour of fighting should it come to blows. And the
King will be too happy to yield to any compromise that he may think
will insure his personal safety. And so far for prophecies, in
which you know I do not deal much.

Ever most affectionately yours,
G.

P.S.--The enclosed is for Lord Buckingham. Pray let it be put among
the portraits of other heroes. It is original, and Liston says
very like. The whipping-post, knife, and pistol, are also
portraits.

I open my letter again to tell you, that by way of anniversary of
the 20th, there was a procession of the two faubourgs with pikes,
&c., to the National Assembly. From thence they went to the
Tuileries, to present what they called a petition to the King. He
ordered them to be let in, and they entered, notwithstanding the
National Guard, who were there in force, but made no resistance,
though it is said they were disposed to it if they had been
encouraged. They remained three hours in the King's room, loading
him with insults, and demanding the recal of the Jacobin Ministers,
and the sanction for the two decrees. They put the red cap upon his
head, upon the Queen's, and upon the Dauphin. They were at length
persuaded to disperse by Petion telling them that they had
sufficiently manifested their patriotism. The King is said to have
behaved with uncommon firmness and apparent indifference. The whole
was expected, and had been announced for a week, and you see how it
was met. The Jacobins feel it a complete triumph, and talk of
sending La Fayette to Orleans.

Luckner has taken possession of Menin, Ypres, and Courtrai, the
latter after some resistance, in which the Austrians lost about one
hundred men. An action was expected every hour.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

July 2nd, 1792.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,

I have a whole budget of news for you, but I must begin with what
interests myself most, which is, the thanking you again for your
kindness to your _future sister_. I have told her of it, and she
feels it as she ought to do. You know I do not deal much in long
speeches, nor do you much delight in hearing or reading them; but I
am sure that you do me the justice to believe me not the less
sensible of all your affection to me, which I have experienced in
every stage of my life, and most of all on the most interesting
occasion of it. I feel that it is to you I owe my happiness.

When you give your directions to Froggatt, will you be so good as
to bid him put in Lord Camelford's name as the trustee.

Now for news. The "Gazette," which Goddard sends you, will tell you
of Lord Cornwallis's victory. We have this morning a letter from
Brooke at St. Helena, enclosing a "Madras Courier," with the
account of a second victory, followed by a peace, in which Tippoo
stipulates to cede _half his dominions_ to the allies, and to pay
them L3,500,000 for the expenses of the war, and to give his two
sons for hostages. Nothing can appear more complete; but I wait
with impatience for Lord Cornwallis's despatches, as the above
expression relative to the cessions is so very loose.

Lafayette has left his army to go to Paris, and has made a speech
to the Assembly, threatening them in pretty plain, though guarded
terms, with the resentment of his army, if they do not punish the
outrages of the 21st, and demolish the Jacobins. His friends moved
to refer his address to the _commission des douze_, which was
carried on the _appel nominal_ by 110 majority. He was afterwards
carried in triumph to the Tuileries by the National Guards. But the
Jacobins are not stunned, and much disturbance was expected in
Paris.

I take it for granted you have told my own news to Lady B., and
therefore do not trouble her with a letter. Will you be so good as
to say everything that is most kind to her, both from Anne and
myself.

Ever, my dear brother,
Most affectionately yours,
GRENVILLE.

Crowds of emigrants that were driven out of France by the massacres that were going on there, night and day, swarmed into the streets of London, where they wandered about in great distress. The majority of these people were priests; and it was computed that the number of French refugees that landed in England, between the 30th of August and the 1st of October, amounted to nearly four thousand. Large subscriptions were raised for their relief; but as it was essential that the protection extended to them should not be abused, Lord Grenville turned his attention to the necessity of providing some measure for regulating the assistance they received, and guarding against any sinister advantage the disaffected amongst them might be disposed to take of the asylum which the free institutions of this country threw open to them. Here we have the first suggestion of the Alien Bill, which, three months afterwards, Lord Grenville introduced into Parliament.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Sept. 20th, 1792.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,

We returned here from our expedition the day before yesterday,
having passed through Weymouth in our way. We left Lord Camelford
far from well, and in the intention of coming immediately to town,
in order to set out again for the continent. It is a melancholy
reflection to think that he should again so soon be obliged to
leave us.

