Chapter VI: Norumbega and Its English Explorers (2)

It has been said more than once that Drake visited New England, and gave Gosnold some account thereof; but while he brought home the Virginia adventurers in 1587, and may then have touched on the coast of North Virginia, no early account of any such visit is found. It has also been said that Gosnold went so far in the work of fortification as to build a platform for six guns. The authority for the statement does not appear.[372]

The voyage of Martin Pring, as already pointed out, was a legitimate enterprise, having the sanction of Sir Walter Raleigh, the patentee.[373] This voyage is also the more noticeable as having had the active support of Hakluyt. Harris says that a thousand pounds were raised for the enterprise, and that Raleigh “made over to them all the Profits which should arise from the Voyage.”[374] Here, therefore, it may be proper to delay long enough to indicate something of Hakluyt’s great work in connection with colonization.

* * * * *

Richard Hakluyt was born about the year 1553, and was educated at Westminster School and Christ Church College, Oxford. At an early age he acquired a taste for history and cosmography. In the preface to his work of 1589, dedicated to Walsingham, he says:—

“I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Maiestie’s scholars at Westminster, that fruitfull nurserie, it was my happe to visit the chamber of Mr. Richard Hakluyt my cosin, a Gentleman of the Middle Temple, well known unto you, at a time when I found lying vpen his boord certeine bookes of Cosmosgraphie with a vniversal Mappe: he seeing me somewhat curious in the view thereof, began to instruct my ignorance by showeing me the divisions thereof.”

His cousin also turned to the 107th Psalm, relating to those who go down into the sea in ships and occupy themselves on the great waters. Upon which Hakluyt continues:—

“The words of the Prophet, together with my cousin’s discourse (things of high and rare delight to my young nature), tooke so deepe an impression that I constantly resolved, if euer I were preferred to the Vniversity, where better time and more convenient place might be ministered for these studies, I would by God’s assistance prosecute that knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof (after a sort) were so happily opened before me.”

This interview decided Hakluyt for life, and one of the first fruits of his zeal was his _Divers Voyages_, published in 1582.[375] In 1589 appeared his _Principal Navigations_.[376] In the year 1600 he enlarged his work, bringing it out in three volumes. In 1605 Hakluyt was made a prebend of Westminster; and in 1609 he published _Virginia Richly Valued_, being the translation of a Portuguese work.[377] Hakluyt also published other pieces. He died in Herefordshire, in 1616, finding a burial-place in Westminster Abbey. Still curiously enough, notwithstanding his great services to American colonization, his name has never been applied to any portion of our country; though Hudson, in 1608, named a headland on the coast of Greenland in his honor. He left behind, among other manuscripts, one entitled _A Discourse of Planting_, recently published, though much of the essence of the volume had been produced before in various forms.[378] Among the tracts appended to Brereton are the _Inducements_ of Hakluyt the Elder, who appears to have known all about the _Discourse_.[379]

* * * * *

In connection with the voyage of Waymouth, 1605, one topic of discussion relates to the particular river which he explored. This, indeed, is a subject in connection with which a divergence of opinion may be pardonable. Did he explore the St. George’s River, or the Kennebec? Belknap, however, in 1796, in a crude fashion and with poor data, held that the Penobscot was the river visited.[380] In 1857 a Maine writer took the ground that Waymouth explored the Kennebec.[381] Other writers followed with pleas for the St. George’s.[382]

1. Portsmouth.
2. York [Gorgiana, 1641].
3. Agamenticus.
4. Saco.
5. Richmond Island.
6. Casco.
7. Sabino [Popham’s Colony].
8. Sagadahoc River.
9. Damariscotta River.
10. Sheepscott River.
11. Pemaquid.
12. Monhegan Island.
13. Fox Islands.
14. Isle au haut.
15. Castine [Pentagöet, Bagaduce].
16. Mount Desert.
17. Kennebec River.
18. Penobscot River.
19. George’s River.
20. St. George’s Islands [?Pentecost harbor].
21. Boothbay [? Pentecost].
22. Camden Hills.
23. Damariscove Islands.
A. Lygonia, 1630; subsequently part of Gorges and Mason’s grant, 1622,
and Somersetshire, 1635.
B. Plymouth grant.
C. Muscongus, 1630.
D. Waldo patent.

See for the region about Pemaquid the map in the narrative part of this chapter.]

Ballard wrote what was, in most respects, a convincing argument in support of the Kennebec River.[383] In opposition to the advocate of the Kennebec, it has been said that the high mountains seen by Waymouth were not the White Mountains,—for the reason that the White Mountains could not be seen,—but were the Camden hills, towards which he went from Monhegan; and consequently that he reached the St. George’s River, which lies in that direction. It has been said, also, that the White Mountains cannot be seen from that vicinity. This is simply an assumption. The White Mountains are distinctly visible in fair weather from the deck of a ship lying inside of Monhegan.[384] Yet the mountains in question have less to do with the subject than generally supposed, since a careful examination of the obscure text shows that it is not necessary to understand Rosier as saying that in going to the river they sailed directly towards the mountains. His language shows that they “came along to the other islands more adjoining the main, and in the road directly with the mountains.”[385] Here it is not necessary to suppose that it was the course sailed that was direct, but rather that it was the _road_ that was direct with the mountains,—the term _road_ signifying a roadstead, or anchorage place at a distance from the shore, like that of Monhegan. Beyond question Waymouth saw both the White and the Camden mountains; but they do not form such an essential element in the discussion as both sides have fancied. Strachey really settles the question where he says that Waymouth discovered two rivers,—“that little one of Pamaquid,” and “the most excellent and beneficyall river of Sachadehoc.”[386] This river at once became famous, and thither the Popham colonists sailed in 1607. In fact, the St. George’s River was never talked about at that period, being even at the present time hardly known in geography, while the importance of the Kennebec is very generally understood.

The testimony of another early writer would alone prove sufficient to settle the question. In fact, no question would ever have been raised if New England writers had been acquainted with the works of Champlain at an earlier period. In July, 1605, Champlain visited the Kennebec, where the natives informed him that an English ship had been on the coast, and was then lying at Monhegan; and that the captain had killed five Indians belonging to their river.[387] These were the five Indians taken by Waymouth at Pentecost Harbor—the modern Booth’s Bay—who were supposed to have been killed, though at that time sailing on the voyage to England unharmed.

The narrative of the expedition of Waymouth was written by James Rosier, and published in 1605.[388] It was printed by Purchas, with a few changes, in 1625;[389] and reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, in 1843.[390] This narrative forms the source of almost everything that is known about the voyage. It contains some perplexing passages; but when properly interpreted, it is found that they are all consistent with other statements, and prove that the river explored was the Kennebec.

The story of the Popham Colony, of 1607-8, at one time occasioned much acrimonious discussion, for which there was no real occasion; but of late the better the subject has been understood, the less reason has been found for any disagreement between the friends of the Church of England and the apologists of New England nonconformity.

Prior to the year 1849 the Popham Colony was known only through notices found in Purchas,[391] the _Brief Relation_,[392] Smith,[393] Sir William Alexander, Gorges,[394] and others. In the year 1849, however, the Hakluyt Society published Strachey’s work, entitled _The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia_, edited by R. H. Major; chapters viii., ix., and x. of which contained an account of the Popham Colony found to be much fuller than any that had appeared previously. In 1852 these chapters were reprinted with notes in the _Collections_ of the Massachusetts Historical Society;[395] and the next year four chapters of the work were reprinted by the Maine Historical Society.[396] In 1863 the same society published a _Memorial Volume_, which was followed by heated discussions, some of which, with a bibliography of the subject, were published in 1866. Articles of a fugitive character continued to appear; and, finally, in 1880, there came from the press the journal of the voyage to the Kennebec in 1607, by one of the adventurers,[397] which was reprinted in advance from the _Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts Historical Society.[398] It would seem from the internal evidence furnished by the journal and the express testimony of Purchas,[399] that this composition was by James Davies, who, in the organization at the Sagadahoc, held the office of Captain of the Fort. This journal was found to be the source whence Strachey drew his account of the colony, large portions of which he copied verbatim, giving no credit. Since the publication of this journal no new material has been brought to light.[400]

The Popham Colony formed a part of the work undertaken by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his colaborers, who sought so long and so earnestly to accomplish the colonization of New England.[401] Many experiments were required to insure final success, and the attempt at Sagadahoc proved eminently useful, contributing largely to that disciplinary experience essential under such circumstances. Viewed in its necessary and logical connection, it need not be regarded as a useless failure, since it opened the eyes of adventurers more fully, bringing a clearer apprehension of the general situation and the special requirements of the work which the North Virginia Company had in hand.

A paragraph that may have some bearing on the condition of things in Maine after the year 1608 appeared in 1609, and runs as follows: “Two goodly Rivers are discovered winding farre into the Maine, the one in the North part of the Land by our Westerne Colonie, Knights and Gentlemen of _Excester_, _Plymouth_, and others. The other in the South part thereof by our Colonie of _London_.”[402] Again a letter by Mason to Coke, assigned to the year 1632, teaches that the work of colonization was considered as having been continued from 1607.[403] This would seem to indicate, that, in the opinion of the writer, the work was not wholly abandoned; yet, concerning the actual condition of affairs on the Maine coast for several years after the colonists left Fort Popham, much remains to be learned. From neglected repositories in the seaport towns of the south of England, material may yet be gleaned to show a continuous line of scattered residents living around Pemaquid during all the years that followed the departure of the Popham colonists from Sabino[404] in 1608.

The visit of Henry Hudson to New England in 1609 is described in Juet’s Journal.[405]

Argall’s visit to New England in 1610 is treated by Purchas, though it has made no figure in current histories.[406] What appears to be the most correct account of the voyage of Hobson and Harlow, in 1611, is found in Smith. The student may also consult the _Briefe Relation_,[407] which, however, appears to confuse the account by introducing an event of 1614, the capture of Indians by Hunt. Gorges is also confused here, as in many other places.[408] We are indebted to the French for the account of the capture and ransom of Plastrier.[409]

In connection with Argall’s descent upon the French at Mount Desert, it will be necessary to consult the Jesuit Relations,[410] which throw considerable light upon the transactions of the English at this period; also the State Papers. These show that Argall’s ship was named the “Treasurer.”[411] Champlain says that this ship mounted fourteen guns, while ten more English vessels were at hand.[412] If his statement is correct, there must have been a large number of Englishmen on the coast at this period.

Smith, in 1614, as at other times, is his own historian, and his writings show the growth of the feeling that existed with respect to colonization, and they at the same time illustrate his adverse fortune.[413]

Gorges gives an account of Hobson’s and Harlow’s voyage for 1614.[414] Hunt’s cruelty, in connection with the Indians whom he enslaved and sold in Spain, is made known by Smith.[415] Some of these Indians recovered their liberty, and Bradford speaks of Squanto, the interpreter to the Plymouth Colony.[416]

Gorges makes us acquainted with Sir Richard Hawkins, who was on the New England coast at the close of the year 1615. Sir Richard was the son of the famous John Hawkins, who set David Ingram and his companions ashore in the Bay of Mexico. Hawkins was born in 1555, and in 1582 he conducted an expedition to the West Indies. In 1588 he is found in command of the “Swallow,” and he distinguished himself in the defeat of the Armada. He next sailed upon an expedition to the Pacific, where he was captured and carried to Spain.[417] In 1620 he was named in connection with the Algerine expedition, dying at the end of 1621 or the beginning of 1622. A full account of his transactions in New England would be very interesting; but the account of Gorges, in connection with Brawnde’s Letter to Smith, must suffice.[418]