My sudden expedition from Castlehill has delayed my return here so
much later than I expected, that I fear it cuts off all hope of my
making you a visit in the autumn at Stowe. Pitt goes to-day to take
possession of his castle. I suppose you will have heard that Paine
had a very narrow escape at Dover. I send you the enclosed, because
you may, perhaps, not have seen it, and I am sure it will please
you. Pray read Necker's last work.

We have no news from the armies, except that the siege of
Thionville was turned into a blockade, and a general action hourly
expected. The Duke of Brunswick's progress does not keep pace with
the impatience of our wishes, but I doubt whether it was reasonable
to expect more. The detail of the late events at Paris is so
horrible, that I do not like to let my mind dwell upon them; and
yet I fear that scene of shocking and savage barbarity is very far
from its close. I deliver this day to the Imperial and Neapolitan
Ministers a note, with the formal assurance that in case of the
murder of the King or Queen, the persons guilty of that crime shall
not be allowed any asylum in the King's dominions. Opinions are a
little doubtful about the best means of giving effect to this
promise, should the case arise. Our lawyers seem clear, and
Blackstone expressly asserts, that the King may prevent any alien
from coming into the kingdom, or remaining there. But this power
has so rarely been used, that it may, perhaps, be better to have a
special Act of Parliament applying to this case. This, however,
relates only to the mode. I imagine everybody will think the thing
itself right, and some people seem to hope it may prevent the
commission of the crime in question. In this hope I am not very
sanguine.

We have no account of Spain having declared war, except what comes
through France.

God bless you, and believe me
Ever most affectionately yours,
GRENVILLE.

The retreat of the combined army, under the Duke of Brunswick, cast a gloom over the hopes of the struggling royalists. The soldiers had suffered severe sickness from eating the unripe grapes of Champagne, and, contrary to the expectations in which they had been led to indulge, the peasantry everywhere opposed them by attacking detachments, and breaking up the roads.

Whilst these events were spreading consternation over the continent, the proceedings of the Irish Roman Catholics were of a nature to awaken serious uneasiness in England. The whole country was convulsed on the subject of concessions, the debates in Parliament exhibited unexampled intemperance, and it was said that subscriptions to the extent of nearly three millions had been entered into with the intention of purchasing lands in America, should the demands of the Roman Catholics be refused.

Whatever opinion Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt might have previously entertained as to the justice or policy of granting further relief, was much shaken by the attitude which the Irish assumed at this alarming juncture. It was no longer possible to deal with the question on the grounds on which it originally rested; and the Imperial Government could not compromise its influence and authority by yielding to menace those claims which it was willing to accept as a legitimate subject for deliberate legislation. Out of these unfortunate checks, hindrances, and distrusts on both sides, arose that calamitous condition of Ireland which broke out a few years afterwards into open rebellion; but, looking back dispassionately on these events at this distance of time, it is difficult to see how that disastrous issue could have been prevented. The hazard lay between going too far and not going far enough, with the certainty that whatever was done must have fallen short of satisfying one party, and in an equal degree must have dissatisfied another. It was also a matter of continual perplexity with the Government to find the right moment for initiating the policy of conciliation. There were always moments when, in certain shapes, it would have suited one party or the other; but the moment when it would have suited both never came.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Oct. 11th, 1792.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

We go to Dropmore to-morrow, to fix ourselves for the remainder of
the autumn--if any autumn remain. I shall be very much obliged to
you for your cargo, whenever Mr. Woodward's prudence allows him to
send it.