The story of Rocroft is told by Gorges, and Dermer writes of his own voyage at full length.[419]

* * * * *

It remains now to speak of the old cartology, so far as it may afford any traces of the English explorers of Norumbega. At the outset the interesting fact may be indicated that the earliest reference to Norumbega upon any map is that of the Italian Verrazano, 1529; while the most pronounced, if not the latest, mention during the seventeenth century is that of the Italian Lucini, who engraved over his “Nova Anglia” the word “Norambega,” which is executed with many flourishes.[420]

Passing over the first cartographical indication of English exploration on the coast of North America, in the map of Juan de la Cosa, which is figured and described in the chapter on the Cabots; and passing over the French and the Italians,[421]—adverting but for a moment to the Dauphin map of 1543, with its novel transformation of the name Norumbega into Anorobagea,—the next map that needs mention is that of John Rotz, of 1542. It is of interest, for the reason that the “_booke of Idrography_,”[422] of which it forms a part, was dedicated by its author to Henry VIII. Rotz subscribes himself “sarvant to the King’s mooste excellente Majeste.” The English royal arms are placed at the beginning, though originally Rotz intended to present the book to Francis I. Indeed, the outline of the coast is drawn according to the French idea. Nevertheless, the names on the map are chiefly Spanish. It shows no English exploration; and, in a general way, indicates an absence of geographical knowledge on the part of that nation, which, however, is recognized by the legend placed in the sea opposite the coast between Newfoundland and the Penobscot. The legend is as follows: “The new fonde lande quhaz men goeth a-fishing.” The main features of the coast are delineated. Cape Breton and the Strait of Canseau, with the Penobscot and Sandy Hook, are defined; but Cape Cod, the “Arecifes” of Rotz, appears only in name, though in its proper relation to the Bay of St. John the Baptist, a name given to the mouth of Long Island Sound, in connection with the Narragansett Waters. The word Norumbega does not occur, and the nomenclature is hardly satisfactory. It contains no reference either to Verrazano or Cartier. The so-called map of Cabot, 1544, does not touch the particular subject under notice.[423]

[The legends are as follows:—

2. C. des Illes.
3. Anorobagea.
4. Arcipel de Estienne Gomez. [This voyage
of Gomez will be described in
Vol. IV.]
5. Baye de St. Jhon Baptiste.
6. R. de bona mere.
7. B. de St. Anthoine.
8. R. de St. Anthoine.
9. C. de St. Xρofle.
10. R. de la tournee.
11. C. de Sablons.—ED.]

Frobisher’s map of 1578 shows a strait at the north leading from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and bearing his name, but the map throws no light upon Norumbega.[424]

Dr. John Dee was much interested in American enterprise, and made a particular study of the northern regions, as well as of the fisheries. Under date of July 6, 1578, he speaks of “Mr. Hitchcok, who had travayled in the plat for fishing.”[425] A map bearing the inscription, “Ioannes Dee, Anno, 1580,” is preserved in the British Museum.[426] It reminds one of Mercator’s map of 1569, but is not so full. Dee was frequently invited to the Court of Elizabeth to make known her title to lands in the New World that had been visited by the English; and he was deferred to by Hakluyt, Gilbert, Walsingham, and others.

He writes in his diary, under date of July 3, 1582, “A meridie hor 3½ cam Sir George Peckham to me to know the tytle of Norombega, in respect of Spayn and Portugall parting the whole world’s distilleryes; he promised me of his gift and of his patient ... of the new conquest.”[427] Gilbert’s voyage was then being projected, but Dee’s map has no reference to him or the English adventurers.[428] It shows the main divisions of the coast of Norumbega, except Cape Cod, from Sandy Hook to Cape Breton. The Penobscot is well defined, and Norombega lies around its headwaters.

The map in Hakluyt’s Edition of Peter Martyr, published 1587, shows the English nomenclature around and north of the waters of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but it gives away the territory of Norumbega to the French as Nova Francia. On the west coast of North America is Nova Albion. In Nova Francia there is a river apparently bearing the name of Arambe, which, it has been suggested, was used later in a restricted sense. Not far from this river, at the south, is the legend, “Virginia, 1580.”[429]

A map made in 1592, by Thomas Hood, does not show any English influence on the coast, but Norombega is represented north of the Penobscot, which is called R. des Guamas, intended for “Gamas,” the Stag River.[430]

The globe of Molyneux[431] shows the explorations of Davis in the north, and its author calls the northern continent, north of Sandy Hook, “Carenas.” Confusion reigns to a considerable extent. Norumbega is confined to the Penobscot, and nothing is indicated with respect to the English in that quarter.

The map of Molyneux, 1600, is extremely interesting, but it does not show the operations of the English in New England, though the Bay of Menan is recognized, this being the place so well known to Hakluyt the Elder for its deposits of copper.[432] New England, as on Lok’s map, is shown as an island.[433]

The cartology at this period is very disappointing though the maps pointed out the main features of the coast. In many respects they were inferior to some of the earlier maps, and were occupied with a vain iteration. A little later the map of Lescarbot, of 1609, as might be supposed, is poor in its outlines and devoted rather to the French occupation.[434]

The Legends are as follows:—

1. Rio de S. Spo.
2. Rio Salado.
3. C. de S. Joan.
4. C. de las arenas.
5. C. de Pero (arenas).
6. Santiago.
7. B. de S. Christoforo.
8. Monte Viride.
9. R. de buena madre.
10. St. John Baptista.
11. Terrallana.
12. C. de las Saxas.
13. Archipelago.
14. C. S. Maria.
15. C. de mucas y^{as}.
16. R. das Guamas.
17. Aracifes.
18. R. de Mōtanas.
19. R. de la Plaia.—ED.
]

Smith’s well-known map, issued with his _Description of New England_ in 1616, was the earliest to give a configuration of the coast, approaching accuracy; and he could have found little in Lescarbot’s and Champlain’s maps to assimilate, even if he had known them. Cape Cod now for the first time was drawn with its characteristic bend. Smith says that he had brought with him five or six maps, neither true to each other nor to the coast.

Smith’s map did not originally contain a single English name,[435] but the young Prince Charles, to whom it was submitted in accordance with Smith’s request, changed about thirty “barbarous” Indian names for others, in order that “posterity” might be able to say that that royal personage was their “godfather.” A number of Scotch names were selected, among others, by the grandson of the Queen of Scots. Smith gave the name of Nusket to Mount Desert, confusing it, perhaps, with the aboriginal Pemetic, which was changed to Lomond, given as “Lowmonds” on the map. The prince very naturally desired to give names recalling the country of his birth; and while Ben Lomond, one of the noblest Caledonian hills, bears a certain grand resemblance to its namesake, the breezes of the lake of Mount Desert, like “answering Lomond’s,”

“Soothe many a chieftain’s sleep.”

In a similar spirit he named the Blue Hills of Milton the “Cheuyot hills;” the ancient river of Sagadahoc being the Forth, with what was intended for “Edenborough” standing near its headwaters. There is nothing on the map to recall the nonconformists of Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire, who afterwards came upon the coast, except Boston and Hull which stand near the Isles of Shoals, being, in fancy, close together on the map, as afterwards they were reproduced farther south, in fact.

The young prince, then a lad of about fifteen, no doubt had suggestions made to him respecting the names to be selected, as he favored the southern and southwestern communities like Bristol and Plymouth, which furnished those expeditions encouraged by churchmen like Popham and Gilbert. Poynt Suttliff forms a distinct recognition of Dr. Sutliffe, the Dean of Exeter, who took so much interest in New England.[436]

On this map we find the ancient Norumbega called New England. Rich says that Smith was the first to apply this name. In reply, Mr. Henry C. Murphy has referred to its alleged use by a Dutchman in 1612.[437] Special reference is made to a statement printed upon the back of a map contained in a book brought out by Hessell Gerritsz at Amsterdam, giving a description of the country of the Samoieds in Tartary. The phrase used, however, is not “New England,” nor “Nova Anglia,” but “Nova Albion,”[438] which was applied to the whole region by Sir Francis Drake, in his explorations on the Pacific coast.

At that time the continent lying between the Atlantic and the Pacific was regarded as a narrow strip of land; and as late as 1651 it was estimated that it was only ten days’ journey on foot from the headwaters of the James to the Pacific.[439] In 1609 the country was called Nova Britannia. It would seem, therefore, according to present indications, that Smith was entitled to the credit given him by Rich. At all events the importance of Smith’s work in New England cannot be questioned. Smith himself was not backward in asserting the value of his services, declaring in one place that he “brought New England to the Subjection of the Kingdom of Great Britain.”[440] After the publication of his map, Norumbega well-nigh disappeared from the pages of travellers,[441] and a new series of observation of the territory was begun by the authors of works like those which chronicled the doings of the Leyden Adventurers in New England.

* * * * *

EDITORIAL NOTES.

=A.= EARLIEST ENGLISH PUBLICATIONS ON AMERICA.—The backwardness of the English in all that related to the extension of American discovery is distinctly apparent in the comparatively few publications from the London press in the sixteenth century which conduced to spread intelligence of the New World on the land and incite rivalry on the ocean. The following list will show this:—

=1509.= When Alexander Barclay put Sebastian Brant’s _Ship of Fools_ into English verse and published it in folio in London, he disclosed one of the earliest references to the Spanish discoveries which the English people could have read. This book is very rare; a copy brought £120 at the Perkins sale in London in 1873,—_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 245. This edition has of late been reprinted in England, edited by Jamieson.

=1511.=(?) A book _Of the newe Lādes_, printed about this time at Antwerp, but in English, is thought to have been the earliest original treatise in the English tongue which makes any mention of America. The New World is supposed to be meant by “Armenica.” Harrisse, however, assigns 1522 as its date,—_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ p. 196. There is a copy in the British Museum.

=1519=, though put by some as early as 1510. _A new Interlude of the iiij. Elements._ This has been already described in Mr. Deane’s chapter.

=1517.= Wynkyn de Worde printed Watson’s English prose translation of Brant’s _Ship of Fools_.

A half century and more slipped away without the English press taking heed, except in such chance notices as these, of what was so closely engaging the attention of the rest of Europe. But in

=1553= appeared the earliest book produced in England chiefly devoted to the American discoveries, and this was Richard Eden’s _Treatyse of the newe India_, which he had translated from the Latin of the fifth book of Sebastian Munster’s _Cosmographia_, pp. 1099 to 1113. See _Carter-Brown Cat._ p. 171, and further in the chapter on the Cabots.

Munster was one of the most popular cosmographers of his day. He had begun his work in 1532 by supplying a map by Apianus to Gyrnæus’s _Novus Orbis_ of that date, which was not very creditable, being much behind the times; and he made amends by trying to give the latest information in an issue of Ptolemy, which he edited in 1540, to which he supplied a woodcut map that did service in a variety of publications for nearly all the rest of the century. It was one of the earliest maps, in which interstices were left in the block for the insertion of type for the names, and in this way it was made to accompany both German and Latin texts. It was also used in Sylvanus’s Ptolemy, the names being in red. Kohl, _Disc. of Maine_, p. 296; _Harvard Coll. Lib. Bull._ i. 270.

Munster’s _Cosmographia_, to which he transferred this map, was first published in German, according to Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 258, quoting the _Labanoff Catalogue_, in 1541, and again in 1544, with a new map. After this there were two German (1545 and 1550) and one Latin (1550) edition, each published at Basle, and a French edition (1552), all of which are generally noted, besides Eden’s version of 1552 (owned by Mr. Brevoort); cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, 1865, p. 27, and an earlier one (1543), cited in Poggendorff’s _Biog.-lit. Handwörterbuch_, ii. 234, which is not so generally recognized, if indeed it exists at all. The statement is, however, enough to indicate that Eden thus made a popular book the medium of his first presentation to the English public.