We are all much disappointed with the result of the great
expectations that had been formed from the Duke of Brunswick's
campaign. According to the best accounts I can get, of a business
involved in almost inextricable mystery, the flux--which had got
into his camp--was the true cause of his retreat. Whatever be the
cause, the effect is equally to be regretted. The plan seems now to
be, to hold Verdun and Longwy; and to employ the interval before
the spring allows them to march forwards again, in besieging the
different frontier towns in the neighbourhood. But the example of
Thionville will prevent the success of intimidation, or of _coups
de main_; and the opening trenches is impossible, at least, till
the post comes. Clairfayt's corps of about twenty thousand men is
to march towards the Low Countries, to prevent them from being
insulted.

I have thought much of the Irish business. I am very much inclined
to think that the alarms stated by the people there are much
exaggerated, partly with the view of producing an effect here, and
partly, because you know such is the genius of that people to carry
everything to extremes. Allowing, however, for this, there is
certainly much real cause for alarm. It is, I think, clearly
impossible not to resist the demands of the Catholics, in the
manner and circumstances in which they are now made. How far it was
prudent to have gone last year, in voluntary and gratuitous
concession, I know not, and really feel that it requires more local
knowledge than I possess to decide. My leaning was certainly in
favour of going as far as could be gone with safety, but no person
is authorized to state even that leaning; and the subsequent
conduct of the Catholics does, in my opinion, go far to shake any
opinion which might then have been entertained in favour of further
concession.

My idea, therefore is, that the Irish Parliament must be enabled to
meet the struggle, if struggle there is to be, by having the means
put into their hands of calling forth all the resources of that
country; which, if called forth, I believe to be very great indeed.
That this may not ultimately lead to some drain upon the purse and
force of this country, is more certain than any man would affirm,
who sees what has passed in France. But the probability is, I
think, against it. I am inclined to believe, that the voting an
increase of the army may be a wise measure of intimidation, and as
such, it will be stated to that Government for consideration; but,
on the other hand, any increase of expense, which is to lead to
increase of taxes, is certainly objectionable. My own persuasion
is, that with a very little firmness, the Convention of 1793 will
vanish like that of 1783; but this is no reason for neglecting
reasonable measures of precaution.

Ever most affectionately yours,
GRENVILLE.

In these letters occur the first allusions to Dropmore, Lord Grenville's seat in Buckinghamshire, which he had recently purchased, and upon the embellishment of which he bestowed all the spare hours he could rescue from the fatigues of public business. The trees, acknowledged in the following letter as having been just received from Stowe, were destined to convert a common into pleasure-grounds, under the direction of his accomplished taste, which "made the wilderness smile," and transformed a remote country nook into a scene of singular and matchless beauty.

The state of Europe, and the views of the writer in reference to it, are treated at large in this letter, which is of great historical value as an exposition of the firm and judicious course pursued by Lord Grenville through a period of universal panic and confusion. To have kept England in tranquillity aloof from the perils that were devastating the continent, and to have sustained her in such prosperous circumstances as to justify the hope that in the next year the Government might be enabled to announce a further remission of taxes, furnishes a triumphant answer to the charge so frequently brought against Mr. Pitt's Administration, of wantonly encouraging a policy that plunged the country into a profligate war expenditure.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Nov. 7th, 1792.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

The trees arrived safe at Dropmore yesterday, and we were at their
unpacking in the middle of such a fog as I never saw before. They
will answer admirably well for my purpose, and will make a great
figure on my hill in the course of a century or so, provided always
that the municipality of Burnham does not cut them down sooner.