The cut is taken from the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_. The Colophon reads: “Thus endeth this fyfth boke of Sebastian Munster, of the lādes of Asia the greater, and of the newefounde landes, and Ilandes. 1553.”]

=1555.= Richard Eden, who to his book-learning added the results of converse with sailors, next published his _Decades of the Newe Worlde, or West India_, derived in large part, as shown in Mr. Deane’s chapter, from the Latin of Peter Martyr. This made to the English public the first really collective presentation of the results of the maritime enterprise of that time. (H. Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._ 1870, no. 632; Field, _Indian Bibliog._ no. 484; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 184, with fac-simile of title.) Among the supplemental matters was a “Description of the two Viages made out of England into Guinea,” in 1553-54, which were the earliest English voyages ever printed. This 1555 edition, which fifty years ago was worth in good copies six guineas (Rich’s _Catalogue_, 1832, no. 30), will now bring about £25. The Editor has used the Harvard College and Mr. Charles Deane’s copies. There was sold in the Brinley sale, no. 40, the 1533 edition of Peter Martyr, which was the copy used by Eden in making this translation, and it is enriched with his little marginal maps and annotations. See Sabin’s _Dictionary_, i. 201, where it is said Bellero’s map, measuring 5 × 6½ inches, is found in some copies. The Lenox copy has a larger map, 10½ × 7 inches, with a similar title.

=1559.= “A perticular Description of suche partes of America as are by travaile founde out,” made the last chapter of a heavy folio, _The Cosmographicalle Glasse_, which appeared in London, the work of a young man, William Cunningham, twenty-eight years old, a doctor in physics and astronomy. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 214, where a fac-simile of the author’s portrait as it appeared in the book is given.

=1563.= _The whole and true discouerie of Terra Florida_, as set forth in English, following Ribault’s narrative, was published in London on the 30th of May. The book is so scarce that the Lenox and Carter-Brown Libraries have been content with manuscript copies from the volume in the British Museum. This may possibly indicate that the destruction of the edition followed upon much reading and thumbing.

=1568.= _The New found Worlde, or Antarctike ... travailed and written in the French tong by that excellent learned man, Master Andrewe Thevet, and now newly translated into English. Imprinted at London for Thomas Hacket._ This is a translation of Thevet’s well-known but untrustworthy book. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 241; there is also a copy in H. C. Murphy’s collection.

This sketch-map needs the following key:—

1. India Superior.
2. Archipelagus 7448 Insularum.
3. Francisca.
4. C. Britonum.
5. Terra Florida.
6. Cortereali.
7. Hispaniola.
8. Cuba.
9. Iucatan.
10. Jamica.
11. Antillæ.
12. Dominica.
13. Zipangri.
14. Paria.
15. Regio Gigantum.
16. Fretum Magalini.
17. Insulæ Inforunatæ.
18. Oceanus Occidentalis.
19. Insulæ Hesperidum.
20. Insula Atlantica quam vocant Basilij et Americam.]

=1570.= Another English edition of Barclay’s version of the _Ship of Fools_. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 243, gives the title and portrait of Brant in fac-simile.

=1572.= Eden’s version of Munster again appeared under the title of _A briefe Collection and Compendious Extract of Straunge and Memorable Thinges, gathered out of the Cosmographeye of Sebastian Munster_. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 172.

=1574.= Eden’s _Briefe Collection_ was reissued. There was a copy in the Heber sale, and one is now in the British Museum, according to Sabin.

[Stultifera Nauis,
qua omnium mortalium narratur stultitia, admodum
vtilis & necessaria ab omnibus ad suam salutem perlegenda,
è Latino sermone in nostrum vulgarem versa,& iam diligenter
impressa. An. Do. 1570.

The Ship of Fooles, wherin is shewed the folly
of all States, with diners other workes adioyned unto the same,
very profitable and fruitfull for all men.
Translated out of Latin into Englishe by Alexander
Barclay Priest.]]

=1576.= In April appeared Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s _Discourse of a Discoverie for a new passage to Cataia_, a Gothic-letter tract of great rarity in these days. It is credited with giving a new impulse to English explorations; and had exerted some influence in manuscript copies before being printed. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 258; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 31, Heber’s copy, which brought $255. It is also in the Lenox Library; and this and the Carter-Brown copy have the rare map which in the Catalogue of the latter collection is given slightly reduced, and it is in part reproduced herewith. See Fox Bourne’s _English Seamen_, chs. 5 and 7. Gilbert in this had undertaken to prove, both from reasoning and report, that there was a northwest passage, and that America was an island, and he recounts traditions of its being sailed through. See Mr. Deane’s chapter on “The Cabots.”

=1577.= Settle published in London his _True Reporte of the laste Voyage into the west and northwest regions_, the author having accompanied Frobisher on his voyage in 1577. Its rarity—for besides the Grenville copy in the British Museum, that in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 266, where its title is given in fac-simile, is the only one we have noted—may signify the eagerness there was to read it, with a consequent use great enough to destroy the edition, though there are said to have been two issues the same year. A fac-simile reprint (fifty copies) has been privately made from the Carter-Brown copy; and it is also reprinted in Brydges’s _Restituta_, 1814, vol. ii. See _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1869, p. 363,—a notice by John Russell Bartlett.

=1577.= Richard Willes brought out in London, with some augmentation, an edition of Eden’s Peter Martyr, under the new title of _The History of Trauvayle_, a stout volume, which in the known copies has stood wear better. Willes’s preface tells the story of Eden’s labors, and adds, “Many of his Englysche woordes cannot be excused in my opinion for smellyng to much of the Latine.”

It would seem that the arrangement was still mostly the labor of Eden, who did not die till 1576. Willes, however, suppressed Eden’s preface of 1555.

This edition has likewise much appreciated in value. Rich, in his 1832 _Catalogue_, no. 57, priced a fine copy at £4 4_s._; now one is worth £20 or more. There are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown (no. 312), Charles Deane’s and Boston Athenæum Libraries. See also _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 41; _Sunderland Catalogue_, no. 4180; Field, _Ind. Bibl._, no. 485; _Huth Catalogue_, p. 922.

=1577.= John Frampton translated and published, under the title of _Joyfull Newes out of the New founde Worlde_, a book of the Seville Physician, Nicholas de Monardes. See _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 46; Stevens’s _Nuggets_, 1924; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 313.

=1578.= Thomas Churchyard’s _Prayse and Report of Maister Martyne Forboisher’s Voyage to Meta Incognita_, London. Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 450, reports a copy in the British Museum.

=1578.= George Best published his _True Discourse of the late voyage of discoverie for the finding of a passage to Cathaya by the North-weast, under the Conduct of Martin Frobisher, generall_. This is also very rare. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 319, which shows the two rare maps, a portion of one of which is given in fac-simile in ch. iii. from that in Collinson’s _Martin Frobisher_.

=1578.= Thomas Nicholas printed, under his initials only, an English version of Gomara’s account of Cortes’ conquest of New Spain, called _The Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast Indies_. Fine copies are worth about £10. There are copies in the Boston Athenæum, Lenox Library, etc. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 275, for fac-simile of title; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vii. 311; W. C. Hazlitt’s _Bibliog. Coll. and notes_, 2d ser. p. 265.

=1580.= A new edition of Frampton’s _Joyfull Newes_. This edition is worth about £4. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. Rich, _Catalogue_, 1832, no. 64.

=1580.= John Florio published a retranslation into English from Ramusio’s Italian version of Cartier’s _Voyage to New France_ (1534), which had appeared originally in French, but was not now apparently accessible to Florio. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 331.

=1581.= T. Nicholas published an English translation, now very rare, of Zarate’s account of the Conquest of Peru.

=1582.= Hakluyt began his active participation in furthering English maritime exploration by his first publication, the little _Divers Voyages_, dedicating it to Sir Philip Sidney; and in this he says: “I marvaile not a little ... that we of England could never have the grace to set fast footing in such fertill and temperate places as are left as yet unpossessed.” Again he says: “In my public lectures I was the first that produced and showed both the olde imperfectly composed and the new lately reformed mappes, globes, and spheares, to the generall contentment of my auditory.” See further in Mr. Deane’s chapter on “The Cabots.” Cf. W. C. Hazlitt’s _Bibliog. Coll. and notes_, 1st ser. p. 101.

There is, unfortunately, no sufficiently extended account of Hakluyt, and the most we know of him must be derived from his own publications. The brief account in Anthony Wood’s _Athenæ Oxonienses_ is the source of most of the notices. Mr. J. Payne Collier has added something in a paper on “Richard Hakluyt and American Discovery” in the _Archæologia_, xxxiii. 383; and Mr. Winter Jones in his Introduction to the reprint of the _Divers Voyages_ has told about all that can be gleaned, and in his Appendix he gives some papers before unprinted, including Hakluyt’s will. The subject has had later treatment, with the advantage of some recent information, in the Introduction to the _Westerne Planting_, by Dr. Woods and Mr. Deane.

With the exception of the criticism of John Locke,—if he be the editor of Churchill’s _Collection_,—who wished Hakluyt had condensed more, and of Biddle, who accuses him of perversions in his account of the Cabots (see Mr. Deane’s chapter), the general opinion of Hakluyt’s labor has been very high. Locke’s explanatory catalogue of voyages, which appeared in Churchill, is reprinted in Clarke’s _Maritime Discovery_. Oldys in the _British Librarian_, p. 136, analyzes Hakluyt’s books, and there is a list of them in Sabin’s _Dictionary_ and in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 448. An account of the set in the Lenox Library is printed in Norton’s _Literary Gazette_, i. 384.

Of the _Divers Voyages_, perfect copies are excessively rare, and the two maps are almost always wanting. The two British Museum copies have them, but the Bodleian has only the Lok map, and the same is true of the Carter-Brown copy (_Catalogue_, p. 290). The other copies in America belong to Harvard College (imperfect), Charles Deane, and Henry C. Murphy. Of the maps, that by Lok is given in reduced fac-simile in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (as also in chapter i. of the present volume), and both are given full size in the reprint of the Hakluyt Society.

=1583.= Captain J. Carleill’s little _Discourse upon the entended Voyage to the hethermoste Partes of America_, a tract of a few leaves only, in Gothic letter, was probably printed about this time with the aim to induce emigration and the fixing of commercial advantages. Hakluyt thought it of enough importance to include it in his third volume seventeen years later. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 292.

=1583.= Sir George Peckham’s _True Report of the late Discoveries_, etc. See further on this tract on a preceding page.

=1583.= M. M. S. published at London a small tract giving a translation of Las Casas’ story of the Spanish deeds in the New World. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 293.

=1588.= What is called the second original work published in England on the New World is Hariot’s _New Foundland of Virginia_, a small quarto of twenty-three leaves, imprinted at London. Heber had a copy; and Brunet, the first to describe it, took the title from Heber’s Catalogue. There are copies in the Lenox, Huth (_Catalogue_, ii. 652), Grenville (British Museum) and the Bodleian libraries. Sabin, _Dictionary_, viii. 30377, who says this, adds that there was a copy sold surprisingly low at Dublin in 1873, escaping the attention of collectors. It was reprinted at Frankfort in 1590. See chapter iv.

=1588.= Appeared an English version of the Latin account of Drake’s voyage.