I cannot deny that you have some reason to complain of my silence
for the last month, but you have the kindness to assign the true
cause; unless, indeed, I was to add another almost equally
strong--I mean the absolute want of anything to say. This sounds
strange, but it is not the less true. The _events_ you read in the
newspapers, often before I get them, and they have been such as it
could give me little pleasure to detail. The causes have been hid,
_caliginosa nocta_, in a fog almost as thick as that of yesterday,
and I have been among the guessers only, and not always among those
who were luckiest in their guesses. I bless God, that we had the
wit to keep ourselves out of the glorious enterprize of the
combined armies, and that we were not tempted by the hope of
sharing the spoils in the division of France, nor by the prospect
of crushing all democratical principles all over the world at one
blow. But having so sturdily resisted all solicitation to join in
these plans, we have been punished for our obstinacy by having been
kept in profound ignorance of the details by which they were to be
executed, and even of the course of events, as far as that could be
done, which occurred during the progress of the enterprize. Now
that it has failed, we must expect these deep politicians to return
to the charge, and to beg us to help them out of the pit into which
they wanted to help us. But they have as yet been in no hurry to
begin this pleasant communication, and most assuredly we are in no
disposition to urge them on faster. You have here, therefore, the
explanation of the total impossibility in which I find myself to
explain all the inexplicable events of the last two months
otherwise than by conjecture. It is but lately that I have thought
I had even grounds enough to guess by. But you shall hear my guess.
The Austrians and Prussians thought they were marching to certain
victory. The emigrants, who had given them this idea, confirmed
them in it till the facts undeceived them. The Duke of Brunswick,
who joins to great personal valour great indecision of mind, and
great soreness for his reputation, hesitated to take the only means
that could have insured success--a sudden and hazarded attack. The
more he delayed, the more difficult his position grew. He then
attempted to buy a man, who, under other circumstances, would have
been very purchasable; failed in this; lost time; excited distrust
and jealousy among his allies; dispirited his own troops; and ended
his enterprize by a disgraceful retreat, which coffee-house
politicians are, as usual, willing to attribute to all sorts of
causes except the natural and obvious one. The subsequent successes
of the French are natural. An army that expected to be in Paris in
October, had naturally taken little precaution to prevent the
French from attacking Germany in the same month. The French
officers, who could have no authority over their armies in defeat
and disgrace, have naturally acquired it in success; and the
business will begin again in the spring, being about twice as
difficult as it was when it began this autumn.

I have little doubt that this is the project of both parties. The
Austrians may perhaps put themselves a little more forward than the
Prussians; and from what I have heard of the conduct of the latter,
the enterprize may not fare the worse for this difference. The
Emperor must feel that he has now got an enemy whom he must devour,
or be devoured by it. And the governing party at Paris have very
many very obvious reasons for continuing the war. The rest of the
empire will give their contingent, unless they have been lucky
enough to be forced to sign a capitulation of neutrality. The King
of Sardinia and Italy will defend themselves as they can, which
will probably be very ill. What Spain will do, she does not know,
and therefore certainly we do not. Portugal and Holland will do
what we please. We shall do nothing. Sweden and Denmark can do
nothing, and Russia has enough else to do, and has neither the will
nor the means of doing much against France. And there is the
tableau of Europe for next year, according to my almanac.

You will not complain that this time I have not given you
speculation and prophecy enough--more than any man ought to make
who has profited, as I have done, by the experience of all these
events, to learn that human wisdom and foresight are somewhat more
shortsighted personages than the most shortsighted of us two,
whichever that is.

All my ambition is that I may at some time hereafter, when I am
freed from all active concern in such a scene as this is, have the
inexpressible satisfaction of being able to look back upon it, and
to tell myself that I have contributed to keep my own country at
least a little longer from sharing in all the evils of every sort
that surround us. I am more and more convinced that this can only
be done by keeping wholly and entirely aloof, and by watching much
at home, but doing very little indeed; endeavouring to nurse up in
the country a real determination to stand by the Constitution when
it is attacked, as it most infallibly will be if these things go
on; and, above all, trying to make the situation of the lower
orders among us as good as it can be made. In this view, I have
seen with the greatest satisfaction the steps taken in different
parts of the country for increasing wages, which I hold to be a
point of absolute necessity, and of a hundred times more importance
than all that the most _doing_ Government could do in twenty years
towards keeping the country quiet. I trust we may again be enabled
to contribute to the same object by the repeal of taxes, but of
that we cannot yet be sure. Sure I am, at least I think myself so,
that these are the best means in our power to delay what perhaps
nothing can ultimately avert, if it is decreed that we are again to
be plunged into barbarism.