=1589.= Hakluyt gave out the first edition of his _Principall Navigations_. Copies are at present worth from £5 to £10, according to condition; and we have noted the following: Harvard College, Brinley (no. 33), Carter-Brown (no. 384), Charles Deane, Long Island Historical Society, Field (_Ind. Bibliog._ no. 631), Crowninshield (_Catalogue_, no. 487), etc. The catalogues usually note the six suppressed leaves of Drake’s voyage when present.

Hakluyt, at the end of his preface, speaks of “The comming out of a very large and most exact terestriall Globe, collected and reformed according to the newest, secretest, and latest discoveries, ... composed by Mr. Emmerie Mollineaux, of Lambeth, a rare gentleman in his profession.”

In place of this Molineaux map, there sometimes appears, at p. 597, what Hakluyt calls “One of the best general mappes of the world,” which is a recut plate of one in Ortelius’s Atlas; and in other copies instead we find another edition of the same, which is also found in the English translation of Linschoten. Sabin says he has sometimes found a woodcut of Gilbert’s map substituted. The Ortelius map is reproduced in chapter i. of the present volume.

=1591.= Job Hortop’s _Rare Travales of an Englishman_, published in London. Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 1124. There is a copy in the British Museum. Hortop was one of Ingram’s companions, and after being captured and confined in Mexico, reached England after very many years’ absence.

=1595.= John Davis published his _Worlde’s Hydrographical Descriptions_, which in parts reiterates the views of Gilbert’s _Discourse_. The only copies known are in the Grenville Library (British Museum) and Lenox Library, New York. It is reprinted in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of _Davis’s Voyages_, p. 191, and in the 1812 edition of Hakluyt’s _Principall Navigations_.

=1596.= A third edition of Frampton’s _Joyfull Newes_. A fine copy is worth about three guineas. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 497.

=1596.= Second edition of Nicholas’s translation of Gomara. _Brinley Catalogue_, nos. 32 and 5309; Sabin, _Dictionary_, 27752; Field, _Ind. Bibl._ no. 611; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 499.

=1598.= Wolfe, of London, published an English translation, by William Philip, of Linschoten’s _Discours of Voyages into y^e Easte and West Indies, in foure Bookes_, with a dedication to Sir Julius Cæsar, Judge of the High Court of Admiralty. The preface adds: “Which Booke being commended by Maister Richard Hackluyt, a man that laboureth greatly to advance our English Name and Nativity, the Printer thought good to cause the same to bee translated into the English Tongue.” The original became a very popular book on the Continent. The maps of American interest are those of the World, of the Antilles, and of South America. The description of America begins on p. 216. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. no. 527; _Crowninshield Catalogue_, no. 625; Rich (1832), no. 84, prices a copy at £8 8_s._

These are all, or nearly all, the publications brought out in English and relating to America prior to the enlarged edition of Hakluyt’s Collection, which was dedicated to Sir Robert Cecil, and of which the third volume, bearing date 1600, was devoted to America. Compared with the publications of the Continent for the same century, they are strikingly fewer in number; and such as they are, it will be seen that of the thirty-four separate issues enumerated above only fourteen are of English origin, and of the whole number only twelve belong to the first three quarters of the century.

During this same century the literature of navigation took its origin. The Continental nations had already preceded. It was not till 1528 that the first sea-manual appeared in England, and no copy of it is now known. This was a translation of the French _Le Routier de la Mer_, the antetype of the later rutters. The English edition was called _The Rutter of the Sea_, and other editions appeared in 1536, 1541, and 1560 (?); the second of these adding, “A rutter of the northe, compyled by Rychard Proude.” None of these, however, recognized the American discoveries.

In 1561, Eden, at the suggestion of the Arctic navigator, Stephen Burrough (b. 1525, d. 1586), again tried to give some impulse to English interest by his translation of Martin Cortes’ _Art of Navigation_, which had appeared at Seville ten years before. (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 151.) Cortes was the first to suggest a magnetic pole. Frobisher, when he made his first voyage, fifteen years later (1576), perhaps because Eden’s translation was out of print, took with him a Spanish edition of Medina’s _Arte de Navegar_,—a work which preceded Cortes’, but never became so popular in England.

In 1565 came a fifth edition of the _Rutter of the Sea_, and in 1573 William Bourne first issued his _Regiment of the Sea_, which long remained the chief English book on navigation.[442]

Eden put forth, at what precise date is not known, but not later than 1576, _A very necessarie and profitable book concerning Navigation, compiled in Latin by Joannes Taisnierus_, in which the translator intimates that Cabot knew more of the ways of discovering longitude than he had disclosed. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 262. _Davis’s Voyages_ (Hakluyt Society) gives the date 1579.

Such books, as the interest in America became more general, increased rapidly, and I note them in chronological order.

=1577.= Second edition, _Regiments of the Sea_.

=1578.= Edward Hellowes published in London, in a small tract, a translation, _A booke of the Invention of Navigation_ of Antonio de Gaevara, Bishop of Mondonedo, originally printed at Valladolid in 1539.

=1578.= Second edition, Eden’s Cortes.

=1580.= Sixth edition of _The Rutter of the Sea_.

=1580.= Third edition, Eden’s Cortes.

=1581.= _The Arte of Navigation. By Pedro de Medina. Translated out of the Spanish by John Frampton._ Medina’s _Arte de Navegar_ originally appeared at Valladolid in 1545.

=1584.= Fourth edition, Eden’s Cortes. See _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 19, for a copy which has a folding woodcut map of the New World, which is usually wanting in later editions.

=1585.= Robert Norman, hydrographer, published his _Newe Attractive_, with rules for the art of navigation annexed.

=1587.= Robert Tanner’s _Mirror for Mathematiques, ... a sure safety for Saylers_, etc.

=1587.= Seventh edition of _The Rutter of the Sea_.

=1588.= The first marine atlas ever made appeared at Leyden in 1583-84, and this year in London as _The Mariner’s Mirrour, ... first made by Luke Wagenaer, of Enchuisen, and now fitted with necessarie additions by Anthony Ashley_.

=1588.= Fifth edition, Eden’s Cortes.

=1589.= Thomas Blundeville’s _Brief Description of Universal Mappes and Cardes, and of their Use, and also the Use of Ptolemy his tables_.

=1589.= A sixth edition of Eden’s version of Martin Cortes’ _Arte of Navigation_ appeared. Good copies of this small black-letter quarto are worth about seven guineas. It is known that Hakluyt about this time was endeavoring with the aid of Drake to found in London a public lecture for the purpose of advancing the art of navigation.

=1590.= Robert Norman translated from the Dutch _The Safeguard of Saylers, or Great Rutter_. Edward Wright corrected and enlarged this in 1612. Norman was the inventor of the dipping-needle, in 1576.

=1590.= Thomas Hood’s _Use of the Jacob’s Staffe; also a dialogue touching the use of the Crosse Staffe_. These were instruments for the taking of latitude. The astrolabe, an instrument of remote antiquity, had been adapted to sea-use by Martin Behaim; but it was soon found that it did not adapt itself to the automatic movement of the observer’s body in a rolling sea, and in 1514 the cross-staff was invented, or at least was first described.

=1592.= A third edition of Bourne’s _Regiment of the Sea_, corrected by Thomas Hood.

=1592.= Thomas Hood’s _Use of both the Globes, celestiall and terrestriall_, written to accompany the Molineaux globes.

=1592.= Thomas Hood’s _Marriner’s Guide_.

=1594.= John Davis published his _Seaman’s Secrets, wherein is taught the three kindes of Sayling,—Horizontall, Paradoxall, and Sayling upon a great Circle_. He held up the example of the Spaniards: “For what hath made the Spaniard to be so great a Monarch, the Commander of both Indies, to abound in wealth and all Nature’s benefites, but only the painefull industrie of his Subjects by Navigation.” No copy of this first edition is known. The second edition, 1607, is in the British Museum, and from this copy the tract is reprinted in _Davis’s Voyages_ (Hakluyt Society ed.).

=1594.= _M. Blundevile, his Exercises_, with instruction in the art of navigation. This proved a popular instruction book.

=1594.= Robert Hues printed in London a Latin treatise on the Molineaux globes, _Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu_. This includes a chapter by Thomas Hariot on the rhumbs, or the lines which so perplexingly cover the old maps.

=1596.= Another edition of Hood’s corrected issue of Bourne’s _Regiment of the Sea_.

=1596.= Second edition of Norman’s _Newe Attractive_, etc.

=1596.= John Blagrave’s _Necessary and Pleasaunt Solace and recreation for Navigators.... Whereunto ... he has anexed another invention expressing on one face the whole globe terrestrial, with the two great English voyages lately performed round the world_. This last is a map by Hondius, reproduced in Drake’s _World Encompassed_ (Hakluyt Soc. ed.).

=1596.= Thomas Hood’s _Use of the mathematicall Instruments, the Crosse Staffe differing from that in common use, and the Jacob’s Staffe_.

=1596.= Seventh edition of Eden’s version of Cortes.

=1597.= Second edition of _Blundevile, his Exercises_.

=1597.= William Barlow’s _Navigator’s Supply, containing many things of principal importance belonging to navigation_. Largely on compasses.

=1598.= John Wolfe translated and printed _A treatyse ... for all seafaringe men, by Mathias Sijverts Lakeman, alias Sofridus_.

=1599.= Simon Stevin’s _De Haven-vinding_ appeared at Leyden, and Edward Wright brought it out at once in English, as _The Haven-Finding Art_.

=1599.= Edward Wright published his _Certain Errors in Navigation, detected and corrected_. Wright was born in 1560, was lecturer on navigation for the East India Company, was the verifier and improver of Mercator’s projection, and is thought to have been the author of the Molineaux map.

It will be observed that of this list of thirty-three publications for twenty-five years about one half is of foreign origin.

=B.= HAKLUYT’S “WESTERNE PLANTING” AND THE MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.—The history of this manuscript, so far as known, is as follows:—

The family of Sir Peter Thomson (who died in 1770) possessed it, from whom Lord Valentia secured it, and this collector indorsed upon it “unpublished” and “extremely curious.” It subsequently is found in the hands of Mr. Henry Stevens, who put it into a public sale in London, May, 1854; and in the Catalogue (lot 474) it is called “a most important unpublished manuscript, 63 pages, closely and neatly written, in the original calf binding.” It brought £44, and passed into the Collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps. (Stevens’s _Hist. and Geog. Notes_, 1869, p. 20.) This gentleman began in 1837 to print privately a catalogue of his library, then kept at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, and continued the printing, sheet by sheet, and under no. 14097 this manuscript appears as “A Hakluyt Discourse.” In 1859 Sir Thomas bought Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, the seat of Lord Northwick, and hither he removed his vast collections of manuscripts and books, where they now are, in the possession of his heirs, Sir Thomas having died in 1872. They are open to inquirers under restrictions. See _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1873, p. 429.

The manuscript of the _Westerne Planting_ is not thought to be in Hakluyt’s hand, though in a contemporary script; and the writing of it by Hakluyt seems to have been in progress during the summer of 1584, while its author was thirty-two years old. There is evidence that it existed in four or five copies,—of which the only one known at this day is the Phillipps copy,—one of which was for the queen, and all were made with the view of recommending the planting of Norumbega.

In 1867 Dr. Woods was commissioned by the Governor of Maine to procure in Europe material for the early history of the State, and the first fruit was the engaging of Dr. Kohl in the work, which subsequently assumed shape in his _Discovery of Maine_, and the second the procurement of this Hakluyt manuscript. Dr. Woods was engaged in preparing it for the press, when his health declined, and the labor was completed by Mr. Charles Deane, the book being published by the Maine Historical Society in 1877.

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