I find that I am growing too serious, even for you, upon a subject
on which I know you are serious enough, and it is high time to
release you. God bless you, and thank you once more in my name, and
my little woman's, for your trees. May we long continue to love one
another as we do, and we shall both, I trust, have a comfort in our
long affection and friendship, which the study or practice of the
art of governing men seems very little likely to afford in our
time.

Ever, my dear brother,
Most affectionately yours,
GRENVILLE.

The disasters of the Duke of Brunswick reanimated the factious spirit which the vigorous measures of the Government had previously succeeded in subduing. The prosecutions instituted under the proclamation against seditious publications had been followed by the most decisive results; and Thomas Paine, who was the chief offender, foreseeing the inevitable issue of his impending trial, although Mr. Erskine was engaged to defend him, had absconded to France, where he was admitted to a citizenship more congenial to his principles, and enjoyed the doubtful honour of being returned by two constituencies as a member of the National Assembly.

The flight of Paine broke down the courage of his disciples; and the circulation of seditious libels was effectually arrested, until the misfortunes of the Allies once more revived the hopes of the disaffected. Fresh measures of prevention and defence were now rendered necessary to preserve the peace of the country. The Militia was to be augmented by volunteer companies, and the law officers of the Crown were to exercise with vigilance the powers entrusted to them for bringing malcontents to justice. But it was not by such means alone the Administration proposed to meet the evil. It appealed to the good sense and loyalty of the people. Upon these elements it depended for the ultimate success of its efforts. The language of patriotism never found more felicitous or energetic utterance than in these words of Lord Grenville's: "The hands of Government must be strengthened if the country is to be saved; but, above all, the work must not be left to the hands of Government, but every man must put his shoulder to it, according to his rank and situation in life, or it will not be done."

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 14th, 1792.
MY DEAR BROTHER,

The events in Flanders have brought so much hurry of things to be
done and thought of upon me, that I really have been unable to
answer your letter, which I have been some days intending to do.
With respect to what you mention about prosecutions, you do not
advert to the forms of our laws, by which no step of that nature
can be taken by the Attorney-General, except in term time, when
alone his informations can be filed. No seditious publication has
ever come to my knowledge, without my referring it to the
Attorney-General for prosecution; and out of the five which you
mention, viz., Jockey Club, Paine, Cooper, Walker and Cartwright,
the three first have been so referred, the two last I have never
seen. In truth, without assistance from the magistrates and
gentlemen of the country, who give none except Addresses, it is
very vain for Government to attempt to see and know, at Whitehall,
every libel which may be dispersed in the country.

But the real fact is, that these people were completely quelled,
and their spirit destroyed, till the Duke of Brunswick's retreat.
Since that they have begun to show themselves again, and nothing
that I know of has been neglected that could tend to put the law in
force against them. Steps are now taking by Government to send
persons into the counties to purchase these libels, with a view to
indictments at the Christmas Quarter Sessions; but this is a thing
that can be done but once, and could not be continued without an
expense equal to that of the old French police. Our laws suppose
magistrates and Grand Juries to do this duty, and if they do it
not, I have little faith in its being done by a Government such as
the Constitution has made ours. If you look back to the last time
in our history that these sort of things bore the same serious
aspect that they now do--I mean the beginning of the Hanover
reigns--you will find that the Protestant succession was
established, not by the interference of a Secretary of State or
Attorney-General, in every individual instance, but by the
exertions of every magistrate and officer, civil or military,
throughout the country.

I wish this was more felt and understood, because it is a little
hard to be forced to run the hazards of doing much more than one's
duty, and then to be charged with doing less.

As to what you mention of overt acts, those things are all much
exaggerated, where they are not wholly groundless. The report of
what is called "Cooper's Ass-Feast" (Walker's I never heard of),
and of the Scotch Greys being concerned in it, reached me _by
accident_, for of all the King's good subjects, who are exclaiming
against its not being noticed, not one thought it worth his while
to apprise the Secretary of State of it. I took immediate steps for
inquiring into it, and am satisfied that the whole story has no
other foundation than Mr. Cooper having invited two officers to
dine with him in a small company, and having given them, by way of
curiosity, as a new dish, a piece of a young ass roasted. I
inquired, in the same manner, about the riot stated to have
happened at Sheffield; and learn from Lord Loughborough, who lives
in the county, and is enough on the _qui vive_ on the subject, that
there was nothing which, even in the most peaceable times, could
deserve the name of a riot. That supposed at Perth I never heard of
yet, though Dundas has been within a short distance of that place.

It is not unnatural, nor is it an unfavourable symptom, that people
who are thoroughly frightened, as the body of landed gentlemen in
this country are, should exaggerate these stories as they pass from
one mouth to the other; but you, who know the course of this sort
of reports, ought not too hastily to give credit to them.

It is, however, not the less true that the danger exists, and
perhaps not the less from its not breaking out in the manner
stated. The conquest of Flanders has, as I believe, brought the
business to a much nearer issue here than any reasonable man could
believe a month ago. The hands of Government must be strengthened
if the country is to be saved; but, above all, the work must not be
left to the hands of Government, but every man must put his
shoulder to it, according to his rank and situation in life, or it
will not be done. I could write much more of the same sort, but I
have already people waiting for me.

Ever most affectionately yours,
G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 25th, 1792.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,

Our hopes of anything really useful from Opposition, are, I am
sorry to say, nearly vanished. In the meantime the storm thickens.
Lord Loughborough has declined, and Fox seems to govern the rest
just in the old way.

We are called upon on all sides for counter associations, and
indeed it seems too clear that the peace of the country cannot
otherwise be preserved. The army, though I trust still steady, is
too small to be depended on. We must look to individual exertions,
and to the Militia. I forgot to beg you to state to me the grounds
you had to think parts of that body infected. It is material to
know the truth on that subject. Our plan is to enable the King to
authorize the Lord-Lieutenants to commission volunteer companies to
be added to the Militia on the first appearance of tumult. This
seems to add the advantage of subordination to regular power to
that of association.

In the meantime, we are preparing an association in London, which
is to be declared in the course of next week. I enclose you the
plan of their declaration, in which you see the great object is to
confine it within the limits of the regular Government, and not to
go beyond that point. A few persons of rank cannot be kept out of
it, but we mean it chiefly to consist of merchants and lawyers, as
a London society, and that the example should then be followed by
each county or district--including there as many farmers and yeomen
as possible. In this _we_ shall of course have no difficulty.
Probably we need hardly appear much before the Quarter Sessions. It
seems desirable that at the different Quarter Sessions the
magistrates should name an adjourned day for receiving the reports
of their different constables, &c., &c., relative to the state of
their districts in this respect, and taking the necessary measures
thereupon.

I throw out these ideas to you for your consideration, as it is now
clear I cannot see you before Saturday, if then. If I cannot leave
town I will let you know in time.

Ever yours,
G.

I really have not time to extract for you a state of the Austrian
and Prussian armies. Both Courts are making the utmost possible
exertions to march down fresh troops. But then, I apprehend, the
amazing superiority of numbers must keep them on the defensive,
unless they can cut off Custine, of which I have little hope.

I am delighted with the spirit and feeling of your son's letter,
which are, I hope of the best augury, with a view to a game in
which he will probably be called upon to play his part pretty soon.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 29th, 1792.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,

As we have, I think, nearly determined that, in consequence of the
situation of affairs, both at home and abroad, we cannot discharge
our duty to the country, nor even answer for its security, without
calling the whole or a considerable part of the Militia
immediately, I lose not a moment in apprizing you of it, both that
you may be enabled to hold yourself in readiness to take your
measures, and also to beg you to suggest to me any particular of
importance that may occur to you respecting the mode of doing the
thing.

Parliament must, as you know, by law be assembled within fourteen
days; and it will, I think, be so within twelve days of the
proclamation, which I expect to issue on Friday. But the precise
day is not yet determined, because we are desirous, before the
thing is known, to have troops enough round London to prevent the
possibility of anything happening in the interval, which they would
of course try if they saw an opening.